Cimbri
Mar 21, 2003, 09:09 AM
Steve McLaughlin posted the following description of the origins of the battlecruiser (19/06-98)
Sometimes considered an amalgam of the battleship and the cruiser, this fascinating and usually beautiful vessel has generated a great deal of controversy through the years over its real value in battle.
In the 1890s a new breed of armoured cruisers began to emerge, one that had more extensive armour. This was possible thanks to improvements in the technology of armor manufacture, which allowed thinner plates of face-hardened Harvey and then “Krupp” armor to offer the same resistance as much thicker steel or compound (steel face/iron backing) armor plate. So the weight saved on thickness was used to increase the area protected. Improvements in boiler and engine technology also allowed the new generation of armoured cruisers to have a substantially higher speed (say, 21 knots vs. 18 knots) than contemporary battleships. This had not been the case previously -- the big cruisers of the 1870s and 1880s had very little speed advantage over battleships, or bought what advantage they had at an enormous price in weight devoted to machinery.
Add to this brew another factor -- the rise of the rapid-firing (or quick-firing) gun of up to 6-inch caliber. The rapid rate of fire of these guns, and the still slow rate of effective fire of the 12- inch pieces, made it seem possible for a fast ship armed with rapid-firing guns to take on a slower, heavily-armed ship with only a few big guns and a battery of quick-firers no more powerful than the cruiser's -- especially since many gunnery authorities held that big guns could not hit at long range, since there was no effective way to control them. The time-lag between salvos meant that spotting would be virtually useless (the target ship would move so much between salvos that the fall of shot from the last salvo would be relatively useless for estimating his future position for the next salvo). Rapid-firing guns, on the other hand, could "hose down" a target by "walking" a series of rapid shots across it, thereby finding the range quickly. Thus armored cruisers might actually have an advantage over battleships at some ranges, and some proposals (in Italy and Russia) were put forward for ships armed exclusively with 8-inch guns (which were seen as the ideal combination of rapid-fire with armor-piercing). In general, however, armored cruisers were fitted with a few big turret guns fore and aft (8-inch to 10-inch) to act as "closers" that could penetrate the other fellow's armor once his topsides had been chewed up by the quick-firers at longer ranges.
There was a time when these new armored cruisers seemed the coming thing, and one French admiral, Fournier, argued in the mid-1890s that they were in fact "universal" ships that could fulfill the role of battleships and of commerce protecting (or commerce raiding) ships.
At the Battle of Tsushima in May 1905 Admiral Togo used his armored cruisers as part of the battle line, and did so quite successfully. Admiral Kamimura's cruisers were essentially a "fast wing" of the fleet that operated semi-independently of Togo's battleships.
Now we come to Jacki Fisher. Perhaps having read some of Admiral Fournier's writings (he was reportedly well-regarded in Britain), he conceives the idea of a new "universal" ship, a super-armored cruiser capable of both protecting trade and standing in the line of battle thanks to its superior speed. Fisher's famous dictum, "Speed is armour" may well derive from his belief that advanced types of fire control gear then under development (by A.H. Pollen) would make it possible for the fast super-armored cruiser to stand off and destroy a slower, more heavily-protected enemy battleship at ranges where the battleship could not fire effectively. Hence armor on the super-armored cruiser would be minimal, so that more weight could be devoted to guns and machinery. An indication of Fisher's program may be seen in the fact that he managed to get three of these super-armored cruisers laid down after the first, eponymous DREADNOUGHT battleship was started. To him, the DREADNOUGHT was just a better battleship, but the super-armored cruiser was a "universal" ship, a "New Testament" ship that would completely alter the way war was fought at sea.
The fly in the ointment, of course, was that (largely through the Admiralty's own blindness), the fire control gear on which the whole concept was based was never fully accepted by the service. (Even had the Pollen gear been adopted and proven as successful as advertised, one wonders what would have happened to such lightly- protected ships once the enemy developed his own long-range gunnery control, nullifying the advantage of the British ships -- but Fisher doesn't seem to have taken this inevitable possibility into account.) This condemned the British battlecruisers (as they were eventually designated) to being little more than a super-scouting force when acting with the battle fleet, and as far as I can tell there was no particularly well-thought-out tactical doctrine for their co-operation with the slower dreadnought battleships of the Grand Fleet. But the idea eventually became accepted that they would add their immensely valuable 12-inch and 13.5-inch broadsides to the general engagement -- what admiral could do otherwise, with such fine ships in his force?
A reasonable man such as myself could be led to argue that the term "battlecruiser" -- which was only introduced shortly before the Great War -- was a complete misnomer, as these ships were unfit to lie in the line of battle once the superior fire control rationale fell through. But then, the name stuck, so we have to deal with it.
Other navies designed battlecruisers that were perhaps more worthy of the name. Lacking Fisher's original conception (with advanced fire-control at its heart) to guide them, these navies returned to the 1890s conception of the armored cruiser, but magnified to dreadnought proportions. Thus, in Imperial Russia, the battlecruiser was from the start conceived of as a ship fit to lie in the line of battle; taking a page from Togo's book, the Russians designed their IZMAIL (or BORODINO) class battlecruisers as a "fast wing" of the battle fleet. This fast wing would be used to overhaul the head of the enemy's line and concentrate its fire on the flagship, thereby beheading the enemy's fleet and throwing it into confusion (again, just as Togo had done to the Russians at Tsushima). The armor of the IZMAIL class was actually heavier than that of the first Russian dreadnoughts, which were, admittedly, armored on a rather light scale. To emphasize their tactical role, the Russian designation of these ships was "Cruisers of the (battle) Line."
I would imagine that Germany was guided by similar thinking, although I have nothing specific to indicate that this was the case -- beyond the design of the German battlecruisers, which were armored on a sufficient scale to survive in the battle line. The Japanese also seemed to lean toward the concept of an armored cruiser that could stand up to a general engagement; the early semidreadnought armored cruisers of the TSUKUBA and IBUKI classes were a direct result of Tsushima, and even the British-designed KONGO class an 8-inch belt, two inches thicker than any of the early British battlecruisers. Only the United States, which got into the battlecruiser business late (there was a general prejudice against high speed in the USN), went whole-hog for the "Fisher-ite" conception of the battlecruiser, designing the enormous, thin- skinned LEXINGTON class. These were much modified in the light of British experience, as transmitted to the USN by visiting constructor Stanley (later Sir Stanley) Goodall, and a lot of armor was added.
The "pure" (Fisher-ite) battlecruiser as a viable tactical conception was discredited at Jutland, and now the terminology gets rather strained. After the First World War, Britain finished HMS HOOD to a much modified design, with much heavier armor -- she was more of a fast battleship than a battlecruiser, but the original name stuck. Likewise, magnificent, never-built G3 class "battlecruisers" were more heavily protected than any existing battleship -- their only claim to battlecruiser status came from their high speed. The parallel N3 class battleships were slower, and armed with 18-inch guns; they were given a much lower priority than the "[/I]battlecruisers[/I]." The Japanese were likewise designing a parallel series of battleships and battlecruisers, where the only difference between types was slightly thicker armor in the battleships, and slightly higher speed in the battlecruisers. The Italians were building the "fast" battleships of the FRANCESCO CARRACIOLO class (25-knot ships); only the USN still adhered to the slow battleship idea, still working on the somewhat dated (but very powerful) SOUTH DAKOTA class. The improved LEXINGTON class ships would have been roughly equivalent to (and somewhat more powerful than) the HOOD.
To be continued…
Sometimes considered an amalgam of the battleship and the cruiser, this fascinating and usually beautiful vessel has generated a great deal of controversy through the years over its real value in battle.
In the 1890s a new breed of armoured cruisers began to emerge, one that had more extensive armour. This was possible thanks to improvements in the technology of armor manufacture, which allowed thinner plates of face-hardened Harvey and then “Krupp” armor to offer the same resistance as much thicker steel or compound (steel face/iron backing) armor plate. So the weight saved on thickness was used to increase the area protected. Improvements in boiler and engine technology also allowed the new generation of armoured cruisers to have a substantially higher speed (say, 21 knots vs. 18 knots) than contemporary battleships. This had not been the case previously -- the big cruisers of the 1870s and 1880s had very little speed advantage over battleships, or bought what advantage they had at an enormous price in weight devoted to machinery.
Add to this brew another factor -- the rise of the rapid-firing (or quick-firing) gun of up to 6-inch caliber. The rapid rate of fire of these guns, and the still slow rate of effective fire of the 12- inch pieces, made it seem possible for a fast ship armed with rapid-firing guns to take on a slower, heavily-armed ship with only a few big guns and a battery of quick-firers no more powerful than the cruiser's -- especially since many gunnery authorities held that big guns could not hit at long range, since there was no effective way to control them. The time-lag between salvos meant that spotting would be virtually useless (the target ship would move so much between salvos that the fall of shot from the last salvo would be relatively useless for estimating his future position for the next salvo). Rapid-firing guns, on the other hand, could "hose down" a target by "walking" a series of rapid shots across it, thereby finding the range quickly. Thus armored cruisers might actually have an advantage over battleships at some ranges, and some proposals (in Italy and Russia) were put forward for ships armed exclusively with 8-inch guns (which were seen as the ideal combination of rapid-fire with armor-piercing). In general, however, armored cruisers were fitted with a few big turret guns fore and aft (8-inch to 10-inch) to act as "closers" that could penetrate the other fellow's armor once his topsides had been chewed up by the quick-firers at longer ranges.
There was a time when these new armored cruisers seemed the coming thing, and one French admiral, Fournier, argued in the mid-1890s that they were in fact "universal" ships that could fulfill the role of battleships and of commerce protecting (or commerce raiding) ships.
At the Battle of Tsushima in May 1905 Admiral Togo used his armored cruisers as part of the battle line, and did so quite successfully. Admiral Kamimura's cruisers were essentially a "fast wing" of the fleet that operated semi-independently of Togo's battleships.
Now we come to Jacki Fisher. Perhaps having read some of Admiral Fournier's writings (he was reportedly well-regarded in Britain), he conceives the idea of a new "universal" ship, a super-armored cruiser capable of both protecting trade and standing in the line of battle thanks to its superior speed. Fisher's famous dictum, "Speed is armour" may well derive from his belief that advanced types of fire control gear then under development (by A.H. Pollen) would make it possible for the fast super-armored cruiser to stand off and destroy a slower, more heavily-protected enemy battleship at ranges where the battleship could not fire effectively. Hence armor on the super-armored cruiser would be minimal, so that more weight could be devoted to guns and machinery. An indication of Fisher's program may be seen in the fact that he managed to get three of these super-armored cruisers laid down after the first, eponymous DREADNOUGHT battleship was started. To him, the DREADNOUGHT was just a better battleship, but the super-armored cruiser was a "universal" ship, a "New Testament" ship that would completely alter the way war was fought at sea.
The fly in the ointment, of course, was that (largely through the Admiralty's own blindness), the fire control gear on which the whole concept was based was never fully accepted by the service. (Even had the Pollen gear been adopted and proven as successful as advertised, one wonders what would have happened to such lightly- protected ships once the enemy developed his own long-range gunnery control, nullifying the advantage of the British ships -- but Fisher doesn't seem to have taken this inevitable possibility into account.) This condemned the British battlecruisers (as they were eventually designated) to being little more than a super-scouting force when acting with the battle fleet, and as far as I can tell there was no particularly well-thought-out tactical doctrine for their co-operation with the slower dreadnought battleships of the Grand Fleet. But the idea eventually became accepted that they would add their immensely valuable 12-inch and 13.5-inch broadsides to the general engagement -- what admiral could do otherwise, with such fine ships in his force?
A reasonable man such as myself could be led to argue that the term "battlecruiser" -- which was only introduced shortly before the Great War -- was a complete misnomer, as these ships were unfit to lie in the line of battle once the superior fire control rationale fell through. But then, the name stuck, so we have to deal with it.
Other navies designed battlecruisers that were perhaps more worthy of the name. Lacking Fisher's original conception (with advanced fire-control at its heart) to guide them, these navies returned to the 1890s conception of the armored cruiser, but magnified to dreadnought proportions. Thus, in Imperial Russia, the battlecruiser was from the start conceived of as a ship fit to lie in the line of battle; taking a page from Togo's book, the Russians designed their IZMAIL (or BORODINO) class battlecruisers as a "fast wing" of the battle fleet. This fast wing would be used to overhaul the head of the enemy's line and concentrate its fire on the flagship, thereby beheading the enemy's fleet and throwing it into confusion (again, just as Togo had done to the Russians at Tsushima). The armor of the IZMAIL class was actually heavier than that of the first Russian dreadnoughts, which were, admittedly, armored on a rather light scale. To emphasize their tactical role, the Russian designation of these ships was "Cruisers of the (battle) Line."
I would imagine that Germany was guided by similar thinking, although I have nothing specific to indicate that this was the case -- beyond the design of the German battlecruisers, which were armored on a sufficient scale to survive in the battle line. The Japanese also seemed to lean toward the concept of an armored cruiser that could stand up to a general engagement; the early semidreadnought armored cruisers of the TSUKUBA and IBUKI classes were a direct result of Tsushima, and even the British-designed KONGO class an 8-inch belt, two inches thicker than any of the early British battlecruisers. Only the United States, which got into the battlecruiser business late (there was a general prejudice against high speed in the USN), went whole-hog for the "Fisher-ite" conception of the battlecruiser, designing the enormous, thin- skinned LEXINGTON class. These were much modified in the light of British experience, as transmitted to the USN by visiting constructor Stanley (later Sir Stanley) Goodall, and a lot of armor was added.
The "pure" (Fisher-ite) battlecruiser as a viable tactical conception was discredited at Jutland, and now the terminology gets rather strained. After the First World War, Britain finished HMS HOOD to a much modified design, with much heavier armor -- she was more of a fast battleship than a battlecruiser, but the original name stuck. Likewise, magnificent, never-built G3 class "battlecruisers" were more heavily protected than any existing battleship -- their only claim to battlecruiser status came from their high speed. The parallel N3 class battleships were slower, and armed with 18-inch guns; they were given a much lower priority than the "[/I]battlecruisers[/I]." The Japanese were likewise designing a parallel series of battleships and battlecruisers, where the only difference between types was slightly thicker armor in the battleships, and slightly higher speed in the battlecruisers. The Italians were building the "fast" battleships of the FRANCESCO CARRACIOLO class (25-knot ships); only the USN still adhered to the slow battleship idea, still working on the somewhat dated (but very powerful) SOUTH DAKOTA class. The improved LEXINGTON class ships would have been roughly equivalent to (and somewhat more powerful than) the HOOD.
To be continued…