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Thanks for answering (I really just wanted a reaction and answer) and I do realize that humanity wouldn't be humanity with out religion but what I meant was if (most) religions seek and promote happiness, peace and harmony why has so much blood been shed for it?

And the three major abrahimic religions, why can't they cooperate if they have all the same sources and similarities?

So is the purpose of religion to help humans seek leadership (god/s)? (referring to my first post)
Quote:
Originally Posted by phoenix_sprite View Post
Would we be better off without religion?
Probably in some ways we'd be better off and in others we'd be worse off. I think we'd be worse off, on balance.
Because, a human is able to live without religion, I mostly think it's to answer the un-answerable (ex.: creation) but it certainly seems possible to a certain degree but I read 1984, the abolition of religion just lead to another type of worship related to religion.

My last question in this post:

What makes a person abandon his religion and/or stop believing in it?
 
Christianity wasn't "created", as if someone sat down and decided what it was going to be like, like scientology. It developed. No one person was responsible, but the key figures - after Jesus himself - were probably James (Jesus' brother), Peter, and Paul. James and Peter were the leaders of the first generation of Christians, a time when Paul was probably not particularly prominent, but in subsequent years Paul's ideas became incredibly influential.

As for why and how it spread, that would take a book to answer because it's so complicated. In the early centuries, Christianity spread through the cities of the Roman and Persian empires - it wasn't really a rural phenomenon at all (despite being founded by a bunch of fishermen), and this remained the case for some centuries. It was particularly popular among the lower classes, slaves, and women. Contrast this to the mystery religions, which were very hard to get into, and Mithraism, which was open only to men and was popular among the military. Christianity inherited both the relatively austere morality and the monotheism of Judaism, which many people had always found attractive. Also, as time went on, it acquired able philosophical defenders, who began to express Christian doctrines in terms taken from pagan philosophy, which helped to make it intellectually attractive too. Finally, the intermittent persecutions by the authorities - both Roman and Persian - had the effect that persecutions of religious minorities always do: it made them far more zealous and determined and encouraged many other people to join them, impressed by their courage.
. Maybe i didn't put the question in the right context.

I am interested in the social, political and economical factors that are a necessity for the creation or as you corrected , development of that religion.
(only the word creation refers to the procedure of development ofcourse., i.e creation of earth , creation of the world , creation of life.)

The answer correctly refers to some factors but those are widely known and in my opinion is just one tree from the forest we are trying to explore.

The question is , did local rulers "wait" for Christianity to become a social phenomenon and then necessarily used it or did some play a big part in it's later spread. I am interested on how the earlier rulers orchestrated it's use.

What i think , appears : This is an answer to judaism , a religion proven attractively strong as it appeared in the Judo-Roman wars. But now that religion/nation was also an enemy of the Roman empire. I believe those wars were quite influential. Do you think so ?
Now , we must look the context of where Paul , James and so on lived : This is an age where Judea is still under the cultural effect of Hellenistic times.
The philosophical sphere under which Christianity development , called as gnosticism was nothing else other than traditional Greek philosophical thought applied on a new religion. Judging by later events we can see that the previous events regarding the development of Christianity was influential in the creation (development) of the Eastern Roman Empire. We see the development of social structures in the East that brought the organization and strength needed for the later events to take place.
 
It sees it as intrinsically wrong and basically perverse, not simply a class of extra-marital sex. So the Catholic Church is opposed to the idea of gay marriage, which it presumably wouldn't be if its sole objection to gay sex were that it took place outside marriage. Of course I don't need to tell you that there are many other Christians who reject this whole viewpoint, probably including a fair few Catholics (although I'm just guessing about them).
Hm, I thought that the marriage institution was mainly for breeding and rearing. Is it, or are there other dimensions to it that I am not aware of?
 
Hm, I thought that the marriage institution was mainly for breeding and rearing. Is it, or are there other dimensions to it that I am not aware of?
Then there are the awkward issues of love, companionship, happiness, balance and security (financial etc.) for both of the participants. There must be others, but those are the most common dimensions.

That at least from non-religious point of view.
 
But those things aren't really the main issue, I think, in a marriage, seeing as they can exist outside of marriage.
I personally have no problem with gay sex. Sex has been divorced from procreation since time immemorial.
And I believe the institution of marriage should only address the issue of child care.
 
There are a number of possible answers to that.

One is that God's omniscience doesn't cover the future. To be omniscient means to know everything that can be known, so some theologians claim that it is logically impossible to know things about the future, because claims about the future have no truth value. On this view, God is inside time, and although his knowledge of the past and present is perfect, he can only make guesses about the future (although his perfect knowledge of past and present mean that his guesses are extremely good). So God himself doesn't know what he's going to do, so you may as well try to persuade him. This is a rather unorthodox view of God, associated with modern Process Theology, although the Socinians believed something similar in the sixteenth century, and some modern philosophers of religion such as Richard Swinburne also suggest it.

A second response is that even though God is timeless and creates the world timelessly, and knows everything about it, when he sets it up he takes account of the prayers within it. For example, God knows that I pray on Saturday that I want something to happen on Sunday. He chooses to grant this request, so he creates the world in which the thing I want to happen on Sunday does happen. This is basically a Molinist view. It also has the interesting corollary that you could pray for past events too.

A third response is that you don't pray in order to get God to do things; you pray to attune your own will to that of God. On this view, prayer is more like contemplation than conversation. This is a more Thomist line.

These make sense, but what is the purpose of prayer if an omniscient God already knows what you want? Your third response answers this question, but what do other theological views have to say about it?
 
But there is considerable evidence that Jesus existed, to the degree that it is very unlikely that he didn't.

Can you tell some of the most convincing ones? Too often people are only told that there is evidence, but not what the evidence is.

Another question: Does the doctrine of transsubstantiation include any speculation about what happens to the bread in digestion?
 
major trends in the twentieth century have included Cross Theology, Process Theology, Liberation Theology, Feminist Theology, Death-of-God Theology.
What are deese?
 
No, the orthodox view is that Jesus' conception is miraculous, not that God plays the part of the father. It's not that the conception is normal but with God taking the father's role - rather, God miraculously makes Mary conceive without any father at all.

Similarly, to call Jesus "son of God" merely expresses the belief that he finds favour with God. Many people are called "son of God" in the Bible, including the entire Hebrew nation; just as "son of man" expresses mortality. It never means that the person in question is quite literally God's son.
Are there any notable Christian groups or peeps dat think this way? It seems like a common popular notion.
 
Can you think of any arguments in theology that strike you as the type of thing Daniel Dennett was warning about in his paper on Chmess? Basically* the idea is that Dennett thinks that a lot of the stuff philosophers work on is like trying to discover a priori truths about "chmess", a game that's exactly like chess but the king can move two pieces in any direction, instead of one. Now there are obviously a lot of a priori truths about chmess we could discover, but that'd be a pretty pointless enterprise. Similarly, Dennett argues a lot of the stuff philosophers work on is like discovering a priori truths about chmess. So do you think anything in theology is like that? If so, what?


*I realize there's a good chance you're already familiar with the paper but I figured I'd outline it for other people who may be reading as well.

I hadn't read that. No doubt it should be required reading for all prospective research students... The problem with it, of course, is that Dennett doesn't specify what makes a field of research important or worthwhile, apparently leaving down to personal taste. Also, I don't think it's true that philosophers typically spend their time on a priori matters such as the rules of chmess, or indeed of chess for that matter. That's more what mathematicians do. Most philosophical problems, or at least most major ones (other than certain topics in metaphysics), are more concerned about what actually is the case rather than what is necessarily the case. Where philosophers are bothered about necessity, it is usually in order to shed light on actuality.

Anyway, pretty much all dogmatic theology is like chmess, at least if you don't believe that any of it is actually true. For example, it's an interesting academic exercise to try to work out if it is theoretically possible for a single person to be both fully human and fully divine at the same time, but if you don't believe that any such person has really existed, there's not a whole lot of point (unless your aim is to show that it isn't theoretically possible, in which case you can hope to show that in fact no such person has ever existed). Which is why dogmatics tends to be studied by believers.

Of course, many religious people believe that theological speculation such as this is pointless even though they also believe that it is concerned with things that are not only true but of overriding importance. Thus:

Tertullian said:
We do not want any searching inquiry after we possess Christ Jesus, no investigation after enjoying the gospel! With our faith, we do not want any more belief. For this is our primary faith – that there is nothing else that we should believe.

In fact this attitude is highly prevalent among certain Christian groups today, such as conservative evangelicals, who seem uniformly to believe that if you're going to study theology you might as well just become a satanist right away and be done with it. I suppose this is, in part, because studying theology tends to show you just how most of what conservative evangelicals believe is either false or unorthodox.

Contrast an attitude such as this:

Thomas Aquinas said:
Of all human activities, the pursuit of wisdom is the most perfect, the most sublime, the most useful, and the most pleasant. It is the most perfect, because to the extent that someone gives himself up to the pursuit of wisdom, to that extent he already enjoys some portion of true happiness. “Happy is the person who meditates on wisdom” [Ecclesiasticus 14:20]. It is the most sublime, because in this way people come closest to the likeness of God, who “has made all things in wisdom” [Psalm 104:24]. It is the most useful, because by this same wisdom we arrive at the realm of immortality. “The desire for wisdom leads to a kingdom” [Wisdom 6:20]. It is the most agreeable, because “companionship with her has no bitterness, and life with her has no pain, but gladness and joy” [Wisdom 8:16].

I suppose it comes down, in part, to whether you think the truth is worth pursuing for its own sake, or whether such an inquiry can be of only instrumental value.

Thanks for answering (I really just wanted a reaction and answer) and I do realize that humanity wouldn't be humanity with out religion but what I meant was if (most) religions seek and promote happiness, peace and harmony why has so much blood been shed for it?

Because there's no such thing as a "religion", only "religious people". And people have a tendency to want to kill each other. Moreover, religion is an extremely powerful motivator, because a person's religious beliefs are usually their most heartfelt and important beliefs; and people are more likely to act if they think that they are threatened. It's the same with any deepseated emotional values: look at how much blood has been shed in the name of country, monarch, democracy, etc.

There is also the fact that at least some religions are concerned not so much with peace and harmony on earth as with eternal salvation. If you think that the eternal fate of people's souls depends upon their believing the right things, then you will be very likely to everything in your power to prevent other people spreading false beliefs. This explains why so many atrocities were committed in the name of Christ in the Middle Ages, because it was felt that it was worth it to prevent the spread of false teaching which would imperil everyone's eternal souls.

And the three major abrahimic religions, why can't they cooperate if they have all the same sources and similarities?

Because they also have enormous differences. It's worth bearing in mind that people tend to disagree more violently with people whose opinions are similar, though not identical, to their own, than they do with people who disagree more obviously. In politics, for example, arguments between members of different parties are rarely as vicious and heated as those between members of the same party. In religion, too, you'll find that different sects of the same religion will hate each other far more than completely different religions do. It's all about the proximity of one's enemy, as it were.

There's an old joke that goes something like this: Man A is walking along when she sees Man B about to jump off a cliff. He runs over:

A: What are you doing? There's so much to live for. Do you believe in God?
B: Yes, I do.
A: Why, so do I! Are you Christian, Jewish, Muslim?
B: I'm a Christian.
A: Why, so am I! Are you Orthodox, Catholic, or Protestant?
B: I'm a Protestant.
A: Me too! Are you Anglican, Lutheran, Reformed, Baptist, Pentecostalist, Free Evangelical, or...?
B: I'm a Baptist.
A: What a coincidence, so am I! Are you a General Baptist or a Strict and Particular Baptist?
B: I'm a Strict and Particular Baptist.
A: So am I! Are you a Gospel Standard Strict and Particular Baptist or a Fullerite Strict and Particular Baptist?
B: Fullerite.
A: Die, heretic! (Pushes him off the cliff.)

So is the purpose of religion to help humans seek leadership (god/s)?

Religion doesn't necessarily have a "purpose" any more than any other intrinsically human activity does - although individuals may have reasons for being religious. There's a lot of disagreement over what those reasons are, especially given that different religions seem to address different needs. For example, Christianity particularly deals with the desire for salvation, whereas Shinto ignores that more or less completely and instead has more to do with ethnic solidarity.

What makes a person abandon his religion and/or stop believing in it?

There can be many reasons for that too. A common reason is that they find that they can't believe certain doctrines that they think are an essential part of that religion. They may be unable to believe them because they clash with other beliefs they have that are more important to them, or because they clash with other doctrines in that same religion. Alternatively, they may simply lose interest. Or they may be disillusioned by the sort of people they encounter in that religious community. Or they may find the moral code too strict, or not strict enough. Basically, every religion is a very complex social phenomenon involving many different elements, and people can become dissatisfied with any of those elements, and for a number of different reasons.

I am interested in the social, political and economical factors that are a necessity for the creation or as you corrected , development of that religion.
(only the word creation refers to the procedure of development ofcourse., i.e creation of earth , creation of the world , creation of life.)

I'm not sure exactly what you're getting at: do you want to know what factors are necessary for the development of religions in general? Or the factors that were necessary to the development of Christianity in particular? I'm not sure that either of those questions is really answerable. All we can do is say what actually happened; establishing which of those events was "necessary" for certain consequences isn't really possible, I think.

The question is , did local rulers "wait" for Christianity to become a social phenomenon and then necessarily used it or did some play a big part in it's later spread. I am interested on how the earlier rulers orchestrated it's use.

Both, in a way. The first officially Christian state was Osrhoene, and since it apparently adopted Christianity in the second century AD, this was long before it was a major social phenomenon. But even at the time of Constantine's conversion two centuries later, only something like one in ten citizens of the Roman empire was a Christian. Christianity remained a minority interest until later in the fourth century, when a number of factors combined to encourage mass conversion to it. These factors included the increased prestige of the church, its superior philosophical resources (compared to previous centuries), the financial, legal, and medical services offered by the church to the needy (serving, in effect, as the closest thing to a welfare system that was available at the time), and (most of all) the proscription of rival religions in the 380s.

Obviously, rulers could only adopt Christianity because it was already a social phenomenon to some extent; equally obviously, such official adoption inevitably affected the church to a considerable degree. It's not as simple as rulers manipulating the religion for their own purposes or being swept along by a movement bigger than them - it's a give-and-take process. I certainly don't think you can talk about rulers "orchestrating" anything, because one of the things that both emperors and bishops quickly learned was that while there were many advantages to their alliance, neither side could trust the other to do what they wanted.

What i think , appears : This is an answer to judaism , a religion proven attractively strong as it appeared in the Judo-Roman wars. But now that religion/nation was also an enemy of the Roman empire. I believe those wars were quite influential. Do you think so ?

Of course, even if you mean only from a Christian point of view. The first Jewish war saw the destruction of the Temple and the subsequent re-invention of Judaism, a re-invention which also involved an attempt to distance themselves definitively from the Christians. The second Jewish war coincided with the period in which mainstream Christianity was reinventing itself within a much more hellenistic worldview, and coming to view those who retained a more Jewish perspective as "Ebionite" heretics. Although I must point out that very little is known about those Christians who stuck more rigidly to their Jewish roots after the first century. In fact this whole area is very obscure.

The philosophical sphere under which Christianity development , called as gnosticism was nothing else other than traditional Greek philosophical thought applied on a new religion.

There is considerable disagreement over how to define gnosticism and what its sources were. However, gnosticism proper was a post-Christian development, not a precondition for the development of Christianity; its major forms emerged only in the second century AD. Moreover, gnosticism was certainly deeply influenced by eastern religious movements such as Zoroastrianism. It wasn't just a product of Greek philosophy. Although different gnostics were influenced by different elements to different degrees; there wasn't really ever any such thing as "gnosticism", only different groups who could be called "gnostic" to varying degrees on the basis of certain similarities.

And I believe the institution of marriage should only address the issue of child care.

I don't see any particular reason to take that view; surely marriage is about making a public commitment to someone you love. On your view, infertile people, or those past child-bearing age, shouldn't get married, or at least have no reason to do so. The fact that they do suggests at least that not everyone shares such a view of marriage.

These make sense, but what is the purpose of prayer if an omniscient God already knows what you want? Your third response answers this question, but what do other theological views have to say about it?

Well, quite, that's the problem. One way is to define "omniscient" in such a way that an omniscient God doesn't already know what you want. Another way is to say that although God knows what you want, he may not be motivated to bring it about without a direct supplication. That is, one of the reasons why God may wish to do X is that one of his creatures really, really wants X to occur. And if that creature really, really wants X, then it will request X of God. On this view, the prayer is not the cause of God's action; rather, the desire is the (part-) cause of both the prayer and God's action.

Can you tell some of the most convincing ones? Too often people are only told that there is evidence, but not what the evidence is.

There are brief references to Jesus in non-Christian sources, such as Suetonius and Josephus, but these tell us nothing except that these authors believed him to have existed. Really the main sources are the Christian ones, primarily the Gospels. And the major reason to suppose that these are not purely fictional is that form criticism and redaction criticism have shown how the authors have manipulated their sources to fit their own ends, and how the sources that they used themselves had histories of being shaped by the oral tradition. Often this shows how the writers wanted to minimise certain elements of the tradition. A good example is who to blame for Jesus' death. The later the text, the greater the tendency to blame the Jews and exonerate Pilate. If you compare the canonical Gospels, you'll see that Mark has Jesus condemned by the priests, then taken before Pilate, who seems a bit reluctant to execute Jesus, offering instead to release Barabbas instead, but is quickly convinced by the crowd. The later Matthew has the same account but adds in the notorious verse where the crowd say that the blame for his death should be upon their heads and those of their children. In Luke, Pilate insists repeatedly that Jesus is innocent, and states that he plans to whip him and release him, but he is eventually forced to change his mind. In John, Pilate also states that he thinks that Jesus is innocent and tries to release him, but is eventually convinced by "the Jews" who tell him that if he doesn't execute Jesus he will be guilty of treason. And in the apocryphal "Acts of Pilate", Pilate is a sort of hero, who is convinced not only of Jesus' innocence but of his divinity, but somehow still is forced to execute him. Clearly, as time went on and the Christians were involved in ever bitterer disputes with the Jews - and as their own fidelity to the Roman authorities were questioned - they wanted to stress that Jesus has been executed primarily at the behest of the Jewish authorities. The fact that the founder of their religion had been crucified - a Roman punishment - by a Roman prefect was an embarrassment for them, given that they wanted to stress their obedience to Roman law (see Romans 13, for example). This explains why the Gospel writers try to spin the material in this way. But it is striking, at the same time, how they don't change what were presumably the main facts of the case - in their narratives, Jesus still is crucified, and it is done on Pilate's orders. So although they were happy to modify the material in many ways to suit their purposes, they were more conservative than one might think.

So to put it briefly, if the Christians had invented Jesus, he would have been rather different from the picture presented by the Gospels. In this example, he would surely have been stoned rather than crucified, since then the Christians could have easily placed the blame upon the Jews and stressed their own obedience to Rome. In fact, since stoning people to death was illegal, they could have pointed out that the Jews were the ones breaking the law, not Jesus.

Scholars often use the "principle of dissimilarity" as a criterion for establishing that certain sayings attributed to Jesus are authentic. The idea is that if any saying is unknown in earlier sources (such as the Old Testament, and major Jewish teachers immediately before Jesus), and is inconsistent with things that the early Christians believed, then it must be authentic. Because the early Christians wouldn't have attributed to Jesus sayings that they didn't believe themselves. Of course, this is a very strict criterion. It's not meant to say that only the material that meets it is authentic: that would be ridiculous, since no doubt Jesus said many things that agreed with his predecessors, and surely the early Christians believed many of the same things as Jesus, or they wouldn't have been Christians at all. The point is that sayings that meet this criterion are ones that we can be sure, at least, are authentic. And the fact that such material exists points very clearly to its not having been invented by the early church.[/QUOTE]

Another question: Does the doctrine of transsubstantiation include any speculation about what happens to the bread in digestion?

Not really, because according to the doctrine of transubstantiation, the consecrated bread retains all the natural properties of bread. So it is digested in the normal way. It is simply that although it retains all the natural properties of bread, it isn't bread.

What are deese?

I'm not going to describe all of those for you: you can look them up easily and then ask more specific questions if you want.

Are there any notable Christian groups or peeps dat think this way? It seems like a common popular notion.

No doubt one could find individual Christians who believe it, since if you look hard enough you can find people who believe anything, but I know of no Christian group as a whole that has ever believed such a thing. It would certainly be extremely heretical from the point of view of every major Christian denomination. Apart from anything else, it would entail that Jesus wasn't fully divine and fully human, but half-divine and half-human, a sort of demigod Spock. If this is a common popular notion, that just shows how common misunderstanding can be.
 
I don't see any particular reason to take that view; surely marriage is about making a public commitment to someone you love. On your view, infertile people, or those past child-bearing age, shouldn't get married, or at least have no reason to do so. The fact that they do suggests at least that not everyone shares such a view of marriage.
I am shamed. :blush:

Here's another round of questions:
-What is the history and the reasoning behind the doctrine of Hypostatic union?
-Can you give a history and enumerate some of the achievements of the Christian Ecumenism movement?
-What happened to the nuns after Vat. II?
 
Can anyone help me on providing me a link to some English translation of Ockham's "Summa Totius Logicae" and some papers of Abelard responding to the only known sources of Roscelin?

I be grateful if anyone provide me these sources.
 
And the major reason to suppose that these are not purely fictional is that form criticism and redaction criticism have shown how the authors have manipulated their sources to fit their own ends,

Thanks for answers. I was thinking some time ago, that maybe the story of Jesus' birth could be such a proof: he was called Jesus of Nazareth, but prophecies demanded him to be from Bethlehem, so christians had to have the story. If he would be just invented guy, they could easily have called him Jesus of Bethlehem. Would that sound reasonable?

Not really, because according to the doctrine of transubstantiation, the consecrated bread retains all the natural properties of bread. So it is digested in the normal way. It is simply that although it retains all the natural properties of bread, it isn't bread.

Yes, but how long it is the body of Christ? Just in stomach, in intestines, when it exits the human body, or even after that?
 
-What is the history and the reasoning behind the doctrine of Hypostatic union?

It simply means that the two natures - divine and human - are fully and genuinely united in one hypostasis, the person of Christ. "Hypostasis" is the literal Greek translation of the Latin "substantia" (both mean "standing under"), a substance or substantial reality. The word was often used interchangeably with "ousia", which meant much the same thing. In the fourth century, however, some theologians sought to distinguish between them, in order to express the idea that the Trinity has threeness on one level (that of hypostasis) but unity on another (that of ousia). Gregory of Nyssa set out this approach in this important letter (traditionally misattributed to his brother Basil). While the terminology for the Trinity was being developed, it was also being applied to christology, with the idea emerging that Christ had one hypostasis and two ousiae. To put it simplistically, a number of Alexandrian theologians stressed the fact that Christ had one hypostasis, while a number of Antiochene theologians stressed that he had two ousiae. I believe that Athanasius of Alexandria was the first to use the phrase "hypostatic union" to emphasise Christ's personal unity. Cyril of Alexandria also stressed repeatedly that Christ was a single person with a single hypostasis. Their point was that Christ starts off as a single divine person, and he subsequently becomes human as well. It is not as if there were a divine person and a human person who merge, which is what Cyril thought Nestorius was saying. Nestorius and his allies, meanwhile, wanted to stress the fullness and reality of Christ's two natures, but they didn't really have a clear understanding of the difference between a nature and a person. The council of Chalcedon in 451 basically combined the two approaches, with the formula that Christ was one hypostasis with two ousiae.

The point of the doctrine of hypostatic union is that you can distinguish between a thing itself and the nature that that thing has. A nature is not a thing and a thing is not a nature, even though you can never have a thing without a nature. If they are distinct in this way, then (the claim is) there is no logical objection to having a single thing with more than one nature: you can multiply natures without multiplying things, as it were. And if you have such a case, then the natures are really and truly united, because they are both present in one and the same thing. And the claim is that this is precisely the case with Christ.

After Chalcedon, this view was accepted by what would become the Catholic and Orthodox churches, though it was disputed by the non-Chalcedonian churches.

-Can you give a history and enumerate some of the achievements of the Christian Ecumenism movement?

My father is closely involved in the ecumenical movement, and by a happy chance I got him to write a short article summarising it some time ago, so here it is:

The ‘Ecumenical Movement’ as a term embraces a large number of initiatives, bodies and structures dedicated to the quest for the visible unity of the Body of Christ. We must understand ecumenism not only in terms of Faith and Order issues, or questions of church doctrine, authority and structure, but also in relation to the calling of all Christians to common mission. During the 20th century, the ecumenical agenda broadened to include questions of peace and justice, stewardship of the environment, globalisation, and interfaith relations.

The classic theological foundation of ecumenism derives from faith in the Persons of the Trinity and the values intrinsic to the Triune relationship now applied to the Church, despite its history of schism and division. The common duty of believers is defined in the prayer of Christ for his disciples, “that they may all be one, just as you, Father, are in me, and I in you, that they also may be in us, so that the world may believe that you have sent me” (John 17.21).

By the beginning of the 21st century, the ecumenical movement could be said to be well established, diverse and yet also facing difficult questions regarding its future identity, goals and resourcing. This is the case whether we are referring to the churches as members of large global or regional bodies (for example the World Council of Churches), confessional groupings or ‘communions’, mission agencies, or national and local ecumenical structures.

The 20th century had seen a number of notable ecumenical landmarks, following the missionary campaigns of the previous century.

The 1910 World Mission Conference in Edinburgh marked the growing awareness that churches needed to work together in common mission ‘to evangelise this world in this generation’. Despite the chaos of war and reconstruction in the next few years, contacts between churches at international level grew rapidly, and national councils of churches were founded in various parts of the world, numbering 23 by 1928. An American inspired initiative to found an ecumenical Faith and Order Movement was followed in the 1930s by world conferences on Life and Work in Stockholm (1925) and Oxford (1937) – the two strands were to form the foundation of the World Council of Churches (WCC), of which the provisional committee was constituted in 1938. The first Assembly of the WCC gathered in Amsterdam in 1948 as ‘a fellowship of churches which accept our Lord Jesus Christ as God and Saviour’. The Assembly promulgated the classic formula for unity, ‘to call the churches to the goal of visible unity in one faith and in one Eucharistic fellowship expressed in worship and in common life in Christ and to advance towards the unity in order that the world may believe.’

Since 1948 the WCC has embraced not only Protestant, Anglican and other post-Reformation churches in its membership, but also most of the Orthodox churches, creating a fellowship of churches to fulfil together their common calling (Third Assembly, New Delhi, 1961). The Roman Catholic Church remains outside the WCC, but sends observers to the Assembly and is a member of the Commission on Faith and Order. The WCC programmes cover a wide range of areas for the joint action of member churches, such as human rights, ecology, race and gender issues, and of course the Faith and Order foundations of ecumenism. The Faith and Order work resulted in the seminal document Baptism, Eucharist and Ministry (Lima, 1982), and eventually the unity formula of Canberra (1991) which more clearly defined the search for full communion on the basis of unity in diversity. By the end of the century, however, the WCC faced new problems with funding and Orthodox dissatisfaction with ecumenical liturgies.

In every continent and nation, diverse patterns of ecumenical agreement and co-operation emerged in the second half of the twentieth century. The Church of South India (1947) was a pioneering ecumenical venture, and by the end of the century Anglicans and Lutherans in the United States had concluded an agreement of full communion, the Concordat of Agreement, inspired by earlier agreements in Europe (Meissen 1990, Porvoo 1996). After many years of unsuccessful attempts at unity, Anglicans and Methodists in the British Isles agreed to covenant together on the way to eventual full organic unity. Lutherans and Roman Catholics signed a Joint Declaration on Justification in 2000, but the ecumenical climate cooled with conservative statements on the nature of the church from Rome (Dominus Jesus) and the Russian Orthodox Church in the same year. Throughout the last few decades a number of initiatives, local and international have brought together Reformed and Lutherans in united Protestant churches and in the Community of Protestant Churches in Europe (formerly the Leuenberg Church Fellowship).

Local and national councils of churches in many countries have inspired numerous examples of common mission and local ecumenical projects, and with its bold Charta Oecumenica (2000), the Conference of European Churches offered a framework for common witness and action across a whole continent.

The ecumenical challenges of the early 21st century reflect a context very different from that of the pioneering decades of the movement. The churches now have to contend with a world of new tensions and contrasts – North/South, wealth/poverty, local/global, inter-faith – and of constantly developing new technologies and of unforeseen political flash points.

It is also clear that the circumstances of the churches themselves are radically changing as many, particularly in Europe and North America, face declining membership and income, the challenge of national government policies on ethical and sexual questions, and the rise of new religious networks and fresh expressions of church. Fewer resources and energy are available to sustain ecumenical bodies and structures, and an increasing proportion of funding is going into secular non-governmental organisations connected with specific justice and human rights issues and projects.

Mindful of this situation, the WCC has engaged in a major evaluation, or ‘reconfiguration’ of the ecumenical movement. Key issues to be faced include how to involve within existing structures those growing churches (namely Pentecostal and Free Evangelical, particularly in the southern hemisphere) which have not hitherto been active in the WCC and regional ecumenical organisations; how to define the relationship of these structures to the largest global Christian denomination, the Roman Catholic Church; and how to simplify the different ecumenical ‘levels of belonging’ in which churches of widely differing size and resources are engaged. Inevitably, the churches are giving attention to issues of good stewardship, seeking to avoid duplication of effort and over-ambitious programmes which cannot be adequately resourced. This may mean the creation of ecumenical structures for the 21st century which are considerably lighter, more fluid and collaborative than those which have gone before. The churches will have to discover new ways of working in this context, and yet maintain creativity and relevance.

In the next crucial decades the churches urgently need to enthuse new generations for the cause of Christian unity, and to ensure that local congregations and people at all levels of the Church own this cause as a focus for their understanding of mission, discipleship and their accountability to God and each other.

What happened to the nuns after Vat. II?

They're still around, but there are far fewer of them, I believe. But the drop in monastic profession really came during the secularisation of the 1960s, rather than necessarily in the post-Vatican II atmosphere.

What's the weirdest conception of God that you've seen?

Without a doubt, this one.

Can anyone help me on providing me a link to some English translation of Ockham's "Summa Totius Logicae" and some papers of Abelard responding to the only known sources of Roscelin?

I be grateful if anyone provide me these sources.

That's got nothing whatsoever to do with theology. However, I do know that you can find some selections of Ockham's Summa here, as well as other medieval texts on this subject. I don't know of anywhere where you can find the whole thing.

I'm not clear whether you want Abelard's discussion of Roscelin or his discussion of universals. The major sources for Roscelin are Anselm of Canterbury's De fide trinitate II 9:20-10:1 and Abelard's Letter 14, which I can't find online.

If you want Abelard's own discussion of universals, the major texts are in his Logica and Glossulae, but I don't know if these are available online.

Thanks for answers. I was thinking some time ago, that maybe the story of Jesus' birth could be such a proof: he was called Jesus of Nazareth, but prophecies demanded him to be from Bethlehem, so christians had to have the story. If he would be just invented guy, they could easily have called him Jesus of Bethlehem. Would that sound reasonable?

Yes, that's entirely reasonable and I think right. This is especially so given that Matthew and Luke (the only ones with birth narratives) actually use different devices to reconcile Bethlehem and Nazareth. Matthew implies that Jesus' parents initially live in Bethlehem, where they have Jesus; they flee to Egypt to escape Herod and return when he dies, but find Herod's son Archelaus ruling Judea, so they flee to Nazareth (presumably having less objection to Herod's other son Antipas, who was ruling Galilee). Luke, meanwhile, has the more familiar nativity story, according to which Jesus' parents always lived in Nazareth, but visit Bethlehem in order to participate in the rather improbable census, having Jesus while there.

Yes, but how long it is the body of Christ? Just in stomach, in intestines, when it exits the human body, or even after that?

I think the idea is usually that it becomes wholly united to the body of the eater (bearing in mind that medieval theories on digestion weren't entirely accurate!).
 
That's got nothing whatsoever to do with theology. However, I do know that you can find some selections of Ockham's Summa here, as well as other medieval texts on this subject. I don't know of anywhere where you can find the whole thing.

I'm not clear whether you want Abelard's discussion of Roscelin or his discussion of universals. The major sources for Roscelin are Anselm of Canterbury's De fide trinitate II 9:20-10:1 and Abelard's Letter 14, which I can't find online.

If you want Abelard's own discussion of universals, the major texts are in his Logica and Glossulae, but I don't know if these are available online.
I really don't know why you are saying that it have nothing to do with Theology. But, nevermind on that and I have to say thanks anyway for that link.

The other hand, I find it silly that I can't find those other Abelard's writings. I wish I got an answer for that.
 
Great thread, possibly the best I've ever seen in CFC. :goodjob:
A couple of questions:

1. What elements of pre-christian religiosity have made their way into Christian doctrine, or (perhaps more adequately) into what one might call popular religiosity and what kind of relation has existed between theology proper and what the church has taught as its doctrine and that more popular religious experience, with its rituals, superstitions, saints, etc. (isn't pagan after all a word that originally meant rural or an inhabitant of a rural village?)? Maybe this isn't so much of an issue today in protestant countries, but it strikes me as something very vivid and particular in the catholicism of southern european countries (which are the ones I know better), and probably later on also in latin America and nowadays Africa.

2. From what I've read it seems that no other religion has created such a complex, vivid and multiform demon character as the christian devil. One might say that there have been many different devils throughout the centuries with different representations, powers and attributes, from the ridicule figure you can sometimes see in medieval illuminated manuscripts (brute and unintelligent) to an almost God rival all powerful entity. Is this multifaceted devil something intrinsic to the christian doctrine, ie, within christian theological trends is such a central devil character inevitable? And how has he evolved and been depicted by both orthodoxy and herectical groups? Finally, in relation to the first question, can it be said that such colourful character is precisely an output of that relation between the deeper theological inquiry of the fathers and doctors of the church and the simpler and practical (and sometimes superstitious) views of the common people, ie, a product of one trying to accomodate with the other?
 
In fact this attitude is highly prevalent among certain Christian groups today, such as conservative evangelicals, who seem uniformly to believe that if you're going to study theology you might as well just become a satanist right away and be done with it. I suppose this is, in part, because studying theology tends to show you just how most of what conservative evangelicals believe is either false or unorthodox.

I'm just curious; how exactly is conservative evaangelicalism false/unorthodox? I'd assume that Rapture goes without saying, but what else is there?

As well, what about liberal protestantism?

Finally, one last question: If you were a Christian, what denomination do you think would best suit you?
 
Couple questions more:

Scholars often use the "principle of dissimilarity" as a criterion for establishing that certain sayings attributed to Jesus are authentic.

Can you tell some of the sayings which are thought to be authentic and/or tell where to find them?

Has somebody examined Jesus from the viewpoint that Jesus didn't think himself as the son of God (or to have any kind of special relation to god, or that Jesus dint believe in god)?

Is there some reason why catholics hold on transubstantiation? I mean: it's so wacky idea that they must have something to gain with it.
 
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