Most brutal war event in history?

Siege of Jerusalem by Titus? following with huge genocide and Jewish deportation? even though the number that over 1.1 million is hard to accept, that mean Jerusalem is more populated than Baghdad in its peak (at the time of Mustashim, when Hulagu conquer Baghdad).

Also, the Assyrian conquest? result 10 Jewish tribes to be lost? mmm..
 
Historical genocide is hardly a single event, since it is difficult to flock enough population in a small region to effectively genocide them.

For single campaign event, Battle of Kursk is a pretty big tank grinder and human grinder in a relatively short time span.
 
There are different kinds of cruelty, as well. While it is brutal to impale an army to make a forest which would break enemy morale, it is less brutal by far (but probably not less cruel) to send tens of thousands of infantry to be cut down by machine guns in an attempt to gain a couple of KM in the ww1 western front.

Also shows how much some chief misanthropes think of others, as in "a week without cafe au lait will break the Parisians" and so on.
 
In addition to these, and part of the 30YW, we also have the Sack of Magdeburg, wherein a town of some 30,000 inhabitants was assaulted and overcome. The ensuing fire in the city and massacre by the attackers left some 5,000 people alive in the city. 20,000+ dead, in a confined space, in 1 day. A very bad place to be, during and after.
 
The pig war in the San Juan islands.
 
Meanwhile Africa goes entirely unnoticed.

Central Africa has been the scene of some of history's most gruesome chapters, and most of them are quite recent too.

The Congo Free State.
The Hutu/Tutsi civil war/massacre.
The ongoing problems in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
 
Meanwhile Africa goes entirely unnoticed.

Central Africa has been the scene of some of history's most gruesome chapters, and most of them are quite recent too.

The Congo Free State.
The Hutu/Tutsi civil war/massacre.
The ongoing problems in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
Yes, very unnoticed. Nobody in this thread has talked about any of that stuff.
I've heard nasty things about the Belgian Congo.
I was going to say either the Belgian Free State, the Great Lakes Wars, [...]
"Great Lakes Wars"? As in, Iroquious vs. Huron(-and-damn-near-everybody-else-in-the-region), or is there another meaning I'm not familiar with?
South-central Africa in the 1990s and the 2000s.
I'd forgotten the Congo, the Rwandan genocide, Sierra Leone, et al. The RUF was almost unimaginably savage. Delivering bags full of severed hands of civilians to the doorstep of the government headquarters in Freetown. General Butt-Naked (yes, he's real). Child soldiers. Constant rapes. Massive drug use. And what they did to pregnant women...
...oh wait no that's one of the main topics of discussion in the thread
 
What's that battle where the only casualty was a teapot? That was probably pretty traumatic. Naval battle I think.
 
Here is another, better map of population loss during the Thirty Years' War (see the previous map in post #19):



When I look at this map I can see a correlation between the scale of population loss and persistence of Slavic language in various territories.

For example:

Cottbus-Bautzen areas suffered less than other eastern territories. And in this territory local Sorbs have resisted Germanization much longer.
 
American firebombing of Tokyo in 1945.

100.000 civilians were burned alive in one night.

I'd say the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki top that, especially since the purported intent was to demonstrate the weapon and force a surrender...which was adequately accomplished by the first one so the second was purely gratuitous experimentation.
 
The burning of Moscow and the massacre of its people in 1611:

http://www.kresy.pl/kresopedia,historia,rzeczpospolita?zobacz/jak-polacy-moskwe-spalili#



During the Polish-Russian war, on 4 July 1610, army of the Crown of the Kingdom of Poland under command of Field Crown Hetman - Stanisław Żółkiewski - utterly defeated a much bigger, combined Russian-Swedish army in the battle of Klushino (Kłuszyn).

One of 17th century depictions of the battle of Klushino - this fragment shows Polish forces:



The same depiction, entire battlefield (large image):

Spoiler :


As the result of that battle and several more victories, Russian boyars were forced to negotiate with Poland and they agreed to Polish conditions, according to which Prince Władysław Vasa became the new Tsar (coronation took place on 27 August 1610). Shortly after that, on 29 September 1610, Polish-Lithuanian forces entered Moscow and started to occupy it. As long as Crown Field Hetman Żółkiewski was in charge of Moscow's garrison, there were no conflicts with the local population. But in November 1610, after Żółkiewski left Moscow, command-in-chief was handed over to Grand Duchy's Referendary, Aleksander Korwin Gosiewski.

Apart from camp followers and servants, Gosiewski had under his command 4400 soldiers left in Moscow as garrison, including 2000 mercenaries (mostly from Western Europe and Germany). Gosiewski - unlike Żołkiewski - had not so much respect among soldiers, and he was not able to keep discipline high in his army. Number of incidents with participation of drunken camp followers or soldiers, etc., on one hand and citizens of Moscow on the other hand, increased.

As the result Russians, including boyars, started to think about overthrowing Polish rules.

In addition to that, Orthodox and Anti-Polish (as well as Anti-Catholic of course) Patriarch of Moscow - Hermogenes - was spreading rumours aimed at discrediting the Poles and showing them in bad light, calling to rebellion against them.

For example in January of 1611 Hermogenes claimed, that Poles were "for no reason drowning in rivers and murdering with use of other methods children of boyars, until now they have already murdered 2000 of them."

Rumours spread by Hermogenes were false, but they increased already high tensions between occupying forces of Polish invaders, and local inhabitants.

Hermognes called to rebellion. In addition to that, further negotiations (concerning for example the issue whether Tsar Władysław Vasa was to remain Catholic or to adopt Orthodox faith; or even the issue who should be the Tsar - Władysław or his father, Sigismund) with Polish King Sigismund - failed.

In March 1611 rebellion started not in Moscow itself, but in other parts of Russia which were under Polish sovereignity. Forces of the rebels were estimated to be 100 thousand - 140 thousand strong, but that number was divided into several armies. All of those armies started to march towards Moscow. In addition to that, population of Moscow also started to openly express their discontent. Imprisoning Hermogenes by Poles did not help. On 27 March 1611 one of pro-Polish Russian boyars warned Polish-Lithuanian forces of planned rebellion in the city. First riots and protests started already one day later, on 28 March 1611.

But true fights began one day later - 29 March.

Aleksander Korwin Gosiewski described the start of the hostilies as follows, in his letter to the King dated 6 April 1611:

"(...) Muscovites, hostile to us already for a long time, trusting in their huge numbers, on 29 March, on Holy Tuesday, three hours after sunrise, started an uprising in Kitaygorod, where Sir Zborowski is garrisoned with his regiment. (...)"

But Colonel Samuel Maskiewicz, commander of the unit of Winged Hussars under Prince Janusz Porycki, which was part of Kazanowski's regiment, wasn't sure who started the hostilities:

"(...) I can't testify with full certainty, who started the violence. Either someone from our men, or someone from among the Muscovites. (...) But once it already started, it was very hard to stop. (...)"

Gosiewski tried to stop violence, but he failed:

"(...) Sir Gosiewski was informed, that ours were already fighting against Muscovites. He came on horseback to stop violence. But it was hard, because many dead already fell on both sides, so he gave up, and let them finish what had been started. (...)"

Captain Józef Budziło testified that civilian population of Moscow started the uprising:

"(...) On 29th day of that month, when the Muscovite army was approaching their capital city, in order to try to recapture it from our hands, the people of Moscow started an uprising. (...)"

First fights started in Kitaygorod, which was a disrtict of merchants and traders:

Colonel Samuel Maskiewicz wrote:

"(...) Fights started in Kitaygorod, where soon most of traders were killed, and there had been 40 [? probably exaggeration] thousand market stalls there. Later in Bielgorod very hard fights started, because the district was larger, and the people courageous. They captured field cannons from towers, transported them to the streets and started to fire at our positions. (...) They constructed barricades, using tables, benches and tree trunks. (...) From behind those barricades they fired with muskets. Controlling houses, they fired with firearms and threw stones and sharpened wooden poles from windows. And they already pushed our cavalry back almost to Krymgorod, but Sir Gosiewski reinforced us with 100 infantry. Compared to the size of enemy forces those were very small reinforcements, but it was enough to support our counterratack and we were able to break their barricades and to force them to escape. (...) But our victory was not complete, because they once again regrouped, and harmed us with their canons, because the streets were very narrow. We were all tired of fighting them. (...)"

Polish forces, to small to defeat outraged crowds in conventional combat, set them on fire:

"(...) Suddenly someone shouted: 'set fire! burn houses!' - and servants set houses on fire. (...) When fire became more powerful, and the wind supported us blowing towards enemy positions, the Muscovites immediately had to escape from their barricades. And we were following the advance of fire, mopping up the remainders. But later night came. So we retreated back to Krymgorod and Kitaygorod. (...)"

First day of combats ended. According to Captain of Polish Hussars - Mikołaj Ścibor Marchocki - number of dead Muscovites during the first day amounted to 6,000 up to 7,000 people in Kitaygorod alone. Number of victims in Bielgorod was probably much greater, because in addition to those killed in combats and murdered, many were burned alive.

During the night, some parts of the garrison continued to slaughter the inhabitants of Moscow.

Captain Marchocki wrote:

"(...) Other Muscovites were trying to escape through gates, explaining: 'we are innocent people, please don't kill us'. I allowed 1500 of them to cross the gate that I controlled, preventing my soldiers from killing them. (...)"

But the worst was yet to come. On 30 March Polish commanders held a meeting, during which the fate of the city of Moscow was sealed. Colonel Samuel Maskiewicz:

"(...) They decided, that on Wednesday (30 March), after retreating from Kitaygorod and Krymgorod, entire city was to be burned, as soon as possible because the weather was dry and fire could spread easily. And so two hours after sunrise we abandoned the city, leaving only small garrisons behind in the Kremlin and in other castles. Also 2000 of our mercenaries left the city with us. And so we marched from Moscow across the frozen river, because there was no other way to get out. (...)"

In the same time when Polish occupation forces were leaving Moscow, they got reinforced by some new units - the regiment under Mikołaj Struś.

But they did not attack the city again, because it was already burning:

"(...) Nobody thought about major battles on that day, because violent fire seized houses, and strong wind was quickly spreading the flames. The enemy also had to escape from Moscow because of fires, and we were only following those survivors. And so during the day we continued to spread fire until the very evening, but in the evening we marched towards the castle. On that night [30 to 31 March], when terribly cruel fire took control of the city, the sky over neighbouring castles was as bright as during the most sunny of all days. Huge clouds of smoke, so terribly ugly and stinking, were spreading from burning Moscow, that everyone was talking about 'hell on Earth'. Thus we were safe from the enemy, the fire was protecting us. (...)"

Hetman Stefan Żółkiewski (even though he was not in Moscow during the events discussed), gives more details regarding the meeting which took place on 30 March:

"(...) Our officers agreed between themselves, to set on fire Bielgorod and wooden suburbs, while moving musketeers to Krymgorod and Kitaygorod, close the gates, and shoot everyone who comes within range. And thus on Wednesday, one day before Easter [30 March] they did what they planned. After regrouping their regiments, they immediately set on fire wooden suburbs and the other district, that called Bielgorod. Later four regiments retreated from the city - one regiment across the frozen river, second regiment under Aleksander Zborowski in the middle, third regiment under Marcin Kazanowski on the left towards the White Wall, and Sir Samuel Dunikowski together with Kazanowski. (...) And whoever they met on their route out of Moscow, nemini parcebatur [pardon was not given]. (...) Muscovites, even though terrified by our cunning ideas and by spreading fire, still in great numbers took their arms, and tried to defend the gate and part of the White Wall, to prevent our withdrawal from the city. But Sir Marcin Kazanowski charged them and massacred them all. In several other places, they fought against us in street combats, but everywhere we took the upper hand. Slaughter among crowds of people was enormous, cries of children, screams of women, something similar to the doomsday. Many of them together with their wifes and their children were throwing themselves into flames. Many of them burned alive. But many also managed to escape from the city, trying to get to their armies, about which they had heard rumours, that they were near Moscow. (...)"

On 30 March about 2/3 of the entire city of Moscow was burned. Fires in the remaining 1/3 of the city continued on 31 March and on 1 April. Traumatic events forced many of surviving Moscow's population to become submissive again, and to surrender.

Marchocki wrote:

"(...) On the next day, that is on Thursday, citizens of Moscow, desperate and heartbroken by lack of help from their countrymen, started to beg for mercy and to surrender. We accepted their humbleness and their surrender. We ordered to stop the slaughter - killing Muscovites was now forbidden. The ones who decided to surrender and to kiss the cross of Prince Władisław, were given special towels to wear them, so that everyone knew that those people were loyal. And so on Maundy Thursday peace finally prevailed. (...)"

But Moscow burned almost entirely. What did not burn, was plundered.

Camp followers, being worse than soldiers in battle, were especially good in plundering after battle.

Hetman Żółkiewski (who was not present and not responsible for those events) wrote:

"(...) That way the Muscovite capital city burned, with huge bloodshed and material damage impossible to evaluate. Because it was a rich and affluent city, and its urban area was huge. Many people say, that neither Rome, nor Paris, nor Lisbon could match Moscow's size, so large Moscow was in sua circumferentia [in perimeter]. Only Krymgorod remained untouched, but Kitaygorod during those riots was thoroughly plundered and robbed by camp followers, servants and wagon-drivers, even churches were destroyed. Even the Church of the Holy Trinity was not given pardon by roguery - they teared it apart, robbed it to the bare ground. (...)"

Gosiewski - the commander-in-chief of Polish forces in Moscow during those events - claimed that he was not responsible for plunders, and that he tried to stop them:

"(...) Kitaygorod was plunered by foolish people, who almost caused our defeat. I barely managed to save Krymgorod, since they also wanted to plunder it, just like Kitaygorod (...)."

One of Polish soldiers who took part in those combats - Jakub Głoskowski - estimated that in military combats alone: "16 thousand people were killed, apart from sick and crippled ones, children, women and those who were burned alive."

Stanisław Kobierzycki in 1655 - 44 years after the tragedy - wrote:

"(...) I have read in diaries from that period, that in those events around 100 thousands inhabitants of Moscow died, including men, women and children. Many people say that this number is overestimated, but I don't consider their view as valid. I think, that only few inhabitants of this huge city, attacked by fires spreading everywhere, and by soldiers, managed to survive. Routes of escape were blocked everywhere, and frantic fire as well as incensed army for two days were spreading death among the inhabitants. It is thus an obvious fact, that a huge number of people had to perish there. (...)"

Later Kobierzycki wrote, that his "reasonable estimate" is 60,000 dead people.

In addition to those who died on 29 - 31 March, many people died of starvation later.

Jakub Głoskowski several days after the massacre wrote:

"(...) Even now a huge number of people sleep in the field near the city walls, either in peasant houses or under the sky, and many of them are dying of starvation (...)."

Map of Polish-occupied Moscow, made by Tomasz Makowski in year 1611:

http://postimg.org/image/ot0iq3vwn/

Spoiler :
 
I'd say the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki top that, especially since the purported intent was to demonstrate the weapon and force a surrender...which was adequately accomplished by the first one so the second was purely gratuitous experimentation.

Indeed, that was my choice too.

The number of people killed (and injured) in just one blow has no match in history.
 
If we were not to factor in numbers, what about that Roman siege where the occupants put out all their women & children into no-mans land to surrender, but the Romans didn't want them? Nor would the city take them back? They were left out there in the sun to starve & dehydrate.

The betrayal by Stalin at the Warsaw Uprising also takes the cake, in my book.
 
The betrayal by Stalin at the Warsaw Uprising also takes the cake, in my book.
Hard to call something a betrayal when the Soviets were only dimly aware that there was a planned uprising and no coordination existed between the two forces.

Long story short, the Jews in the Warsaw ghetto and the Polish Home Army didn't get any message to the Soviet command on any level beyond "we are planning an uprising". No coordination of dates or uprising methods were exchanged between the parties. It isn't clear where the communication fell apart but it seems to have originated from the Polish Home Army's distinctly frosty relations with the Warsaw Ghetto.
When the Red Army did near Warsaw (strategically near, not tactically) it was in absolutely no shape to mount a massive assault against the Wermacht to assist the uprising even if coordination existed between the Warsaw Ghetto, the Home Army, and the Soviet command. If (and its a big if) the Soviet command had ordered the damaged and undersupplied Red Army divisions to break the Nazi forces around Warsaw to relieve the uprising, it was almost a certainty that the Nazis would have repulsed them and possibly set the Russian offensive back by several months.

In short, there was no betrayal because the Soviets never made any promises and there were basically no communications coordinating when the uprising was to occur and how the Soviets were to support it.

I might have a couple of the minor details wrong, but Jonathan House in A Military History of the Cold War: 1945-1962 examines the Soviet response to the Warsaw Uprising and came to the conclusion that there was nothing the Red Army could have done with even a moderate chance of success.
http://www.amazon.com/Military-History-1944-1962-Campaigns-Commanders/dp/0806142626
 
Stalin flat out agreed to hold back and let the Nazis quash the uprising before going in. It was a betrayal of magnanimous proportions. My source is a survivor whom I know personally.
 
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