Civilizations by ldvhl

Oh, that's a nice Selk'nam icon. I like. It may end up looking too similar to the UU's alpha though, which is based on those guys. We were planning on going for some sort of eye thing given than most of their symbology included eyes, something like this:


Out of curiosity because I just noticed it, did you first see this symbol on the album cover for Tool's Lateralus?
 
Yo, just wondering if you need the code for the Chumash UA done? It looks really easy and I don't have much on atm :p

EDIT: Did it anyway. There's probably something really glaring I missed though.

Code:
<GameData>
	<BuildingClasses>
		<Row>
			<Type>BUILDINGCLASS_DVH_CHUMASH_TRAIT</Type>
			<DefaultBuilding>BUILDING_DVH_CHUMASH_TRAIT</DefaultBuilding>
			<Description>TXT_KEY_TRAIT_DVH_CHUMASH_TRAIT_SHORT</Description>
		</Row>
	</BuildingClasses>
	<Buildings>
			<Row>
			<Type>BUILDING_DVH_CHUMASH_TRAIT</Type>
			<BuildingClass>BUILDINGCLASS_DVH_CHUMASH_TRAIT</BuildingClass>
			<Description>TXT_KEY_TRAIT_DVH_CHUMASH_TRAIT</Description>
			<Cost>-1</Cost>
			<GreatWorkCount>-1</GreatWorkCount>
			<FaithCost>-1</FaithCost>
			<PrereqTech>NULL</PrereqTech>
			<ArtDefineTag>NULL</ArtDefineTag>
			<ConquestProb>100</ConquestProb>
			<MinAreaSize>-1</MinAreaSize>
			<HurryCostModifier>25</HurryCostModifier>
			<TradeRouteSeaDistanceModifier>50</TradeRouteSeaDistanceModifier>
			<IconAtlas>BW_ATLAS_1</IconAtlas>
			<PortraitIndex>58</PortraitIndex>
		</Row>
	</Buildings>
	<Traits>
		<Row>
			<Type>TRAIT_DVH_CHUMASH_TRAIT</Type>
			<Description>TXT_KEY_TRAIT_DVH_CHUMASH_TRAIT</Description>
			<ShortDescription>TXT_KEY_TRAIT_DVH_CHUMASH_TRAIT_SHORT</ShortDescription>
			<FreeBuilding>BUILDING_DVH_CHUMASH_TRAIT</FreeBuilding>
		</Row>
	</Traits>
	<Trait_ImprovementYieldChanges>
		<Row>
			<TraitType>TRAIT_DVH_CHUMASH_TRAIT</TraitType>
			<ImprovementType>IMPROVEMENT_FISHING_BOATS</ImprovementType>
			<YieldType>YIELD_FOOD</YieldType>
			<Yield>1</Yield>
		</Row>
		<Row>
			<TraitType>TRAIT_DVH_CHUMASH_TRAIT</TraitType>
			<ImprovementType>IMPROVEMENT_FISHING_BOATS</ImprovementType>
			<YieldType>YIELD_GOLD</YieldType>
			<Yield>1</Yield>
		</Row>
	</Trait_ImprovementYieldChanges>
	<Language_en_US>
		<Row Tag="TXT_KEY_TRAIT_DVH_CHUMASH_TRAIT">
			<Text>+1 [ICON_FOOD] Food and [ICON_GOLD] Gold from Fishing Boats. Sea-based Trade Routes have +50% Range.</Text>
		</Row>
		<Row Tag="TXT_KEY_TRAIT_DVH_CHUMASH_TRAIT_SHORT">
			<Text>Brotherhood of the Tomol</Text>
		</Row>
	</Language_en_US>
</GameData>
 
That's amazing and unexpected! Thank you senshidenshi!
 
Nah, it's fine. I'm always ready to step in and do the easy stuff ;) I'm basically a Production modifier
 
Here is the civilopedia entry for the Tsehestano.:)


Spoiler :
Tsehestano
History
The Tsehestano (more commonly known as the Cheyenne) are a Native American people in the Great Plains area of the United States. Their language is classified as Algonquian.
Geography and Climate
The Tsehestano have moved through a variety of locations during their recorded history. The earliest known location was in present-day southwestern Minnesota, along the Minnesota River. In the 18th century, they were found around Fort Yates on the Missouri River. Later that century, the Tsehestano moved into South Dakota, with territory covering the Black Hills and the Cheyenne River. The early 1800s saw them living around Fort William on the North Platte River in the southeastern corner of Wyoming. Others lived in the southeastern corner of Colorado on the Arkansas and Purgatorie Rivers. Tsehestano ended up in two reservations by the late 1800s: the Northern Cheyenne Reservation in southeastern Montana, and the reservation in Oklahoma (which lasted until 1891). The majority of these locations were plains area, home to the buffalo which the Tsehestano hunted. Eastern Montana comprises plains and badlands, broken by hills and isolated mountain ranges, and has a semi-arid, continental climate. Summer nights are generally cool and pleasant. Oklahoma is located in a humid subtropical region. There can be severe weather like thunderstorms or tornadoes. Traveling westward, the climate transitions towards a semi-arid zone. Winter is usually the driest season here.
Transition to a Buffalo Hunting Lifestyle
Before they owned horses, the Tsehestano moved among the mosaic of woodland, prairie, and plains habitats west of the Great Lakes, where they are first known by tradition in Minnesota. There, they lived in villages of bark-covered lodges and subsisted largely on wild rice and other local resources. Occasionally, they went to the edge of the plains to hunt buffalo. Pressured by the Chippewa and Assiniboine, who were newly armed from the expanding fur trade during the 18th century, the Tsehestano bands moved steadily westward, across the Missouri River to the Black Hills. During this time the Tsehestano lived near bands of Sioux, many of which were also moving gradually westward and adapting a nomadic lifestyle based on equestrian buffalo hunting and the acquisition of enough guns to maintain a hunting territory. Some Tsehestano bands did the same, while others adopted the horticultural practices of the Middle Missouri tribes, occupying villages between the mouths of the Heart River in North Dakota and the White River in South Dakota. The Mandan Okipa ceremony and Hidatsa Sacred Arrow tradition helped to inspire the development of the Tsehestano ceremonial complex. The Tsehestano began to trade and raid intensively for horses from the horse-rich peoples to their south, especially the Kiowa, Plains Apache, and Comanche. From a strategic position in the Central Plains, they became middlemen in the trade of horses from the south for guns to the north. The Tsehestano moved into a new environment on the High Plains for which they were well equipped with horses and guns and new social organization based on fresh political and religious ideas.
Encounters with Whites
Tsehestano bands unified in the Black Hills of South Dakota, an area rich with buffalo. The oral literature and religion of the tribe attained its historical form. The Sweet Medicine legends explaining the origin of the Sacred Arrows place this event at their sacred mountain, Bear Butte. During this period, the Sutaio, a closely related Algonquian group, became affiliated with the Tsehestano. The Sutaio brought the Sacred Hat, which became the Tsehestano’s second sacred tribal possession, as well as the Sun Dance. From the Black Hills, the Tsehestano sought to extend their territory to the prime buffalo-hunting region between the forks of the Platte River, which brought on a period of continuous warfare with the Shoshone, Crow, and Pawnee. A separation of the Tsehestano into northern and southern divisions that began by the early 19th century was accelerated by the building of Bent’s Fort on the Arkansas River in the early 1830s. The trade goods available at the fort, and the marriage of William Bent into a prominent Tsehestano family, encouraged the southern bands to live nearby. During this time, the Northern Tsehestano came to depend on trade from the Missouri River and from Fort William (later Fort Laramie) on the North Platte River beginning in 1834. The opening of the Oregon Trail in the 1840s depleted game, grazing, firewood, and other resources along the Platte River, causing the Tsehestano bands to withdraw northward and southward from the valley. The traditional summer gathering of all bands for ceremonies became difficult. The last traditional camp circle with all bands present is believed to have occurred in 1838. By 1849, the Tsehestano were encountering increased Anglo-American emigration, warfare, and diseases like cholera and smallpox. Cholera killed hundreds, eliminating two of the 10 original bands (the Poor People and Bare Shins), and forcing the survivors of a third (the Flexed Legs) to merge with the Dog Soldiers military society.
War with the United States
The Fort Laramie Treaty of 1851 set territories for all tribes in the region and officially recognized two divisions for the Tsehestano. Intertribal warfare continued, despite permanent peace with the Kiowa after 1840. Fights with the Shoshone are documented for 1855, 1860, and 1865, and fights with the Crow for 1850, 1855, and 1870. The Tsehestano went to war against the United States Army, engaging American forces in over 50 military actions from 1854 to 1879. The most significant are the 1856 Upper Platte Bridge Fight near present Casper, Wyoming, the 1856-1857 raids along the Kansas frontier, the 1857 fight with Colonel Edwin V. Sumner’s troops on the fork of the Solomon River, Kansas, 1863-1864 raids along the Arkansas and Platte, the 1864 outbreak and November 29 massacre of peaceful Tsehestano at Sand Creek, Colorado, consequent raids along the Platte in a general frontier war of 1865, the August-September 1865 General Patrick E. Conner campaign into the Powder River country of Wyoming, the 1865 attack upon troops by Northern Tsehestano under High Wolf at Old Platte Bridge, Wyoming, the 1866 destruction of Captain William J. Fetterman’s command at Fort Philip Kearny, Wyoming, the 1867 destruction of a Tsehestano and Sioux village near Fort Larned, Kansas, renewed raiding in 1868 followed by the battle on Arikaree Fork, eastern Colorado (where the warrior Roman Nose was killed), the November 1868 attack by Lt. Col. George A. Custer on Black Kettle’s village along the Wahorsehockya River in Oklahoma, General Eugene A. Carr’s crushing 1869 defeat of the Dog Soldiers at Summit Springs, Colorado, the Southern Plains war of 1874-1875, and the continued pursuit of the Southern Tsehestano resulting in their surrender March 6, 1875.
End of Resistance and Land Loss
The resistance of the Northern Tsehestano continued for several more years after the defeat of the Dog Soldiers in 1869. In 1876, four major battles took place: the March 17 attack by Colonel Joseph J. Reynolds upon Crazy Horse’s village on the Powder River, Montana, the June 17 fight with General George Crook at Rosebud Creek, Montana, the June 25 defeat of Custer on the Little Bighorn, Montana, and the November 25 attack of Colonel Ranald S. Mackenzie upon the main Northern Tsehestano camp at Crazy Woman Creek, Wyoming. In April 1877, the Two Moons band surrendered at Fort Keogh, Montana, and the Little Wolf-Dull Knife band at Fort Robinson, Nebraska. The Fort Robinson group was transferred to the Cheyenne-Arapaho Agency in Indian Territory, but they fled north in September 1878. Little Wolf’s group of 126 surrendered next spring and was allowed to join Two Moons’s band at Fort Keogh. The 149 under Dull Knife imprisoned at Fort Robinson broke out January 9, 1879. More than half of them were killed by the army. A group led by Little Chief was sent to Indian Territory in 1878 and transferred to Pine Ridge in 1881. By October 1891, all Northern Tsehestano were reunited on Tongue River in Montana. The early reservation period began about 1868 in the south and about 1880 in the north. The southern Tsehestano were administered on a reservation in west central Oklahoma along with their Southern Arapaho allies, while the Northern Tsehestano were assigned their own reservation in eastern Montana in 1884. Attempts by the Tsehestano to adopt a farming and ranching economy most often failed. Most Southern Tsehestano land was lost in 1892 under the provisions of the Dawes Severalty Act of 1887 and by subsequent legislative and administrative acts, many of which were later affirmed in court to be illegal. The Northern Tsehestano land was under less pressure for allotment and remained intact until 1926. Under the authority of the 1887 Dawes Act, a three person commission chaired by David Jerome was sent to Oklahoma Territory in 1890 to secure the approval of the Tsehestano and other tribes to a plan for allotting part of the reservation land to Indian people as individual owners and selling the “surplus” land to outsiders. Under the 1867 Treaty of Medicine Lodge agreed between the Tsehestano and the federal government, at least three fourths of all the adult male Indians had to sign treaties for cession of any part of the reservation. Recognizing early in their visit that the Southern Tsehestano were almost unanimously opposed to the allotment plan, the Jerome Commission took steps to secure, if not the approval, at least the “appearance” of approval from the Southern Tsehestano. When the Commission could not secure the required men’s signatures, they resorted to entering women’s names and gave themselves powers of attorney for students at boarding school and for Tsehestano caught up in the Ghost Dance religion and had warned the commission not to visit them. Although the Tsehestano protested the actions of the Jerome Commission, all such complaints were dismissed after the issuance of the Supreme Court decision, Lone Wolf v. Hitchcock, in 1903, which state that since Congress had ratified the allotment agreement, the actions of the commission could not be undone, no matter how fraudulent they might have been. The Southern Tsehestano and Arapaho lost 3 million acres of land, six-sevenths of the total reservation, nearly all of which was given over to settlement by non-Indians.
The 20th Century
The Indian Reorganization Act was passed in 1934 and the Oklahoma Indian Welfare Act in 1936, addressed to the special situation of Indian tribes in Oklahoma. Under these bills, tribal governments were formed and traditional aspects of culture were formally encouraged, including native religion. Provisions of the acts enabled the Northern Tsehestano to buy back most of their reservation, and the Southern Tsehestano also purchased land. During the early days of the New Deal, many Tsehestano in Montana and Oklahoma were involved with projects of the Civilian Conservation Corps and the Works Progress Administration. For the first time, many Tsehestano lived in villages, and in fact several of the small towns on the Northern Tsehestano reservation increased in size as the result of government programs. World War II brought many Tsehestano into military service, a development that led to a revival of traditional military societies and the formation of new groups, such as the War Mothers and local veterans’ groups. Some Tsehestano who moved to Seattle, Chicago, Dallas, Denver, and Los Angeles to work in war industries or BIA relocation programs never returned to the reservation. Pilgrimages to Bear Butte took place at least annually beginning in 1967. In the late 20th century, at least four versions of the Sun Dance were maintaining, two in Montana and two in Oklahoma. There was a revitalization of men’s societies during the last quarter of the 20th century.
The Present and the Future
For the Northern Tsehestano, fluency in the language in 2000 was about 40 percent. In the Southern Tsehestano, the majority of people over 40 years of age spoke the language. In the 21st century, the Tsehestano or Cheyenne are split into two peoples in two different states. The southern Tsehestano are mixed with the Arapaho. Regardless, the Tsehestano people have survived the wars with Anglo-Americans and attempts to destroy their cultural heritage. It is to be hoped that the Tsehestano will continue to revitalize their cultural traditions and language.
Tsehestano Factoids
Tepees were the property of women.
For females, a protective cord or chastity belt was worn from puberty until marriage, and afterward when the husband was away hunting or at war. Tsehestano emphasis on female chastity was unusual for the Plains.
The Tsehestano conception of the universe consisted of the world above and the world below, separated by the earth’s surface.
The sign for Tsehestano is made by extending the left forefinger horizontally to the right and front of the body, and then drawing the outer side of the little finger of the right hand across the extended forefinger from left to right three or four times.
 
Thank you Guandao!
 
Yo, so I was looking at the designs for more easy stuff I could do (Language School, Dance Circle, that sort of thing) and I'm slightly concerned over the Scorpion Tree and Sea Wall. The other Unique Improvements are fine - I especially like the Kan - but these two are kind of... ridiculously weak. The Sea Wall is basically a much weaker Anapi'gann, and doesn't provide enough utility to justify its coast/lake only restriction. Maybe have it provide additional defensive strength, and give it the production right away? I don't know, I'm not a designer. The Scorpion Tree is fine at the start of the game, but completely tapers off later on. Generally not a great idea with UIs :p

Just thought I'd let you know as well, UIs are by far the hardest to do out of all the uniques, especially because you need to get a model. Maybe there could be some restructuring? The Sea Walls could probably work as a Walls or Lighthouse/Harbour. Keep the Kan though, I really like the Kan. Even though a lot of the time after Fertiliser it's better to just have a farm...
 
We're buffing the Kan, just haven't updated the design on here to match since they'll be released soonish. The other civs' UIs will get another design pass when they get on-deck for release. Good advice though, especially on the Sea Walls, I'll have to make note of those. Thanks again SD!
 
Here are the civilopedia entries for the Paiute and its two uniques, will work on Winnemucca's entry eventually, the changes to my research project have been approved, so it will get busy for me from now on :)

Spoiler :
Paiute
History
The people who are called the Northern Paiute today consisted, at the time of Euro-American contact, of several linguistically homogenous but culturally and politically distinct populations. They spoke a Numic language of the Uto-Aztecan family.
Geography and Climate
The territory of the Northern Paiute was vast. On the west, there was the western edge of the Sierra Nevada and the watershed separating the Pit and Klamath rivers from the interior draining northern sector of the Great Basin. On the north, the territory continued beyond the summits dividing the drainage systems of the Columbia and Snake rivers. The eastern limit of the territory continued from the east side of Mono Lake diagonally north through central Nevada. It further coincided approximately with the present Oregon-Idaho state line as far north as the outlets of the Weiser and Powder rivers beyond the great bend of the Snake river. The southern border was the smallest. It was south of Mono Lake and extended east to west. The territory of the Northern Paiute was environmentally diverse. It can be divided into several subareas: Piedmont, Lake-Riverine, Freshwater Marsh, Columbia-Snake River Drainage, and Generalized. The generalized subarea is characterized by a more generalized Basin and Range topography and a flora and fauna typical of &#8220;cold deserts&#8221;.
Pre-European Contact
A clear archeological record for the various Northern Paiute peoples does not extend beyond around 1000 AD. However, some investigators have suggested that there are interesting continuities (and discontinuities) between the material culture of the Northern Paiute of west-central Nevada and that of the archeological Lovelock culture. Similarities and differences in the historic and archeological records in south-eastern Oregon prior to 1000 AD have been noted as well. Northern Paiute speakers from eastern Oregon, and perhaps principally those in contact with the Northern Shoshone in the Owyhee-Snake-Weiser river basin, first obtained horses sometime in the mid to late 1700s. They joined with their Northern Shoshone cousins, traveling widely through the Snake River plain and well beyond. Those with horses ultimately became known as the Bannocks. They were the first Northern Paiute speakers to change their culture in response to the introduction of the horse. These Paiute developed fully mounted bands with shifting leadership and personnel that habitually made forays beyond the Rocky Mountains to the Plains for buffalo. They became involved in a raiding complex for horses and other booty, generally taking on the appearance in material culture of their Plains neighbors.
Post-European Contact
In 1805, Meriwether Lewis and William Clark learned of the &#8220;Snakes&#8221; (in all likelihood Northern Paiutes) living in large numbers on the Deschutes River in north-central Oregon, but apparently without horses. Peter Skene Ogden, Hudson&#8217;s Bay Company trapper and the first individual to document in detail his journeys through Northern Paiute territory, noted in 1826 that most of the &#8220;Snake&#8221; groups he met in Oregon were either unmounted or had but a few horses. In 1827, the trapper Jedediah Strong Smith encountered 20 to 30 horsemen at Walker Lake, far south of the Oregon country. Ogden had a similar encounter in 1829 with an estimated 200 natives at the Humboldt Sink, at least some of whom were mounted. The people encountered by the two men had Spanish blankets, buffalo robes, and Euro-American goods. Mounted parties were rarely mentioned by trappers and explorers in these same areas in the 1830s and 1840s. Most Northern Paiutes were still unmounted and carrying on traditional subsistence pursuits. The Joseph Reddeford Walker party found numerous Indians in 1833 and 1834 at the Humboldt Sink and on the Carson River, seemingly without horses or firearms, but subsisting upon grass seeds, frogs, fish and the like. John C. Fremont visited a large village of fishermen at the mouth of the Truckee River in 1843. He described the people as living quite well on large salmon trout they caught behind numerous weirs in the river. They did have several items of Euro-American manufacture. Some of the trappers were undoubtedly responsible for the beginnings of hostile encounters between the Indians and Euro-Americans. For example, the Walker party massacred nearly 100 Northern Paiutes in 1833 and 1834. Trapper bands, sometimes with 100 or 200 horses and occasionally cattle and sheep, had important but probably only temporary effects on the local forage and game supplies. Sustained movements of wagons and livestock were more devastating.
Mass Migration of Euro-Americans
The opening of Oregon to settlement in the early 1840s and the discovery of gold in California in 1848 brought continuous streams of traffic across fragile ecosystems. The California Trail came straight through the heartland of the region in Nevada. In 1849, it has been estimated that some 6,200 wagons, 21,000 people, and 50,000 head of livestock passed over the Overland Trail down the Humboldt River to California. Native subsistence resources, particularly seed plants and large game, were virtually destroyed for miles on either side of the road. Water holes were fouled or drained. Some groups reacted to this by withdrawing from the region and seeking refuge in Oregon. Others found new opportunities in misfortune: wagons and stock offered alternatives for subsistence and exploitation of the region. There was a rise in mounted predatory bands among the Northern Paiute in parts of Nevada and Oregon. Some white traders suggested to the Indians that they steal stock. In exchange, the traders would give them guns, ammunition, and blankets for the stolen animals. By the end of the 1850s, a number of mounted groups under named leaders were operating in the region. Some clearly used the horse for greater mobility in aboriginal subsistence pursuits, or for an economy that included only occasionally taking livestock for food. A number of these groups began to have spokesmen or &#8220;chiefs&#8221;, a post-contact solidification of the older pattern of headmanship. In 1859, gold and silver were discovered in two areas in Northern Paiute territory: the Virginia Range in western Nevada and the Owyhee basin in Oregon and Idaho. These discoveries led to new emigrations along old and new trails and to the founding of large settlements such as Virginia City, Nevada, Canyon City, Oregon, and Silver City, Idaho. Ranches to support the larger population base also usurped good grazing lands in outlying areas.
Conflict
On May 12, 1860, Northern Paiutes at Pyramid Lake killed 43 members of a volunteer unit sent to avenge a justified raid on Williams&#8217; Station on the Carson River. Two weeks later, a large force from California routed the groups in several additional skirmishes. Later that summer, Colonel Fredrick West Lander, special government envoy, held a council with some of the leaders, including Numaga and Winnemucca, and quieted the troubles. The Pyramid Lake War ended. Some of the people involved returned to Pyramid Lake to be settled on newly set aside lands. Others, including Winnemucca, withdrew to northern Nevada and south-eastern Oregon where they were involved in later conflicts. Additional skirmishes occurred throughout the 1860s in northern and western Nevada, often involving troops station at Fort Churchill. Similar circumstances existed in Oregon during the same period. Many groups throughout the region had been displaced, and were operating in small groups as predatory bands on emigrants, miners, and ranchers, who took reprisals on any Indians encountered. Military campaigns were waged from Fort Klamath and Fort Boise as well as from local posts established in Warner Valley and Harney Valley. The region was mostly pacified in late 1868. Campaigns waged by Captain George Crook between 1866 and 1868, known as the Shoshone or Snake Wars, were particularly decisive. Treaties negotiated in 1864 and 1868 laid the foundation for the beginnings of reservation life.
Reservation Period
Reserved lands were set aside for Northern Paiute people by the federal government beginning in 1859. The first to be proposed were Pyramid Lake and Walker River reservations in Nevada (each initially set aside in 1859 but not formally established until 1874) and Malheur Reservation in Oregon (established in 1871). It was thought that these three areas would be quite sufficient for all the people. However, this solution proved to be unworkable. Many people refused to go to any of these reservations. Well into the 20th century, additional colonies and small reservations were being established throughout the region. The Malheur Reservation was occupied only between 1871 and 1878, when the groups abandoned it to participate in the Bannock War of 1878. The short-lived campaign ended in the death of Egan and the surrender of Oitsi at Malheur. Winnemucca, who spent most of the campaign in the Steens Mountains of southeastern Oregon, was apparently an unwilling participant. But a number of his people, together with others who were not participants, were interned for several years on the Yakima Reservation in Washington. In 1883, most of these groups returned to Nevada on their own, some settling at Fort McDermitt, some at Pyramid Lake, and the remainder at Miller Creek on the Duck Valley Reservation. Pyramid Lake, Walker River, and Malheur were intended as areas where the former hunting, gathering, and fishing Northern Paiutes would learn to be farmers. The degree to which this was ever accomplished was limited, largely due to the unsuitability of the areas chosen for agriculture and to the lack of water. In the late 1870s and early 1880s, day schools were established at Pyramid Lake and Walker River. Sarah Winnemucca established and ran a school for Northern Paiute children at Lovelock from 1885 to 1887. Boarding schools were established at Pyramid Lake in 1883 and at Carson City in 1890. Day schools were not established at colonies and other reservations until much later. Many traditional subsistence modes had to be abandoned, particularly harvesting seeds and in some cases roots and berries. For a number of years, Pyramid Lake and Walker River remained as active fisheries. However, the 1920s diversion of water by upstream users and poaching on the lakes and rivers by non-Indians led to a major decline in fish supplies. Ghost Dance movements were initiated by Wodziwob in 1869 and by Wovoka in 1887.
20th Century
Shamanism was still active in the 1930s. People still received and sought power through traditional means. Shamanism had gradually declined since that time, with a few practitioners operating in the 1960s and 1970s. Around the same time, the Native American Church was actively promoted among the Northern Paiutes and adjacent Washoes. In the 1960s, another religious movement diffused to some Northern Paiute people from sources to the north. Under the leadership of Raymond Harris of the Wind River Reservation in Wyoming, the Sweat Lodge movement became active in several localities in western Nevada. Reservation communities and colonies changed drastically during the 1970s. Most groups undertook successful federal housing programs and had basic services like electricity and sewers. In the 1980s, a number of Nevada families still gathered pine nuts, buckberries, and chokeberries. A few families at Burns took various roots and berries. Men at Pyramid Lake took cui-ui and trout, both species showing signs of recovery. And various individuals hunted game and fowl or went after other resources as much for enjoyment as necessity. Tribally owned, operated, or leased businesses brought income to the Northern Paiute reservations and colonies. Most of the groups elect tribal councils, who handle tribal funds, often oversaw law and order in communities, and planned for tribal and economic development. Poverty and health problems were still significant in 985. Colonies, especially near urban centers, were overcrowded, underserved, and in need of additional lands and resources. Out-migration throughout the historical period has led to a significant non-reservation and non-colony population scattered throughout the west.
The Present and The Future
In the present day, the Northern Paiute live on and off several reservations in the western United States. In 2000, the population of the Pyramid Lake reservation was reported to be 1,734. Walker River population was reported as 853. There were around 700 speakers of the Northern Paiute language in 2007. In 2005, the Northwest Indian Language Institute of the University of Oregon formed a partnership to teach Northern Paiute and Kiksht in the Warm Springs Indian Reservation schools. In 2013, Washoe County, Nevada became the first school district in Nevada to offer Northern Paiute classes. Elder Ralph Burns of the Pyramid Lake Paiute worked with University of Nevada linguist Catherine Fowler to help develop a written language, which uses 19 letters. They also developed a language learning book and a series of computer disks of language lessons. Since the beginning of their history interacting with Euro-Americans, the Northern Paiute have undergone great changes in their lifestyle and culture. Despite this, they have persevered into the 21st century, remembering their past traditions.
Paiute Factoids
A child&#8217;s umbilical cord was ultimately placed in a mole hole if a girl (to insure good root digging and seed gathering skills) and in a bushy tailed woodrat&#8217;s nest if a boy (to insure good hunting).
The Northern Paiute believed that power (puha) could reside in any natural object, including animals, plants, stones, water, and geographic features, and that it habitually resided in natural phenomena such as the sun and moon, thunder, clouds and wind.
Stars were thought to cause illness, particularly to boys or young men through their desires to have them as husbands.

Raider
As the number of white settlers to the western United States increased, so did the number of mounted predatory bands among the Northern Paiute. The increase in outsiders and the damage to subsistence resources (seed plants and large game were virtually decimated for miles on either side of the road, water holes were fouled or drained) contributed to the transition in lifestyle. The raiding was also encouraged by White traders, who desired the stolen livestock and gave the natives guns, ammunition and blankets. Not all the mounted Paiute used the horses for raiding. Some continued their traditional subsistence modes. The raiding parties would eventually bring about conflict with the US army and to the placement of the Northern Paiute in reservations.

Dance Circle
In all the Northern Paiute areas, dances and prayers were offered prior to communal food-getting efforts, such as antelope and rabbit drives. In areas with lakes and marshes, coot drives were also celebrated communally. Pyramid Lake and Walker River peoples likewise held dances and offered prayers for fall, winter, and spring fish runs. All groups within the distribution of pinon had a fall festival in preparation for the harvest. Each of these activities were under the direction of a specialist. In all instances, group prayer and dancing were also times of merriment. Night dances were followed by gambling, foot races, and other forms of secular entertainment.
 
Sounds good, Guandao. Thanks again for the amazing work!

Side note: I think I'm just about done with the Squamish, but I do have one question from more experienced modders: I have most of the Squamish coded in SQL, but my uniques are coded in LUA (thanks to Uighur and DJSHenniger). How do I integrate them?
 
I'm not used to Lua myself but shouldn't the uniques still need to have an XML/SQL entrant for them and the Lua code just activates when the uniques exist? I'd assume the Lua should only activate when told to.

I didn't think an entire unique could be only in Lua. Alas I'm but a novice.
 
I'm not used to Lua myself but shouldn't the uniques still need to have an XML/SQL entrant for them and the Lua code just activates when the uniques exist?

…I don't know?
 
Would anybody be willing to hold my hand on this part? I'm a little clueless for this step and could use some instruction.
 
Alright. Here's what the Language School should look like in XML:

Code:
<GameData>
	<Buildings>
		<Row>
			<Type>BUILDING_LDVHL_LANGUAGE_SCHOOL</Type>
			<BuildingClass>BUILDINGCLASS_PUBLIC_SCHOOL</BuildingClass>
			<Cost>300</Cost>
			<GoldMaintenance>3</GoldMaintenance>
            <FaithCost>200</FaithCost>
			<SpecialistType>SPECIALIST_SCIENTIST</SpecialistType>
			<SpecialistCount>1</SpecialistCount>
			<CultureRateModifier>10</CultureRateModifier>
			<UnlockedByBelief>true</UnlockedByBelief>
			<PrereqTech>TECH_SCIENTIFIC_THEORY</PrereqTech>
			<Help>TXT_KEY_BUILDING_LDVHL_LANGUAGE_SCHOOL_HELP</Help>
			<Description>TXT_KEY_BUILDING_LDVHL_LANGUAGE_SCHOOL</Description>
			<Civilopedia>TXT_KEY_BUILDING_LDVHL_LANGUAGE_SCHOOL</Civilopedia>
			<Strategy>TXT_KEY_BUILDING_LDVHL_LANGUAGE_SCHOOL</Strategy>
			<MinAreaSize>-1</MinAreaSize>
			<ConquestProb>0</ConquestProb>
			<HurryCostModifier>0</HurryCostModifier>
			<IconAtlas>LDVHL_SQUAMISH_COLOR_ATLAS</IconAtlas>
			<PortraitIndex>3</PortraitIndex>
		</Row>
	</Buildings>
<Building_ClassesNeededInCity>
		<Row>
			<BuildingType>BUILDING_LDVHL_LANGUAGE_SCHOOL</BuildingType>
			<BuildingClassType>BUILDINGCLASS_UNIVERSITY</BuildingClassType>
		</Row>
</Building_ClassesNeededInCity>
<Building_Flavors>
		<Row>
			<BuildingType>BUILDING_LDVHL_LANGUAGE_SCHOOL</BuildingType>
			<FlavorType>FLAVOR_SCIENCE</FlavorType>
			<Flavor>65</Flavor>
		</Row>
		<Row>
			<BuildingType>BUILDING_LDVHL_LANGUAGE_SCHOOL</BuildingType>
			<FlavorType>FLAVOR_GREAT_PEOPLE</FlavorType>
			<Flavor>2</Flavor>
		</Row>
        <Row>
			<BuildingType>BUILDING_LDVHL_LANGUAGE_SCHOOL</BuildingType>
			<FlavorType>FLAVOR_CULTURE</FlavorType>
			<Flavor>30</Flavor>
		</Row>
</Building_Flavors>
<Building_YieldChanges>
		<Row>
			<BuildingType>BUILDING_LDVHL_LANGUAGE_SCHOOL</BuildingType>
			<YieldType>YIELD_SCIENCE</YieldType>
			<Yield>3</Yield>
		</Row>
</Building_YieldChanges>
<Building_YieldChangesPerPop>
		<Row>
			<BuildingType>BUILDING_LDVHL_LANGUAGE_SCHOOL</BuildingType>
			<YieldType>YIELD_SCIENCE</YieldType>
			<Yield>50</Yield>
		</Row>
</Building_YieldChangesPerPop>
</GameData>

I would normally put all the buildings in the same file, but I'm going to do this one by itself to walk you through the process.

Ok so inside of the <Buildings> thing (idk the proper name for that subsection thingy so I will call it something incorrect every time resulting in many facepalms and cringes from more experienced programmers): <Type> is the particular building in question that you're making. I've added a LDVHL prefix to it which is used in case there's another mod with the same unit or building so there isn't conflict.

I think everything after that is self explanatory until <CultureRateModifier>10</CultureRateModifier>. So there's a subsection thingy called <Building_YieldModifiers> which is used to have buildings apply multipliers to yields, like +10% Food or something. For some odd reason, trying to modify culture through that subsection thingy doesn't work so you have to use <CultureRateModifier> inside of the <Buildings> subsection thingy to modify culture.

Afterwards, there's <UnlockedByBelief>true</UnlockedByBelief>. This just means that this particular building can be purchased with faith if a particular belief is selected, Jesuit Education in this case. Those beliefs unlocked purchases by building class so you don't have to worry about anything.

I believe <MinAreaSize> is only not -1 if you want a model to appear outside the city, like in the cases of wonders.

This stuff: <IconAtlas>LDVHL_SQUAMISH_COLOR_ATLAS</IconAtlas <PortraitIndex>3</PortraitIndex> just defines which atlas has the building's icon and what number from left to right it is (this count starts at 0 and that 0 is supposed to be used by the civ icon, otherwise it doesn't work properly, at least it didn't work for me the first time I tried so I always keep this stuff in the same order).

<Building_Flavors> is used by the AI to determine if they should build it and how to use it. I have no clue what scale flavors use so I just either use the same number as the default building, or place an arbitrarily high number.

<Building_YieldChanges> is used for flat bonuses.

<Building_YieldChangesPerPop> does what it says. Note that the specified quantity is by percent and the amount added is always +1 (at least I think). This is why the <Yield> is 50, as in case +1 science for every 2 citizens (50% of the city's pop).

I would do the other UB, but it's almost 1 AM so I gotta sleep. It's the same process, just check through the XML files in the civ 5 folder or other mods to find out the other subsection thingies or subsubsection thingies (like <Yield> if it wasn't clear what I was referring to) that you need to use. You don't need to do anything special in the XML file to link it to the Lua or anything. Just define the Potlatch House variable in the Lua I made to be equal to the same tag you call it so it knows which building to look for.
 
Here is the civilopedia entry for Winnemucca the Younger, now it's onto the entries for the Tzintzutzan/Tarascan/Purhepecha :D

Spoiler :
Winnemucca the Younger
C 1820-1882
Leader of the Paiute
War Chief of the Kuyuidika band of the Northern Paiute
History
Winnemucca the Younger was a war chief of the Kuyuidika band of the Northern Paiute people. He has been referred to by other names, including Wobitsawahkah, Bad Face, Mubetawaka, and Poito.
Early Years
Winnemucca was actually born as an ethnic Shoshone sometime around the year 1820 in the area which would later be called the Oregon Territory by the Americans. When he married the daughter of “Old” Winnemucca, he became a Paiute in accordance to their tribal rules. His wife and father-in-law were members of the Kuyuidika band of the Northern Paiute. Old Winnemucca honored his son-in-law by naming him “Winnemucca the Younger”. Winnemucca means “The Giver of Spiritual Gifts” in the Northern Paiute language. Eventually, Winnemucca the Younger became a war chief of the Kuyuidika. He apparently distrusted the Euro-American settlers more than his father-in-law.
Involvement in the Pyramid Lake Conflict
Winnemucca the Younger was a leading proponent of the Pyramid Lake War of 1860. Originally, the Paiute did not join the Shoshone and Northern Ute warriors in fighting the Americans. However, Winnemucca eventually led several Paiute units in warfare, being mistaken with the “Snakes” or Shoshone. On March 17, 1865, while Sarah Winnemucca and her grandfather Old Winnemucca were in Dayton, Nevada, Captain Almond D. Wells’ Nevada Volunteer cavalrymen raided their family camp on the shore of what is now called Winnemucca Lake. The cavalry killed 29 of the 30 elderly men, women and children in the camp, including two of Old Winnemucca’s wives. The younger Winnemucca’s wife and daughter were also among the dead, with his baby son killed by being tossed into a fire. In 1868, Winnemucca the younger surrendered. After the war, his influence decreased substantially. He had little control over the events in the Malheur Reservation which led to the Bannock War of 1878. During the winter of 1872-1873, Winnemucca refused to settle on a farm at the Malheur Reservation, despite his daughter Sarah’s request for him to join her. He reasoned that he might starve there, and took refuge at the base of Steens Mountain in present-day Harney County, Oregon. At the same time, the settlers and government in Oregon were worried that the Paiute led by Winnemucca would join the Shoshone led by Chochoco (Has No Horse). In addition to this, they were also concerned that the Paiute might cooperate with their former enemies, the Modoc people led by John Schonchin and Captain Jack (Modicus). The Modoc War would end on April 11, 1873. By 1874, Winnemucca, Sarah, another daughter, and eight warriors were appearing at the Metropolitan Theater in Sacramento, California in a series of skits on Native American life, which they performed for five years. While the agency was led by the US Indian agent Samuel Parrish, in 1875, Winnemucca went to and from the Malheur Reservation with considerable freedom.
Avoiding Reservation Life
Parrish had irrigation canals and a school built for the Malheur’s reservation. He also expanded it to secure better farmland for the Shoshone, but he had no permission to do this. Pony Blanket’s cultivated land and the Shoshone’s traditional hot springs was annexed, causing conflict with powerful local settlers who desired that land, including ranchers Henry Miller and Peter French. These men began an eventually successful campaign to have Parrish replaced. In early April 1875, Winnemucca, Sarah Winnemucca, and Pony Blanket tried to persuade officers at Fort Harney to help reinstate Parrish. Wealthy opponents like William V. Rinehart retaliated by falsely accusing officers at Fort Harney, Fort McDermitt, and Fort Bidwell of supplying food to the Shoshone who refused to settle in the Malheur Reservation. Rinehart was the sworn enemy of both the Shoshone and Paiute peoples, preferring absolute authority and the extermination of the indigenous people. He replaced Parrish in his position on June 28, 1876, just three days after Custer’s defeat at Little Bighorn. Rinehart began defrauding and abusing both reservation and non-reservation native peoples, often not giving them adequate supplies of rations. In 1877, conflict between Chief Joseph’s band of Nez Perce (Niimiipuu) and the US military broke out. The Paiute, who had been leaving the Malheur Reservation to escape Rinehart and starvation, returned en masse, knowing they would be safer at the reservation during wartime. Winnemucca and some of his warriors traveled to Boise, dining as guests of honor with Governor Mason Brayman. He would not go to the Malheur Reservation due to Rinehart and worsening conditions.
Role in the Bannock War and Death
Two Shoshone “Dog Soldiers” came to Malheur in March 1878 and threatened war as soon as there was grass. Brayman wrote to US Senator W. J. McConnell on their behalf, agreeing that the Shoshone at Fort Hall Reservation had “ample justification” for their actions due to the loss of one of their natural food items, Camas root, to settlers’ pigs. On June 16, 1878, the Salt Lake City Tribune reported that Laughing Hawk (Tambiago), who was being held prisoner at the Idaho Territorial Penitentiary, informed officials that Buffalo Horn (Kotsotiala) was to meet with Winnemucca and Chochoco in the Juniper Mountains. The officials ignored this warning. On May 27, 1878, after holding a council of war, the Shoshone commenced an uprising in eastern Oregon with the killing of James Dempsey, a white gun dealer who lived in Harney Valley. Dempsey had purchased arms in October 1877 from the Mormons at Salt Lake City and sold them to the Bannock, after having urged them to go to war. He also informed Idaho Governor Brayman that war with the Indians was imminent. The dealer attempted to join the natives in the uprising but was slain by them, likely due to his double dealings. The uprising turned into the second Shoshone War, which the Euro-Americans termed the Bannock War. On June 5, Sarah Winnemucca met with Pony Blanket, Left Hand, Dancer, and Three Coyotes at the Malheur Indian Agency, there she learned the Shoshone were starving at Malheur, could not buy clothes and that Paiute horses were being shot. Three Coyotes reported the rape of an Indian girl and the confiscation of weapons and horses at the Fort Hall Reservation. They gathered money to send Sarah to Washington DC to inform President Rutherford B. Hayes about these problems. She left on June 9, 1878. That same day Captain Reuben F. Bernard caught up with Black Buffalo and Old Bull near the Oregon-Idaho border, seriously wounding them both. His men were pulling down the telegraph lines to shut off warzone communications. Before the last of the lines were pulled down, General Irvin McDowell sent a message to Winnemucca and his son Natchez, asking them to come and help keep the peace with the hostile Shoshone at the Malheur Reservation. They consented to the General’s request but intended to join the Shoshone at war. On June 10, 1878, Congress declared war on the Western Shoshone nation. The Bannock War proved to be short-lived, but Winnemucca survived the conflict. He died in October 1882 at Coppersmith Station, Nevada. His eldest son Natchez and nephew Numaga were known to whites as Little Winnemucca and Young Winnemucca, respectively.
Legacy in History
Winnemucca the Younger’s role in Northern Paiute politics is controversial among historians. Much information about his life is given in the writings of his daughter, Sarah Winnemucca. She downplayed his Shoshone roots and connections to distinguish her father and people as peaceful to protect them from the prejudice many Euro-American settlers possessed against the more warlike Shoshone. Her father’s influence over the Paiute people was exaggerated because she wrote that he was the “principal chief of all the Paiute tribes”. Modern historians see Winnemucca the Younger more as a “first among equals”, wielding considerable influence over the bands in the Pyramid Lake region. It is understandable that his daughter Sarah would tried to portray him as more pacifist during a period of hostility towards Native Americans. Today, the Shoshone-turned Northern Paiute war chief is honored by the use of his name in the Winnemucca Indian Colony of Nevada, Winnemucca Lake, Winnemucca Mountain, and the city of Winnemucca, Nevada.
 
Thank you Uighur and Guandao!
 
I'll see if I can fix those tonight, thanks for the note!
 
Amalek has been updated on the Workshop with the graphics fixed needed (thanks The Specialize!).
 
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