Civilizations by ldvhl

Only the UA and the second UB need lua and I can do those really quick. One question though: do you want to extra culture for the UB to apply to the cities or directly add to the player's culture?

Here are the first two things:

Spoiler :
Code:
local squamishID = GameInfoTypes.CIVILIZATION_DVH_SQUAMISH
local goldBoost = GameInfoTypes.BUILDING_DVH_SQUAMISH_GOLD

function SquamishWLTKD(playerID)
local player = Players[playerID]
    if (player:IsAlive() and player:GetCivilizationType() == squamishID) then 
		for city in player:Cities() do
			if city:GetWeLoveTheKingDayCounter() > 0 then
			if (not city:IsHasBuilding(goldBoost)) then
					city:SetNumRealBuilding(goldBoost, 1)
				end
			else
				if city:IsHasBuilding(goldBoost) then
					city:SetNumRealBuilding(goldBoost, 0)
				end
			end
		end
	end
end

GameEvents.PlayerDoTurn.Add(SquamishWLTKD)

local squamishHappiness = GameInfoTypes.BUILDING_DVH_SQUAMISH_HAPPINESS

function SquamishHappiness(playerID, cityID, unitID, isGold)
local player = Players[playerID]
    if (player:IsAlive() and player:GetCivilizationType() == squamishID) then
	if isGold then 
	local city = player:GetCityByID(cityID)
	local num = city:GetNumRealBuilding(squamishHappiness)
		city:SetNumRealBuilding(squamishHappiness, num + 1)
		end
end
end

GameEvents.CityConstructed.Add(SquamishHappiness)

Make sure to change the names of things to whatever you're actually calling them.
 
Only the UA and the second UB need lua and I can do those really quick. One question though: do you want to extra culture for the UB to apply to the cities or directly add to the player's culture?

Here are the first two things:

Spoiler :
Code:
local squamishID = GameInfoTypes.CIVILIZATION_DVH_SQUAMISH
local goldBoost = GameInfoTypes.BUILDING_DVH_SQUAMISH_GOLD

function SquamishWLTKD(playerID)
local player = Players[playerID]
    if (player:IsAlive() and player:GetCivilizationType() == squamishID) then 
		for city in player:Cities() do
			if city:GetWeLoveTheKingDayCounter() > 0 then
			if (not city:IsHasBuilding(goldBoost)) then
					city:SetNumRealBuilding(goldBoost, 1)
				end
			else
				if city:IsHasBuilding(goldBoost) then
					city:SetNumRealBuilding(goldBoost, 0)
				end
			end
		end
	end
end

GameEvents.PlayerDoTurn.Add(SquamishWLTKD)

local squamishHappiness = GameInfoTypes.BUILDING_DVH_SQUAMISH_HAPPINESS

function SquamishHappiness(playerID, cityID, unitID, isGold)
local player = Players[playerID]
    if (player:IsAlive() and player:GetCivilizationType() == squamishID) then
	if isGold then 
	local city = player:GetCityByID(cityID)
	local num = city:GetNumRealBuilding(squamishHappiness)
		city:SetNumRealBuilding(squamishHappiness, num + 1)
		end
end
end

GameEvents.CityConstructed.Add(SquamishHappiness)

Make sure to change the names of things to whatever you're actually calling them.

Thank you Uighur! The extra culture should apply to the city it's in.
 
So, if I understood correctly, having 3 Potlach Houses means each one of them adds 2 Culture or each one of them adds 1 culture and then you get 1 extra?
 
Each one would add another culture for every three Potlatch Houses built.
 
Here's the potlatch house code:

Spoiler :
Code:
local potlatchHouse = GameInfoTypes.BUILDING_DVH_POTLATCH_HOUSE
local phCulture = GameInfoTypes.BUILDING_DVH_POTLATCH_HOUSE_CULTURE

function SquamishPotlatchHouse(playerID)
local player = Players[playerID]
    if (player:IsAlive() and player:GetCivilizationType() == squamishID) then
	for city in player:Cities do
	if city:IsHasBuilding(potlatchHouse) then
	local culture = math.floor(player:CountNumBuildings(potlatchHouse) / 3)
	city:SetNumRealBuilding(phCulture, culture)
	end
end
end
end
end

GameEvents.PlayerDoTurn.Add(SquamishPotlatchHouse)
 
Thank you Uighur!
 
Here's the potlatch house code:

Spoiler :
Code:
local potlatchHouse = GameInfoTypes.BUILDING_DVH_POTLATCH_HOUSE
local phCulture = GameInfoTypes.BUILDING_DVH_POTLATCH_HOUSE_CULTURE

function SquamishPotlatchHouse(playerID)
local player = Players[playerID]
    if (player:IsAlive() and player:GetCivilizationType() == squamishID) then
	for city in player:Cities[COLOR="Red"]()[/COLOR] do
	if city:IsHasBuilding(potlatchHouse) then
	local culture = math.floor(player:CountNumBuildings(potlatchHouse) / 3)
	city:SetNumRealBuilding(phCulture, culture)
	end
end
end
end
end

GameEvents.PlayerDoTurn.Add(SquamishPotlatchHouse)

Just a small correction. But a necessary one :crazyeye:
 
Here are the civilopedia entries for the Chumash, the Pomo, and the Nomad unit.

Spoiler :
Chumash
History
The Chumash are a Native American people in present-day southern California that spoke at least six different languages, members of the Chumashan language family.
Geography and Climate
The Chumash occupied the region from San Luis Obispo to Malibu Canyon on the coast, and inland as far as the western edge of the San Joaquin valley. In addition to this land, they occupied the Santa Barbara Channel Islands: San Miguel, Santa Rosa, Santa Cruz, and Anacapa. There are three different types of environments in Chumash territory: an interior, the coast, and the Northern Channel Islands. The interior includes the land outside of the coast, spanning wide plains, rivers, and mountains. The coastal area covers the cliffs and land close to the sea, and also the areas of the ocean from which the Chumash harvested resources. This area has a Mediterranean style climate due to incoming winds from the ocean. The mild temperatures year round save for winter made gathering easy.
Pre-European Contact
Native Americans have lived along the California coast for at least 13,000 years. The long habitation of humans in the Chumash region is attested by archeology and by linguistics. In California, there are two major language families (their validities are still disputed among linguists): Penutian and Hokan. The Chumashan languages have been determined to belong to neither, which may indicate that they were in southern California before the speakers of the Penutian and Hokan languages arrived (as well as those speaking languages in the vast Uto-Aztecan family). The Chumash coastal villages relied more on maritime resources, which were procured by using the tomol or plank canoes. The Chumash living inland would rely more on terrestrial resources. Deer was the most important land mammal pursued by Chumash hunters. Plant foods, especially acorns, were part of the Chumash diet. They were a sedentary people, despite their lack of agricultural practices, due to the abundant resources and a winter rarely harsh enough to cause concern.
Contact with Europeans
The Chumash were the first major group of California Indians to be discovered by Europeans. On October 10, 1542, Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo, landed on the coast near the present site of Ventura. Cabrillo visited many points on the mainland and on the Channel Islands, noting the names of the settlements he encountered. The next encounter with Europeans was 60 years later when Sebastian Vizcaino entered and named the Santa Barbara Channel. In 1769, an expedition commanded by Captain Gaspar de Portola passed through the Chumash coastal region to head north for Monterey Bay, reported by Vizcaino in 1602. Accompanying him were Lt. Pedro Fages, the engineer Miguel Constanso, and the Friar Juan Crespi. All four men wrote accounts of the appearance and activities of the Indians they encountered. Several more accounts follow this before the beginning of the 19th century: the 1775 diary of Father Pedro Font (diarist of the Juan Bautista de Anza expedition), Father Francisco Palou’s account of 1778, naturalist Jose Longinos Martinez’s 1791-1792 journal, and the first account of the Chumash people in English by Archibald Menzies (the naturalist for the George Vancouver expedition). These early accounts describe only the heavily populated Santa Barbara channel coast.
The Spanish Missions and Their Impact
In 1772, San Luis Obispo, the first of the Franciscan missions in Chumash territory, was founded. Four other missions followed: San Buenaventura (1782), Santa Barbara (1786), La Purisima Concepcion (1787), and Santa Ynez (1804). By the early 1800s, the entire Chumash population, except for those who fled in the mountains and inland valleys, were under the Spanish mission system. The missionaries were determined to make the Chumash peoples into industrious farmers and artisans. One-fourth of the 21 missions in California were devoted to the large Chumash population, but historical references are mainly confined to statistics in the mission registers. Other information on the Chumash during this period are founded in the questionnaires which the mission fathers were required to send to the civil authorities in Mexico. The mission period in the Chumash region lasted from 1772 to 1834, when they were secularized. In 1831, the Chumash who were registered at the five missions numbered 2,788, with 726 people at the Santa Barbara mission. This was a great decline from the large population described by European explorers in the centuries before. The basic cause for the decline was the mission system itself. The Chumash neophytes were crowded into compounds near the presidios and mission buildings. There, they were exposed daily to the European diseases to which they lacked immunity to. Smallpox and syphilis were the major killers, but even the common cold could rapidly develop into some deadly form of pulmonary disease. Scholarly estimates of the Chumash population before the decline range from 10,700 to 22,000.
Missions Revolt and Secularization
In 1824, the Chumash neophytes revolted at Santa Barbara, Santa Ynez, and La Purisima. This was due to the mistreatment by the mission soldiers and the endless toil which they were forced to do. After brief hostilities in which several Chumash and Spanish were killed, many fled to the Tulares to take refuge with the Yokuts people. Some of them were persuaded to return to the missions. In 1833, a party of American fur trappers found a village of the renegade Spanish-speaking Chumash living near Walker Pass in Kern County, growing corn and riding horses. The intention behind the secularization of the California missions in 1834 was to transform the mission centers into Pueblos. The Indians, with their knowledge of trade and agriculture, were to become Mexican citizens. Civil administrators would oversee the orderly changeover and allot land to all the former neophytes. However, what happened was actually far different. With the removal of authority, many Chumash fled to the interior and others refused to labor for the Mexican rancheros. Those who attempted to farm for themselves were harassed by whites and driven off the land. The Chumash who remained at the missions were enslaved by the administrators. The mission system which practically destroyed the indigenous culture, now left the Chumash survivors to fend for themselves. In the 1840s, some small parcels of land were given to individual Chumash. However, these lands were soon lost through gambling or traded to Whites for whiskey and blankets. By 1838, alcoholism were widespread among the Chumash, becoming a problem for many years. Many of them finally found work on the large ranches acquired by Mexican citizens through grant or by purchase from the administrators.
Coming of the Anglo-Americans, and Cultural Revival
During the period of secularization, disease continued to decimate the remaining Chumash. In 1844, a serious epidemic caused the deaths of most of the Chumash at Purisima. From the earliest Spanish contact, there was intermarriage between the whites and Chumash. By 1900, few Chumash with complete indigenous ancestry were alive. After the Anglo-Americans came to the area, the Chumash were exploited as cheap labor or ignored except when drunk and disorderly, or caught stealing horses. The Chumash that remained near the settlements worked as vaqueros, house servants, or farm laborers. In 1855, a small piece of land (120 acres) was set aside on a creek near Santa Ynez Mission. One hundred and nine Chumash settled there. This reserve, Zanja de Cota (later reduced to 75 acres), eventually became the smallest official Indian reservation in the state of California. In 1972, about 40 mixed-ancestry Chumash occupied the land. Many more descendants were scattered about in southern California. Traditional culture and the Chumashan languages had died out by this time (the last speaker of a Chumashan language, Mary Yee, died in 1965). This was to change with a rediscovery of indigenous culture among the Chumash descendants. The first modern tomol was built and launched in 1976 as a result of a joint venture between the Quabajai Chumash and the Santa Barbara Museum of Natural History. The second tomol was launched in 1997. On September 9, 2001, the first modern crossing in the tomol from the mainland to the Channel Islands, was sponsored by the Chumash Maritime Association and the Barbareno Chumash Council. The channel crossings have become a yearly event hosted by the Barbareno Chumash Council.
The Present and the Future
Today, the Santa Ynez Band of Chumash is a federally recognized Native American tribe. Their reservation is located in Santa Barbara County, near Santa Ynez. Other Chumash groups are attempting to gain federal recognition, like the Coastal Band of the Chumash Nation and the Barbareño/Ventureño Band of Mission Indians. There are yet more Chumash groups, like the Northern Chumash Tribal Council and the Barbareno Chumash Council. Interest in the Chumashan languages has culminated in the publication of the first Chumash dictionary in 2008, which is 600 pages long and contains 4,000 entries. A reconstruction of a Chumash village is present in Malibu, overlooking the Pacific Ocean. Forced into a Mission system which eventually caused a devastating population decline, the Chumash have rediscovered their heritage and continue to exist as a people in the 21st century.
Chumash Factoids
Among the Chumash, stools made of whale vertebrae were often used.
According to Longinos Martinez (who visited the Chumash in 1792), there was the practice of forcing an abortion during the first pregnancy, because of the belief that if there is no abortion or the child does not die immediately, the mother will never conceive again.
The Chumash were great gamblers, with the men constantly wagering shell money, which was kept strung around their topknots.
The Chumash are well-known for their rock paintings, an example being the Painted Cave of San Marcos Pass, located a few miles from Santa Barbara.

Pomo
History
The Pomo are a Native American people in Northern California. They spoke seven distinct and mutually unintelligible languages, classified as the Pomoan language family. The most divergent Pomoan languages are about as distantly related as the Athabaskan languages Navajo (in Arizona) and Tanaina (in Alaska).
Geography and Climate
The Kashaya occupied about 30 miles of the coast of northwest Sonoma County and extended inland for 5 to 13 miles. They held no rich valleys. The aboriginal territory of the Southern Pomo lay in Sonoma County and extended from about five miles south of Santa Rosa northward for 40 miles, and from the eastern drainage of the Russian River westward to Kashaya and Central Pomo territory, with a narrow extension to the coast between the two. The territory of the Central Pomo lies in southern Mendocino County in an irregular band from the coast to about 40 miles inland and a border with the Eastern Pomo at the crest of the range east of the Russian River. The Northern Pomo had territory in central Mendocino County and from a frontage of 22 miles on the coast, extended in an irregular band inland nearly 50 miles to a region on the northwestern shore of Clear Lake shared with the Eastern Pomo. The Northeastern Pomo lived in a compact area on the eastern side of the Coast Range, primarily in the drainage system of Big Stony Creek before its confluence with Little Stony Creek. They were separated from the rest of the Pomo by land generally accepted to belong the Yuki and Patwin peoples. Eastern Pomo lived on the northwestern and southern shores of Clear Lake. On the eastern shores of Clear Lake, the Southeastern Pomo lived. The territory of the Western and Northeastern Pomo (Kashaya, Southern, Central, Northern, Northeastern), consisted of two ecozones: coast-Redwood and valley-foothill. The coast-redwood zone was the least favorable of the habitats exploited by the Pomo due the heavily eroded nature of the coast beachline backed by an unbroken redwood forest. Temperatures there ranged from midday summer highs of 80 degrees Fahrenheit to well below freezing during the winter. Rainfall of 40-50 inches annually was usual, and fog was common during most of the year. In the valley-foothill region, summer temperatures occasionally ranged as high as 100 degrees F, with winter daytime temperatures averaging 50-60 degrees F. Rainfall was approximately 30 to 40 inches annually. The Clear Lake area has a Mediterranean style climate with considerable rainfall in the winter, and a long, hot, dry period during the summer. The annual rainfall in Lake County is 21.6 inches, with rainfall amounting to only 0.53 inches from June to September.
Pre-European Contact
The Pomo spoke seven languages: Southwestern Pomo (or Kashaya), Southern Pomo, Central Pomo, Northern Pomo, Northeastern Pomo, Eastern Pomo and Southeastern Pomo. The most divergent of the Pomoan languages differ from one another more than do the Germanic languages ( which include German, English, Danish, Dutch, Norwegian, Icelandic). This gives a sense of how long ago the Pomo people used to speak one language (definitely more than 2,000 years ago). The early Pomo are suggested to have lived on the shores of Clear Lake in four branches: Western, Eastern, Southeastern, and Northeastern. The Western Pomo migrated across the range of mountains just to the west of Clear Lake over on the Russian River. There, they spread north and south through the string of valleys along the course of the River. Speakers of the Yukian languages were probably displaced. The Western Pomo split into Northern and Southern groups, with the latter differentiating into three languages (Kashaya, Southern, Central), and the Northern group split into several dialect units.
Contact with Europeans: Spanish Missions and Russians
The first contact between the Pomo and non-Indians may have occurred as early as 1579, when Sir Francis Drake briefly visited the Pomos’ southern neighbors, the Coast Miwok. By the late 1700s, European trade goods were arriving from the San Francisco mission-presidio and the Spanish were raiding southern Pomo territory for potential converts. Fugitives from the missions to the south brought various aspects of Hispanic culture into the Pomo area. By 1817, the Spanish founded a mission at San Rafael and extended their influence to Sonoma in Wappo territory in 1823 (Mission San Francisco de Solano). Neophytes were generally badly treated, and the non-subjugated Pomo threatened reprisals. Despite this, the mission succeeded in developing into a prosperous outpost of Hispanic culture. At least 600 Pomos were baptized at the Missions San Francisco de Solano and San Rafael. The Spanish writers characterized the Pomo as “savage”, more intelligent, and more difficult to convert and control than other Californian Indians had been. In 1809, a Russian trading expedition established friendly relations with Coast Miwok at Bodega Bay. In 1811, the first Russian settlement in California was established at Fort Ross in Kashaya territory. The Kashaya are unique in that they were actually contacted first by the Russians at the Fort Ross colony (as opposed to the Spanish or Anglo-Americans). An agricultural colony was established at Fort Ross, and over 100 local Pomos were employed as agricultural laborers. During this period from 1811 to 1825, many Pomos learned to speak Russian, adopted some aspects of Russian culture and religion, and occasionally intermarried with the Russians.
Mexican Rule and the Arrival of the Americans
In 1822, California became part of the newly created Mexican Republic. Mexican land grants (ranches) were established deep inside Pomo territory, and strict military control was exerted over the area. Colonies were established throughout Southern and Central Pomo territory, with the Pomo being subject to constant raiding for capture and sale. Between 1834 and 1847, thousands of Pomo were captured or died as a result of increasing Mexican military campaigns. Before 1838, all Southern and Central Pomo territory was under Mexican control, with Clear Lake, Big Valley, Sonoma and Napa valleys, and Sonora Valley either settled or about to be settled by Mexicans. By 1836, the trade in Indian slaves reached critical levels. In 1838-1839, thousands of Pomos died during a smallpox epidemic. In 1833, what is believed to be a cholera epidemic devastated many Pomo villages. All of these events set the stage for the rapid decline of the Pomo peoples and their cultural heritage. During the 1850s, American settlers and fortune seekers moved into the area. Some of the Indians worked for the whites, while others were enslaved. All of them were disenfranchised as a new legal system was imposed upon them. Massacres, like that of the Bloody Island massacre of 1850 in retaliation for the deaths of Charles Stone and Andrew Kelsey, were carried out. Many of those slain by the US Cavalry in the Bloody Island Massacre were not even involved with the murders of the two white men (who were abusive settlers). Feelings against non-Europeans ran high, with public efforts to eliminate local Indian populations resulting in the establishment of the Mendocino Indian Reserve near Fort Bragg and the Round Valley Reservation in 1856. Pomo were “rounded up”, resettled at these reserves, and their lands immediately occupied and deeded to Whites. The Mendocino Reserve was discontinued in 1867, leaving the Pomo there homeless and landless. Pomo people became a source of cheap labor for local ranchers. Several new Christian religious groups moved into the region to begin missionary work. These missionaries were instrumental in forming Indian civil rights organizations, purchasing homes for the needy, stopping the liquor traffic, educating children, providing medical attention and supplies, and in general promoting a pro-Indian sentiment direct toward establishing their basic rights as human beings. Pomo also became converts to the philosophies of the Ghost Dance prophets. Although the prophecies of demise for the whites failed, this new religion laid the foundation for the Bole-Maru cult, which allowed for a continuance of Pomo identity while simultaneously integrating Anglo-American work ethics.
20th Century
In 1904, the Ukiah Rancheria instituted a court case to gain permanent and lasting control over the 120 acres of land they purchased in 1881. In 1907, the California Supreme court ruled in favor of the Yokayo Rancheria when a non-Indian probate officer attempted to acquire ownership of over one-half of the rancheria’s acreage. By 1901, around one-half of Pomo children were in schools (segregated ones). Still, most local White communities used Indians for cheap labor and even displaced Pomos who were residing on lands legally theirs. After WWI, Pomos began demanding basic rights and services and were active in the formation of various organizations aimed at securing and advancing a peaceful and prosperous existence for all Indians. They shared America’s general economic crisis during the Great Depression. Traditional patterns of economic reciprocity came to dominate subsistence activities. There was a increase in interracial marriages between Pomo and non-Indians in the 1930s and 40s. Post WWII, several Pomo Rancherias were terminated, and many of their communities became neglected and impoverished. In 1973, there were six Western Pomo Rancherias, each with elected officials. Ten others were terminated. All of the Eastern Pomo Rancherias had been terminated in the 1960s. In 1976, some of the Kashaya live on their small 40-acre reservation, with more scattered elsewhere in the Sonoma County. About half of them (200 people during this time) could speak Kashaya. For the southern Pomo, a dozen or so speakers remain of their language. The Central Pomo language had about as twice as many speakers as the Southern Pomo (spoken in two quite divergent dialects: coastal, and the interior dialect of the Yokaya and Shanel). The Pomo participated in both traditional and non-Indian religions. Principal religions included Catholicism, Methodist, Mormon, Bahai, and Pentecostal. The Pentecostals and some Mormons tried to exclude traditional religious practices.
The Present and the Future
The Pomo groups which are federally recognized by the United States government today are based in Sonoma, Lake, and Mendocino counties. According to the 2010 United States Census, there are 10,308 Pomo people in the United States, with 8,578 of them residing in California. The Pomo today live normal American lifestyles, but their basket weavers are still heralded and praised within the community for their artistic ability and skill. The Southeastern Pomo language has 7 speakers (as of 2013). The Eastern Pomo had 1 speaker in 2006. Central Pomo had 8 speakers in 1996. Southern Pomo had 2 speakers in 2012. Kashaya had 45 speakers in 1994. The other two Pomoan languages are considered extinct. Living under Spanish, Mexican and American rule (with some interaction with the Russians for the Kashaya), the Pomo have lost the majority of their lands, along with aspects of their culture. Despite this, the Pomo people still exist today and are reclaiming their indigenous heritage.
Pomo Factoids
One of the most basic characteristic features of Pomo baskets, was the use of feathers and beads for outlining or making designs.
The various Pomo groups built three basic types of structures: dwelling houses, temporary shelters, and semi-subterranean houses.
The Pomo generally recognized that they shared a common cultural background, the variations of which they compared and contrasted when establishing their ethnicity vis-à-vis other cultures or among themselves.
Like most north-central California Indian groups, the Pomo practiced the Kuksu, a religious complex centering on the impersonation of a god or gods, which stressed curing rituals or rites of “well-being” for the entire group.

Nomad
The Western and Northeastern Pomo expertly used the varied and abundant natural resources in their area. Acorns were staple and seven species were collected. Buckeye nuts, a variety of berries, seeds from at least 15 kinds of grasses, roots and bulbs, and edible greens were gathered and eaten fresh or stored. Dried seaweed and kelp from the ocean shore were delicacies. Hunting was one of the most important occupations of Pomo men. They would know every deer in the territory and maintained a balance between herds and the available vegetation to keep the animals from straying outside Pomo territory. Deep, elk and antelope were the chief big game animals. Rabbits and squirrels were important food resources. Many species of birds were taken for food or for feathers, but a certain number of them were tabooed as food (including hawks, crows, owls and seagulls). Lake, stream, and ocean fish were caught in traps. Even grasshoppers, caterpillars, and larvae were eaten. As for the Eastern and Southeastern Pomo, their annual cycle of subsistence was finely adapted to the special characteristics of the environment in which they lived. They focused their fishing activities primarily during the spawning seasons. Fish, acorns for bread and mush, grains for pinole, pepperwood nuts and buckeyes were stored and eaten year round. This was supplemented with fresh meat or waterfowl when available, and fresh greens, roots, bulbs, berries and fruits in season. As with many of the Californian Indians, the Pomo did not practice agriculture. The abundance of food resources made up for it.
 
Thank you DJSHenniger and Guandao!

I'm working a 60+ hour week this week, will try to get the Squamish out next week.
 
ldvl, you say there were books which contained info on the Illinois leader, Pah-me-cow-ee-tah. Can you give me the links to these books' names? Some might be in my university library.
 
I'd take a look at:

Handbook of North American Indians, Volume 11 By William C. Sturtevant, Manners, Customs and Conditions of the North American Indians By George Catlin. If those two don't have good info, I'd ask Reedstilt or a librarian.
 
Here are the civilopedia entries for the Illinois, their leader Pah-me-cow-ee-tah (it's very brief, unfortunately, both the two books you mentioned have little info about him), and their unique unit War Party.

Spoiler :
Illinois
History
The term Illinois is used to denote a group of independent tribes united by a common language and sharing a tradition of a common origin. Their language is classified as Algonquian and they lived in and around the area which is now the state of Illinois.
Geography and Climate
When first visited by Europeans, the Illinois peoples were centered along the Mississippi River between Iowa and Arkansas, with extensions along the Illinois River to its upper reaches. The Peoria, Coiracoentanon, and Moingwena were living in eastern Iowa. South of these three peoples were the Tamaroa in eastern Missouri and the Cahokia in western Illinois. The Michigamea lived in northeast Arkansas. The Kaskaskia were on the upper Illinois with their main village near Starved Rock. During the early post-contact period, the Illinois retracted into a much smaller area, with one concentration on the upper Illinois and another in the “American Bottom” along the Mississippi between the Illinois and Kaskaskia rivers. Their environment may be characterized as long-grass prairie and wooded along the rivers and streams. The area lies in the transitional zone between the humid continental climate type and the humid subtropical climate type, with hot humid summers and cold winters. Average annual precipitation is about 41.0 inches, but it can range from 20.59 in to 61.24 in. There are four distinct seasons: Spring (typically the wettest season, with tornadoes or severe storms), Summer (hot and humid), Fall (mild and sunny), and Winter (can be brisk, with usually one major snowstorm and even rainfall, typically the driest season).
Pre-European Contact
The Illinois are often described as a confederacy. However, there was no evidence of any overall intertribal organization or political institutions like those found among the Muscogee or the Iroquois League. The language of the Illinois included several dialects, and its closest relative was Miami. The two languages were close enough to be considered two groups of dialects within the same language, Miami-Illinois. Their cultural affinities with other Central Algonquian groups were also strong, and they shared significant traits with the Prairie Siouans (particularly the Chiwere group). In many respects, Illinois culture was transitional between Central Algonquian and Prairie Siouan forms, which implies a history of interaction with those groups. Illinois subsistence combined agriculture with hunting, fishing, and gathering. The precontact Illinois are probably represented by the Upper Mississippian culture of the Fisher tradition. Illinois distribution at contact perhaps reflected a recent shift westward under pressure from the Iroquois, whose earlier possession of firearms gave them a marked advantage in warfare. Other factors may have been responsible, since the location of the Kaskaskia in northern Illinois does not support this assumption. There was a protohistoric war with the Winnebago (also known as the Ho-chunk).
Post-European Contact: Meeting the French
Illinois parties began visiting the French post at Chequamegon at least as early as 1667. From there, the Peoria obtained trade goods, including firearms. The first recorded visit by Europeans to the lands of the Illinois was in 1673. The expedition of Father Jacques Marquette and Louis Joliet visited a Peoria village with 300 lodges. A Kaskaskia village in 1677 had 351 lodges. The northern Illinois tribes rapidly concentrated afterward at the Kaskaskia village near Starved Rock, likely due to a desire for closer trade relations with the French. Disrupted by an Iroquois raid in 1680, this community reformed on a larger scale two years later around Rene-Robert Cavelier de La Salle’s fort and trading post at the same site. It was temporarily increased by Miami and Shawnee. In 1691, the depletion of firewood in the area led its residents to establish a new settlement downstream at Pimiteoui on Lake Peoria. Around the same time, the southern Illinois tribes were forming a second area of concentration in the American Bottom, in the form of distinct tribal villages. The Tamaroa moved to the eastern bank of the Mississippi. About 1693, the Michigamea moved north to settle near the Kaskaskia River. They were also fighting several Indian peoples living west of the Mississippi, particularly the Missouri, Osage, Quapaw, and Pawnee, on whose territories they may have been encroaching. The Iroquois threat diminished during the late 17th century. Their relationship with the western peoples became less hostile as the Illinois withdrew to areas east of the Mississippi River. After 1700, the Kaskaskia broke away from the Pimiteoui settlement to join the Michigamea. They were followed by most of the French traders and missionaries. The Peoria remained alone in the north, alternating between Pimiteoui and Starved Rock. French colonization of the American Bottom began early and included settlers and personnel attached to trading posts, missions, and forts. Illinois tribes became associated with specific French settlements: the Cahokia with Cahokia, the Michigamea with Fort de Chartres, and the Kaskaskia and Tamaroa with Kaskaskia.
Decline of the Illinois
In the 18th century, the Illinois were engaged in almost constant warfare with the Native Americans on their northern periphery. The tribes in Wisconsin began expanding southward once the Iroquois raids ended. The Peoria received the main thrust of these attacks due to their northern location. The attacks would eventually drive the Illinois out of northern and central Illinois. There was a tradition which stated the tribes who supported Pontiac avenged his murder by an Illinois by almost wiping out the Peoria. However, there is no contemporary references to such an event, so it is considered a myth. Throughout this century, they were also at war with the Chickasaw. The earliest accounts of the Illinois peoples name as many as 12 tribes. However, some of these may have been subtribal bands or simply variant forms of the same names. After 1700, the Chepoussa, Chinkoa, Coiracoentanon, Espeminkia, Maroa, Moingwena and Tapouaro disappeared by incorporation into other Illinois groups or perhaps in some cases through clarification of their status. The five Illinois groups whose identities are the clearest and who persisted the longest were the Cahokia, the Kaskaskia, the Michigamea, the Peoria, and the Tamaroa. Their populations were to dwindle, leading to the Kaskaskia absorbing the Tamaroa and Michigamea, and the Cahokia merging with the Peoria (whose name was eventually extended to all the surviving Illinois). Although the French settlements gave the southern Illinois peoples some protection, they also imposed frontier conditions on them. These conditions probably made cultural regeneration impossible. Demoralized by liquor and poverty, and apparently completely missionized, the Illinois grew more dependent on the French. The American Revolution saw the Kaskaskia allying with the Americans. Their movements westward across the Mississippi resumed as the Shawnee and other Native Americans displaced by American settlements began encroaching upon Illinois hunting grounds.
Becoming the Peoria
In the early 19th century, the Illinois (most of whom were already living west of the Mississippi), began selling their land. This process was completed in 1832. They were reduced to a small remnant whose culture had largely disintegrated. The Illinois survivors settled on a reservation in eastern Kansas. A regenerative movement was led by Baptiste Peoria which was directed towards acculturation ensured their survival as a group united under the name Peoria. In 1854, the Peoria united with the survivors of the Wea and Piankashaw under the name Confederated Peoria. When American settlement of Kansas threatened their relatively successful adaptation, they moved to a new reservation in northeast Oklahoma. When the Dawes Act and Curtis Act of 1898 were passed, the US government attempted to break up the common landholdings of the Native American tribes to have them assimilate to Euro-American ways. The Peoria were impacted by this. After the passage of the Oklahoma Indian Welfare act in 1939, the tribe reorganized and re-established its traditional form of council government. In 1956, the Peoria numbered 439, mostly living outside the jurisdiction of the agency. They had been incorporated as the “Peoria Indian Tribe of Oklahoma” since 1940. At the time, little if any traditional culture was said to remain. During the 1950s, the American government pursued a policy of termination to end its special relationship with Native American tribes. The Peoria lost federal recognition in 1959, and their tribal government was dissolved. They objected to this and began a process to regain federal recognition, which was achieved in 1978.
The Present and the Future
The Peoria Tribe of Oklahoma is headquartered in Miami, Oklahoma, and their tribal jurisdictional area is in Ottawa County. They have 2,925 enrolled members, with only 777 of them living in Oklahoma State. The tribe owns one casino and the Peoria Ridge Golf Course. The estimated annual economic impact of the Peoria is $60 million. The Illinois peoples have gone through a severe population decline, becoming the Peoria Tribe of today. As a result of influence from the French, much of their traditional culture and the language was lost. Despite this, the Peoria have continued to live on into the 21st century
Illinois Factoids
Childbirth occurred in the small lodges to which women retired during menstruation. Before a woman could move back into her own lodge after delivery, it was thoroughly cleaned.
Boys who showed a preference for the implements used by women were dressed as girls and became transvestites, imitating women in every respect. They were regarded as Manitous and present at major rituals.
The Illinois recognized an overall being, the Master of Life, who was the ultimate source of the visions courted during puberty.

Pah-me-cow-ee-tah
?-? (lived during the early 1830s)
Leader of the Illinois
Chief of the Peoria Illinois
History
Pah-me-cow-ee-tah, also known as Man who Tracks, was a chief of the Peoria during the early nineteenth century.
Life
It is to be said that little information survives about Pah-me-cow-ee-tah, other than what was written by the American painter George Catlin. There is uncertainty about the dates of his life and his actions as a chief. The Peoria were one of the few Illinois Indian groups that survived into the 1800s. They have already left their original homeland in northern Illinois for the lands west of the Mississippi River (settling in present-day Kansas). Their culture was changed by interactions with the French settlers and missionaries. Pah-me-cow-ee-tah would have been a leader during a time of decline for the Peoria. The Peoria chief was married to at least one woman. Pah-me-cow-ee-tah was painted by George Catlin when he visited the Fort Leavenworth area (in present-day Kansas) during the years 1830-1832. Catlin also painted portraits of the Delaware, Kaskaskia, Kickapoo and other native peoples. These portraits are considered Catlin’s first attempts at Indian portraits in the West. He was described as an “elegant and amiable young man”, and celebrated as an “Advocate of Temperance”. He and No English (Kee-mo-ra-nia) were said to be the most influential men in the tribe. Both were “very curiously and well dressed”. Pah-me-cow-ee-tah was said by Catlin as having a “remarkably fine head”. After Catlin’s visit to the Peoria, Pah-me-cow-ee-tah’s life (including his date of death) is unknown to historians.
Legacy in History
It is hard to gauge the legacy of a leader whose life is poorly known. It seems like Pah-me-cow-ee-tah had qualities suited for a chief of the Peoria. His greatest legacy was the portrait by George Catlin. It is because of this painting that the Peoria leader is known to have existed during a time when most Americans were unfamiliar with the Native Americans living on the Great Plains.

War Party
Throughout their post-European contact history, the Illinois fought many other Native American groups. They were under pressure from the Iroquois until the late 17th century, and also fought the natives living west of the Mississippi River (Missouri, Osage, Quapaw, Pawnee). The Illinois withdrew to areas east of the Mississippi, lessening the threat of the western Indians. The 18th century brought nearly constant conflict with the Natives Americans on their northern periphery, whose attacks eventually drove the Illinois out of northern and central Illinois. During the same century, they were also at war with the Chickasaw. The raiding season for the Illinois began in February. Except for the large groups who fought the western tribes, raiding parties were fairly small. Each raid was led by a recognized war leader, who invited his followers to a dog feast before leaving the village at night. A successful raid was carried out without losses. If members of the party were killed, the leader had to compensate their relatives with gifts and undertake another raid to avenge their deaths. Two unsuccessful forays usually ended the war leader’s career. In reckoning war honors, the capture of prisoners ranked much higher than killing enemies. Men were usually burned, while women and children were distributed among the households that had lost residents during enemy raids. Some were adopted, while others apparently kept a slave or quasi-slave status (could be sold, exchanged or given away).
 
Thank you Guandao! Fantastic work as always, and thank you for going above and beyond!
 
Here are the civilopedia entries for the Pequot and their unique unit the Mihkiku. I have visited their museum in Connecticut! :D

Spoiler :
Pequot
History
The Pequot are a Native American people who live in eastern Connecticut. They spoke an Eastern Algonquian language and were nearly annihilated by the English and their native allies.
Geography and Climate
The Pequot lived in present-day eastern Connecticut in an area shared with the Mohegan and Western Niantic peoples. Their eastern boundary was basically the border between Connecticut and Rhode Island. Their western boundary was located east of the Connecticut River valley. Their northern boundary was some distance south of the modern Connecticut-Massachusetts border. In the territory was the Thames and Mystic rivers. The area had temperate broadleaf and mixed forests (oaks, hickories and maple). Much of what is now Connecticut has a humid continental climate, with cold winters and warm humid summers. Far southern and coastal Connecticut has a milder humid temperate/subtropical climate with seasonal extremes tempered by proximity to the Atlantic Ocean, warmer winters, and longer frost-free seasons. Most of Connecticut sees a fairly even precipitation pattern with rainfall/snowfall spread throughout the 12 months. During hurricane season, tropical cyclones occasionally affect the region. Thunderstorms are most frequent during the summer, occurring on average 30 times annually.
Pre-European contact
At the time of the earliest European contacts with Amerindians in the 16th and early 17th centuries, the region stretching southwest along the Atlantic coast from Saco Bay, Maine, to the vicinity of the Housatonic River, in Connecticut, and from Long Island inland to southern New Hampshire and Vermont was occupied by groups of Native Americans who shared, with minor exceptions, a single cultural pattern. All of these groups spoke closely related Algonquian languages, obtained their food by combining maize-beans-squash horticulture with the collecting of land and sea fauna and wild plants, and engaged in very similar social, political, and religious practices centered on the village as the basic social unit. Southern New England, could be easily distinguished from surrounding regions. Its northeast boundary was marked by a sharp decrease in the importance of horticulture, and by the relatively abrupt linguistic break between the Southern New England and Western Abenaki languages. The southwest border of the region had a marked linguistic break, from the southern New England Algonquian language group to Munsee Delaware (or Lenape). The New England Algonquians spoke one of five Eastern Algonquian languages: Loup (the most mysterious one, very poorly known, it is uncertain which group spoke this language), Massachusett, Narragansett, Mohegan-Pequot-Montauk, and Quiripi-Unquachog. They differed in terms used for common entities and concepts. Despite the variation, several 17th century writers claim that all the languages were easily understood by speakers of any of the others. Yet, other reports emphasize linguistic differences, like the difficulties experienced by speakers of the Martha’s Vineyard dialect in communicating with the people of Nantucket and the nearby Massachusetts mainland. The Mohegan and Montauk “confederacy” of Long Island (including the Shinnecock and Corchaug) spoke closely related dialects of the same language as the Pequot. This indicates a shared history between these groups.
Post-European Contact: Their Destruction at the Hands of the English
The Pequot first appear in the documentary record in 1614 as the “Pequatoos” and noted as enemies of the “Wapanoos”. Early 17th century documents make it clear that Uncas, the Mohegan sachem, was subordinate to Sassacus, the chief sachem of the Pequot. In the early 1630s, Sassacus held dominon over part of Long Island, over the Mohegan, over Quinapeake (modern New Haven), over the people living on the Connecticut River, and over some of the most southerly inhabitants of “Nipmuck country”. The Dutch quickly developed a regular trade with both the Mohegan and the Pequot. In 1622, there was an incident when a Dutch trader held the Pequot sachem hostage until ransomed with 140 fathoms of wampum. They would since then only deal with Pieter Barentssz, who spoke their language and had their confidence. Since trade with the interior peoples in New England involved access to the Connecticut River, the struggle for control of that waterway soon involved both Native Americans and Europeans. There was an apparent Pequot effort to expand their authority westward into the Connecticut valley. The Dutch found it convenient to accept the Pequot claim to the area. In 1633, they purchased land from them on the east side of the river at the site of modern East Hartford, where they built a small fort and trading house. The English supported the claims of the local Indians, who had invited them to trade and settle in the same area. Relations between the English and Pequot deteriorated rapidly. In 1637, after raids and killings by both sides, the English, aided by the Narragansett, and by the Mohegan (they saw an opportunity to escape their subordinate status, sent a large armed force into the Pequot home territory, attacking and burning a Pequot village at Mystic. At least 300 men, women, and children were killed. The remaining Pequot fled to the west, but many of them were captured or killed. Sassacus was reportedly beheaded by the Mohawk, whom he had sought refuge with. Some 200 prisoners were divided among the Indian allies, given as servants to English families, or sold as slaves. The void left by the destruction of the Pequot was quickly filled by their former subordinates the Mohegan.
Post-Pequot War: Assimilation and Land Loss
Despite the devastation inflicted on the Pequot by the English, Mohegan, and Narragansett, they continued to survive in Connecticut. The surviving Pequot had two reservations: the 280 acre Stonington reservation at Lantern Hill (granted in 1683), and the roughly 2,000 acre Mushantuxet (aka Mashantucket) reservation of Robin Cassasinamon’s followers, set up in 1667 in part of New London, in the town of Groton from 1705 to 1836, and since then in Ledyard. However, most of their land was eventually leased to and cultivated by White colonists, thus tending to slip of their control. The smaller Stonington group had experienced such a drastic drop in population by 1749 that they were on the verge of losing their reservation. However, they petitioned and won back the rights to their land. The group requested specific overseers to manage their affairs in 1788. By the early 19th century, two-thirds of the tribe were living on the reservation with the rest working as servants in White people’s homes or on whaling expeditions. Those living on the reservation tried to earn their money with their crafts, especially basketry. They had lost 40 acres of their original grant by 1848, and the remaining acres were worn down or rented out. None of the land was cultivated by the Pequot. As for the Mushantuxet reservation, the western half (amounting to 1,737 acres) was leased to White farmers in 1732 in an act of the colonial assembly that was intended to benefit the Indians, but the problem of fake claims by the tenants became so severe that the act was repealed in 1752 after complaints from the Pequot. Despite this, they lost much of their land to these claims. After a decision by the assembly in 1761, the Pequot only controlled a fraction (more than 989 acres) of their original reservation. By 1776, this land was in poor shape, although the Pequot cultivated it in the English manner. Attempted encroachments by the Whites continued. In 1848, the Mushantuxet Pequot still held 989 acres, most of which was wooded. The cleared land was rented to Whites, and the Pequot had only one acre under cultivation. The years 1700 to 1900 were ones of slow and painful acculturation for the Pequot, bringing changes in their economic, cultural, and religious life. Disease helped to crease the population, and alcoholism was common. The native language of the Pequot ceased to be spoken during this period.
The 20th Century: Revival of Pequot Identity
During this time, land speculators often pointed out the tri-racial (having Native American, African-American, Euro-American ancestry) character of the New England Algonquian Indian groups as evidence that the Native Americans were extinct or at least had not obeyed earlier strict anti-miscegenation laws. These were attempts to oust the Amerindians from the remaining land they had. A neo-Indian culture was developed. Its culture was characterized by borrowings from other Indian groups and vague memories of former days romanticized by Whites. Indian dress styles were borrowed from Brothertown, Wisconsin and from the Saint Regis Mohawk. Pow wows were organized, taking over social functions once served by Christian religious gatherings. The emphasis on Indianism did much to reestablish a self-respect and group pride long subdued by the racial attitudes of local Whites. The Indian Reorganization Act of 1934 stimulated renewed interest in tribal incorporation. The Lantern Hill or North Stonington (Eastern Pequot) reservation was surveyed at 224.6 acres in 1963. The population in 1975 was 8 full-time and 18 part-time residents. The Mushantuxet/Mashantucket reservation contained 175 acres population by nine full-time residents in 1975. They were reorganized and incorporated in August 1974. During the 1970s and 1980s, the numbers of Mashantucket Pequot grew as tribal chairman Richard A. Hayward encouraged the Pequot to return to their homeland. In 1976, the Pequot filed suit against neighboring landowners to recover land which had been illegally sold in 1856 by the state of Connecticut. After seven years, the Pequot and the landowners reached a settlement. The “Mashantucket Pequot Indian Land Claims Settlement Act” was enacted by the US Congress and signed by President Ronald Reagan on Oct. 18, 1983. This granted the Mashantucket federal recognition, enabling them to repurchase the land covered in the Settlement Act, and place it in trust with the Bureau of Indian Affairs for reservation use. In 1986, they opened a bingo operation, followed in 1992 by the establishment of the Foxwoods Resort Casino. Casino revenues has enabled the development and construction of a cultural museum. The ceremonial groundbreaking for the Mashantucket Pequot Museum and Research Center took place on October 20, 1993.
The Present and the Future
The Eastern Pequot Tribal Nation was recognized in 2002. Since the 1930s, both groups of Pequot have had tension over racial issues, with some claiming that the darker-skinned descendants should not be considered “fully Pequot”. Two groups of Eastern Pequot filed petitions for recognition with the BIA, and they agreed to unite to achieve recognition. The state immediately challenged the decision (there was worries that the newly recognized tribe would establish a gaming casino), and in 2005, the Department of the Interior revoked recognition for the EPTN. Despite the problems faced by the Eastern Pequot, the Mashantucket Pequot have so far retained their federal recognition. They have engaged in several entrepreneurial enterprises to become economically viable. Since the devastating Pequot War, the descendants of the Pequot have dealt with land encroachment, cultural loss and assimilation, and claims of them not being the “real deal”. Hopefully, the Pequot people will continue to rediscover their native heritage and fight for their right to be recognized by the US government.
Pequot Factoids
Dried maize was placed in woven sacks or baskets and buried in large holes or trenches to be used as needed during the fall and winter.
The largest dugout canoes were 40 or 50 feet long and could carry 40 men.
The Pequot fort at Mystic, Connecticut was a true palisaded village, covering at least two acres and housing a minimum of 300 to 400 people.
A prime example of aboriginal trade goods was wampum, cylindrical beads fashioned from the central column of whelk shells, for the white variety, and from the violet area of quahog shells for the “black” variety.

Mihkiku
The basic weapons in both hunting and warfare for the Pequot and other New England Algonquian groups were bows and arrows. In the Cape Cod area, bows were made of witch hazel, between five and six feet long, painted black and yellow, with strings formed of three twisted sinews. The wooden arrows, which were over a yard long and bore three long black feathers, were kept in rush quivers decorated with diamond designs in red and other colors. In eastern Massachusetts, the natives used arrows of elder, fitted with foreshafts set loosely into the main shafts, so that the main shaft could be recovered while the point continued to trouble the wounded beast. Arrowheads were made of stone, deer antler, eagle claws, bone, and horseshoe crab tails. Alternatively, the arrows were simply sharpened to a point. Very early after contact with Europeans, the natives began to replace these materials with iron, copper, and brass. They either acquired the metal points from Europeans or fashioned them from worn kettles and other metal objects.
 
That's amazing, Guandao! Thank you so much!
 
Here are the civilopedia entries for the Niimiipuu and their uniques

Spoiler :
Niimiipuu
History
The Niimiipuu (also known as the Nez Perce) are a Native American people who lived in the Plateau region of North America. Their language is classified as a member of the Plateau Penutian family.
Geography and Climate
Niimiipuu territory centered on the middle Snake and Clearwater rivers and the northern portion of the Salmon River basin in central Idaho and adjacent Oregon and Washington. Their territory was marked by a diverse flora and fauna, as well as by temperature and precipitation patterns reflecting sharp variations in elevation. The deep canyons cut by the Clearwater, Salmon and Snake rivers encouraged seasonal subsistence migrations. The Pacific Ocean still influences the climate in the region, especially in the winter when cloud cover, humidity, and precipitation are at their maximum extent. Temperatures can be not as low as would be expected for such an area. It can be hot there, but extended periods over 98 degrees F are rare. Winters can be cold, although extended periods of bitter cold weather below zero are unusual.
Pre-European Contact
The language of the Niimiipuu is closely related to that of Sahaptin (dialects are spoken by the Palouse, Walla Walla, Yakima, Umatilla and Wayampam in Oregon and Washington). Neither historical linguistics nor archeological research has produced evidence that the Sahaptians have ever resided outside of the Columbia Basin. Existing research shows that they are the ancient dwellers of the Columbia Basin with possible external connections to the Penutian “superfamily”, which also includes Chinookan, Takelma, Kalapuyan, Oregon Coast Penutian, Wintuan, Maiduan, Yok-Utian, and Tsimshianic as apparent branches.
Post-Contact: the Fur Trade
In 1800, there were over 70 permanent Niimiipuu villages ranging from 30 to 200 individuals. In 1805, they were the largest tribal grouping on the Plateau, with a population of about 6,000. White trappers were living in Niimiipuu villages as early as 1811, and traders attempted to establish a post among them in 1812. By 1813, the Nimiipuu were firmly engaged in trading with the North West Company post on the Upper Columbia, which led to substantial cultural changes. The company urged the men to take more wives to have more workers to prepare pelts. The furs in the Plateau region were rapidly exhausted, especially the beaver. Trapping then extended into the northern Great Basin, and by 1846 there were few beaver left anywhere in the Columbia Basin. A period of relative prosperity for the Niimiipuu prevailed during the first half of the 19th century. It was supported by the fur trade and also trade in horseflesh and other commodities with fur traders and early immigrants to the Oregon Territory. Epidemics during this period decreased the population, which declined to about 1,800 by the beginning of the 20th century. The Niimiipuu quickly became middlemen in a vast trade network extending from the plains of Montana and beyond to the Dalles-Celilo Falls trade center and the Northwest Coast.
The Impact of Christian Missionaries
Roman Catholic and Protestant missionaries found the people ready for conversion. In 1831, a Niimiipuu-Flathead delegation arrived in Saint Louis to request Christian missionaries. The first permanent missionaries to the Niimiipuu were Presbyterian. The first phase of Presbyterian missionizing began in 1836 and lasted until 1847. In that year, a Presbyterian missionary couple, Marcus and Narcissa Whitman, were murdered by the Cayuse, close allies of the Niimiipuu. Presbyterian work halted among the Niimiipuu and was not resumed until the 1870s. The following native customs were proscribed by missionaries: polygyny, gambling, shamanism, tutelary spirit seeking, warfare, stealing, most ceremonials with their attendant drumming, dancing, singing, and costumes, and sex outside monogamous marriage. The missionaries taught the tenets of Protestant theology, Christian marriage, attendance during religious instruction and on holy days, the adoption of horticulture, sedentary living, literacy, and Bible reading. They introduced medical practices and established gardens and mills to settle the Niimiipuu around the mission settlements. Native lay leaders were trained. It should be noted that converts were few. In Niimiipuu culture, religion was at the basis of secular success and the various cults had probably created extremely high expectations of new and wondrous items of material culture. For the missionaries, the functions of religion were moral and spiritual, and they failed to satisfy the complex mixture of religious and economic needs apparently responsible for early Niimiipuu interest in Christianity. The Dream cult and most traditional religious beliefs persisted despite the best efforts of the missionaries to eradicate them.
Chief Joseph’s War
The treaty of 1855 negotiated by Governor Isaac I. Stevens at Walla Walla secured in Niimiipuu ownership a large reservation with guarantees of continued off-reservation rights of hunting, fishing, gathering and travel. In 1863, this reservation was reduced and pressure to sell Niimiipuu lands continued. Off-reservations groups created by the 1863 reduction ultimately pitted Christian Niimiipuu against non-Christian Niimiipuu. In 1877, a conflict called the Nez Perce War or Chief Joseph’s War broke out. In May, following repeated encroachments by White settlers in the Wallowa Valley and other lands still belonging to the non-treaty Niimiipuu, General Oliver O. Howard held a parley with the nontreaty chiefs at Fort Lapwai to convince them to move their peoples to the reservation. Howard gave them a 30-day ultimatum demanding the Niimiipuu removal to the Lapwai reservation or else they would be forcibly removed by the US military. While Joseph (Hin-mah-too-yah-lat-kekt), White Bird, Looking Glass, and other non-treaty chiefs began making preparations to comply, a group of young warriors attacked and killed some White ranchers. The raids prompted General Howard to pursue the “hostiles” with an initial contingent of about 500 soldiers and civilian volunteers. The Niimiipuu were involved in a three-month, 1,300 mile-long flight from the army, fighting a skillful, defensive war. In late July, the Niimiipuu crossed into Montana, fighting their way north blocked by the Flathead, who did not want any part in the war. They then crossed south to Big Hole, where a major battled ensued on August 9-10 with heavy casualties on both sides. The fleeing Niimiipuu moved through Yellowstone National Park in Wyoming and in early September crossed into Montana along Clarks Fork. The refusal of their old allies, the Crows, to join their fight convinced the Niimiipuu that their only hope was to go north to join Hunkpapa Sioux Chief Sitting Bull (who had escaped a few months earlier to Canada). On September 30 at Bear Paw Mountain about 40 miles from the Canadian border, the Niimiipuu were intercepted by Colonel Nelson Miles and a bitter battle ensued. Chief Joseph (who assumed full leadership after the death of Looking Glass) formally surrendered with over 400 of his people to General Howard and Colonel Miles on October 5, 1877. Only Chief White Bird and an undetermined number of his followers managed to escape to Canada, finding refuge in Sitting Bull’s camp. At least 155 of the Niimiipuu died during the war. The survivors were sent to Oklahoma and returned to the northwest in 1885 to reside on the Colville Reservation in Washington.
Post-Chief Joseph’s War: Land Loss and the 20th century
The Christian Niimiipuu came to dominate reservation life, and their descendants continued to do so in the 20th century. They adopted various intensive programs of economic development, formal education, and many features of Euro-American culture. These programs were designed and administered by the federal agents of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, missionaries of the Presbyterian Church, and by a number of educated Presbyterian tribal leaders. By 1895, the Dawes Severalty act led to allotment of the reservation and its opening to non-Indian settlement. This process was supported by the BIA and Presbyterian missionaries. It resulted in a loss of a majority of the remaining land that the Christian Niimiipuu saved in the treaty of 1863. An original tribal land base of about 13 million acres in 1800 reached a point of less than 80,000 acres by 1975 (since 1980, a tribal land acquisition program has resulted in Niimiipuu ownership of about 110,000 acres). By the 1930s, Presbyterian influence on the reservation had begun to wane and a reassertion of non-Christian influence was underway. By WWII, the non-Christian element had reintroduced the winter tutelary spirit dances and powwows that had been prohibited by reservation authorities for more than 50 years.
The Present and the Future
The constitution of 1948 established a council of all tribal members, but most of the power rests with the Nez Perce Executive Committee. Tribally administered programs include the natural resource projects, education, health, economic development, law and order, legal affairs, and housing. In 1994, there was a population of more than 3,000, with approximately half living on the reservation. Since the 1960s, the Niimiipuu have pursued a policy of cultural and economic recovery and expansion through legislative and legal means. Revival of traditional culture has parallel this recovery. Since contact with Whites in the early 1800s, the Niimiipuu underwent changes in their culture as Presbyterian missionaries made conversions among the people. Now, the Niimiipuu are in the process of reviving cultural traditions once forbidden.
Niimiipuu Factoids
Typically, grandparents cared for the children of a household after they were weaned, and very close ties developed between them. Children joked and teased with their grandparents as opposed to being formal and respectful with their parents.
The most important type of shaman was the isixip, who was very temperamental, much opposed to disorder, and very desirous of property. If an isixip commented on the attractiveness of an object belonging to another, it was advisable that it be given up immediately,
Perhaps the most well-known Niimiipuu art forms are the cornhusk bags and the distinctive beading style.

Piwapciyawnipac ciyaw
The Niimiipuu were the most renowned horsemen of the Plateau cultural area of North America, and used their horses in most activities. Relative wealth in horses helped create an incipient upper and lower class in which well-known leaders and their families owning large herds (some having hundreds or even thousands of horses). They manufactured elaborate horse trappings of rawhide, horse hair, bone, and antler, decorating them with dyes, porcupine quills, and beads. The Nimiipuu also practiced selective horse breeding, primarily for strength and endurance. Horses were exchanged as gifts, sold, and occasionally acquired through raids. They were considered the most influential group in intertribal affairs in the Plateau, roaming freely across present day Oregon, Washington, western Montana and Idaho. Together with their close allies, the Cayuse, they were the main Plateau enemies of the Blackfoot who dominated the Western Plains and conducted raids into the Plateau. Typically Niimiipuu and Cayuse warriors were in charge of the large, intertribal bison hunting and raiding parties that went to the Plains with more than 1,000 individuals at times. They also were the major defending force against occasional Northern Shoshone-Bannock raiding parties who ventured out of the Great Basin from time to time.

Fishery
The Niimiipuu were fortunate in having numerous anadromous fish and many streams well suited for fishing. With their complex fishing technology, they took the chinook, coho, chum, and sockeye (varieties of salmon), dolly varden, cutthroat, lake, and steelhead varieties of trout, several kinds of suckers, whitefish, sturgeon, lampreys and squawfish. Their average per capita consumption of fish is estimated at over 500 pounds per year. Men were the principal fishermen, but women assisted in splitting, drying, and storing the fish. Hook and line, spears, harpoons, dip nets, traps, and weirs were all used in various ways. Large traps and weirs were usually constructed communally by villages and regulated by a fishing specialist who regulated the fishing and divided the catch. Weirs and traps, constructed close to winter villages, often were located on smaller lateral streams. Salmon were also speared and netted from canoes and dipping platforms on the major tributaries. Fish were mostly sun-dried and smoked for winter storage, while the more succulent parts were consumed immediately.
 
Amazing as always, Guandao! Thank you!
 
Here are the civilopedia entries for the Muscogee and their unique unit Red Stick Loyalist. The Southeast happens to be one of my favorite cultural areas in the Americas (along with California and the Pacific Northwest) :D

Spoiler :
Muscogee
History
The Muscogee (also known as the Creek) are a Native American people who lived in the Southeastern region of present day United States of America. They are the descendants of a number of ethnically and linguistically diverse groups that formed a political alliance in the late 17th or early 18th century that became known as the Creek Confederacy.
Geography and Climate
The Upper Muscogee lived on the Alabama, Coosa, and Tallapoosa rivers of northeastern and central Alabama in three regional divisions comprising about 20 towns in 1738 and 40 in 1832. The Alabama towns were on the upper Alabama River. The Abihka were on the lower Coosa River. On the Tallapoosa River were the Tallapoosa. Several towns were Muscogee-speakers: Coosa, Abihka, Wakokai, Eufaula, Hillabee, and Atasi. The leading town, Tukabahchee, was not originally Muscogee-speaking. It may have been of Shawnee origin. Among the Upper Muscogee were two or more Koasati-speaking towns, the Natchez, the Pakana, the Timucuan-speaking Tawasa, the Chacato-speaking Okchai, the Tomahitan, and some Chickasaws and Shawnees. The Lower Muscogee were on the Chattahoochee River in eastern Alabama and western Georgia. The northernmost town was Tuskegee, its original language was not Muscogee, but Yamasee. Immediately south of Tuskegee, were three Muskogee speaking towns: Coweta, Kasihta, and Kolomi. Below these were at least four towns speaking Hitchiti-Mikasuki: Hitchiti, Ocmulgee, Apalachicoli, and Oconee. There were also several towns speaking unidentified languages, including Osochee, Tacusa, Ylapi, and Sawokli. Osochee and Sawokli eventually came to speak Hitchiti. All or nearly all the lower Muscogee moved elsewhere for the period of about 1691-1715, most to the Ocmulgee River and one town each to the Oconee and lower Savannah, and then returned to the Chattahoochee. They were joined by the Yuchi, the remnants of the Westo and Chisca, some Shawnees, a town called Tamatli settled from the Yamasee town Tomatly, Apalachee, Timucua, south Florida refugees, and several towns or offshoots of towns of the Upper Muscogee. Later Tuskegee, Kolomi, Atasi, and some of the recent Muskogee immigrants returned to the Tallapoosa River. The climate of the area now called Alabama is classified as humid subtropical. The average annual temperature is 64 degrees F. The area with the Appalachian Mountains in the Northeast tends to be slightly cooler. Generally, the region has very hot summers and mild winters with copious precipitation throughout the year. Alabama receives an average of 56 inches of rainfall annually. The area called Georgia today has primarily a humid subtropical climate as well. Hot and humid summers are typical, except at the highest elevations. The area receives moderate to heavy precipitation, varying from 45 inches to 75 inches. The entire region is prone to tornadoes and vulnerable to hurricanes.
Pre-European Contact
The Native Americans in the region began cultivating squash/gourd and a number of indigenous seed-producing plants, including goosefoot, sumpweed, sunflower, knotweed, and maygrass, prior to 1000 BC. Most were produced in quantity for the first time during the Early Woodland period. The Middle Woodland period began around 200 BC and continued until about 300-400 AD. Platform mounds were constructed during this period, with the largest site in the southeast being the Pinson Mounds. The Late Woodland period dates from about 300-400 AD to 900 AD. New pottery vessel forms, surface decorations and production methods appeared after the end of this period. Maize cultivation intensified considerably between 900 and 1100. Habitation sites increased in size and some were fortified. Platform mounts became common. Societies were more hierarchically organized and political leaders significantly increased their political power. After approximately 1000 AD (during the Mississippian period), native societies were organized as chiefdoms. They were led by an individual, usually male, who was believed to be semi-divine. Human occupation was concentrated along the rivers. The Moundville site became the primary center of a complex chiefdom from 1200 to at least 1450. However, most Mississippian chiefdoms lacked the political mechanisms to ensure long-term survival. The peoples that became the Muscogee were definitely descendants of the Mississippian peoples. The Creek or Muskogee language was the national language and lingua franca of the Muscogee and the native language of the majority of the Muscogee towns. It is classified as part of the Muskogean language family, which included Mikasuki, Alabama, Koasati, Choctaw, Chickasaw, and Apalachee. The other components of the Creek Confederacy spoke Shawnee (Algonquian), Yuchi (generally considered an isolate), Natchez (isolate or perhaps distantly related to Muskogean), and presumably other languages which were not recorded down.
Post-European Contact
The Spaniard Hernando de Soto “invaded” the American Southeast in 1539. He found Muscogee, Hitchiti and Alabama speaking towns in what is now Georgia and Alabama. In the mid-16th century, they were well established on the Georgia coast and in all the interior valleys. In the 1680s, the towns on the Chattahoochee were destroyed by the Spanish. Their inhabitants fled to the Okmulgee, where they developed good relationships with English settlers. In the first half of the 18th century, they joined Governor James Moore’s Carolinians and Governor James Oglethorpe’s Georgians in attacks on the Franciscan Missions. Many of the mission Indians were killed or sold into slavery. In 1715, the Yamasees killed some Carolinian traders in one of their villages, precipitating the Yamasee War. Yamasees, Muscogee, Catawba, and others ravaged the frontier and pursued the English settlers to within 12 miles of Charles Town. After this, the Muscogee left the Savannah and Ocmulgee rivers to return to the Chattahoochee. In 1734, a delegation of Muscogee went to England to discuss economic relations. During the American Revolution, Alexander McGillivray, the son of a Scottish trader and a mixed-blood Muscogee woman of the prestigious Wind clan, had the rank and pay of a British colonel. He gained control of the Muscogee national government. In 1784, he committed the Muscogee government to a treaty that put the Muscogee, Choctaw, and Chickasaw under the jurisdiction and protection of Spain. The Muscogee Council declared war on the United States, with war parties killing 82 people and taking 140 captives on the Georgia frontier. In 1790, McGillivray signed a peace treaty with the US in New York (at the same time, he signed secret treaty with George Washington that made him a brigadier-general at a salary of $1,200 a year!). Soon after, the Spanish appointed him superintendent-general of the Muscogee nation at $2,000 a year. A band of Cherokee, Muscogee, and Shawnee attacked Buchanan’s station, four miles south of Nashville in 1792. In response, blockhouses were erected in the South Carolina and Georgia frontier. The Muscogee signed another peace treaty with the Americans in 1796, ceasing Muscogee military activity until the War of 1813-1814.
Formation of the Muscogee Confederacy
The Muscogee Confederacy began to coalesce at the end of the 17th century, after epidemics of European-introduced diseases had severely reduced the population of the interior Southeast and at a time when rivalry among England, Spain, and France for influence over the area began in earnest. The confederacy formed around several local chiefdoms, reinforced by ethnically and linguistically diverse refugees from other areas. The Abihka division of the Upper Muscogee derived directly from the chiefdom of Coosa that was in the upper Coosa drainage when visited by Hernando de Soto in 1540. The Alabama people moved from the upper Tombigbee River, in eastern Mississippi, to the Alabama River, shortly before 1686, fleeing the Choctaw. The Koasati, fleeing the English and their native allies, began moving from the upper Tennessee Valley to the area of the Coosa-Alabama junction at the same time, some first settling downstream on the Tennessee and some going to the Chattahoochee. The Tallapoosa division of the Upper Muscogee and the Hitchiti-speaking core of the Lower Muscogee seem to have emerged more or less in place, with some accretions from elsewhere. The Muscogee Confederacy may be said to date from the late 17th century, when there is evidence for emerging cooperation between local chiefdoms, or from the early 18th century, when all the component peoples consolidated in the interior and emerged as an effective alliance in dealing with the Europeans. There was some tension between the Upper and Lower Muscogee. The confederacy was at its most cohesive when Alexander McGillivray was the national chief (1783-1793), declining into factionalism after his death. William Augustus Bowles, a white man who was a loyalist during the revolution and married the daughter of a Lower Muscogee leader, tried to petition the English to support him as “generalissimo” of what he called the “United Nation of Creeks and Cherokees: in a projected invasion of Mexico and war with the US. When he returned to America in 1791, McGillivray put a price on his head. He was captured by the Spanish and exiled to Manila, but escaped in 1797 and returned to England, styling himself the “Director-General of the Muscogee Nation”. After returning to the Lower Muscogee, he issued a proclamation in 1799, expelling all US and Spanish agents from the “state of Muskogee”. In 1803, the Upper Muscogee turned him over to the Spanish; he died a captive in Havana.
Early 19th Century: Conflict and Removal
In 1802, Georgia relinquished its claim to the Mississippi territory, in return for which the federal government agreed to extinguish the Indian titles to lands in Georgia “as early as could be peaceably done on reasonable terms”. Millions of acres of Muscogee land were opened for settlement in 1805. The Georgians agitated for yet more land; and the Muscogee Council, in 1811, fearing further losses, made it a capital offense to cede Muscogee land. In 1811, a federal road was cut through the Muscogee country from the Chattahoochee to Mim’s Ferry on the Alabama. A steady stream of White settlers passed over this road, quickly established a large and permanent settlement on the Muscogee’s western border, and began to encroach on the Alabama’s hunting territory. In the October of that year, Tecoomse arrived among the Muscogee with a following of armed warriors and an interpreter who spoke English, Choctaw, Shawnee, and Muscogee. He urged the Muscogee and all the Southeast Indians to lay aside their differences and join the Midwestern tribes in a grand alliance committed to the containment of American expansion. He promised arms and ammunition from the British in Florida and Canada. Divine sanction for his enterprise seemingly appeared in 1812 in the form of a comet followed by earthquakes. The Lower Muscogee never joined Tecoomse’s alliance. The assimilated mixed-blood chiefs of the Lower Towns were committed to trading relations with Anglo-Americans. The military organizations in many of the Upper towns welcomed the prospect of support from the British and the northern tribes in ridding their land of settlers. On February 9, 1813, a party of red Sticks was returning from Pensacola with a pack train loaded with ammunition acquired from the Spanish. They stopped to eat lunch near Burnt Corn Creek, where they were attacked by 180 Mississippi militiamen. The militiamen were routed but got away with most of the Muscogee pack horses, gunpowder and lead balls. The Red Sticks retaliated with a surprise attack on Fort Mims on August 30. They lost 300 men but overran the fort and massacred all but 50 of the 553 men, women, and children there. On September 2, some 100 Red Sticks attacked Fort Sinquefield. A few weeks later, Colonel William McGrew and some 25 mounted soldiers were ambushed at Bashi stream; McGrew and three others were killed. Incensed by these incidents, the US escalated the war. In the winter of 1813-1814, three armies (Cherokee, Choctaw and Lower Muscogee among them), converged on the Muscogee Nation from Tennessee, Georgia, and Mississippi Territory. On March 27, 1814, the Red Sticks made a stand at Horseshoe Bend, taking heavy losses. The Treaty of Fort Jackson was signed in August, ceding 22 million acres of Muscogee land. William McIntosh of Coweta was a leader of the Lower Muscogee at the time with a major’s commission from the US government. He had signed the land cessions of 1802 and 1805, played an active role in the slaughter of Red Sticks at Atasi in 1813 and at Horseshoe Bend in 1814, signed the Fort Jackson treaty, and more land cessions in 1818 and in 1821. After McIntosh tried to cede still more land in 1823, the Muscogee Council reenacted the law of 1811 that made land cessions punishable by death. Despite this, McIntosh signed another treaty on February 12, 1825. On May 1, his house was surrounded by Muscogee warriors, who shot him down as he tried to escape. The remaining land in Georgia was ceded in 1828. The mixed-bloods moved to Indian Territory, the full-bloods to their kinsmen in Alabama, where many died. The Muscogee land in Alabama was ceded by the Removal treaty of 1832, which allocated 320-acre allotments to heads of families and orphans who chose to stay in the east and 640-acre allotments to each of 90 chiefs who also chose to stay. The Removal was delayed, and a Muscogee regiment fought on the American side in the Second Seminole War. White settlers moved onto the ceded land, resulting in the Creek War. It ended when General Winfield Scott arrived with federal troops and state volunteers to “restore order”. The unremoved orphans and heads of families were dispossessed of their allotments by fraud and chicanery on a massive scale. Beginning in 1836, all but a very few of the Muscogee remaining in Alabama were transported to Indian Territory without food, clothing, weapons, or cooking utensils.
Life in Indian Territory
The Muscogee found a region varying between tall-grass grasslands in the east and cross-timbers in the west. The tall grass was quickly converted to pasturage for domestic animals or agricultural fields. The distinctions between the Upper and Lower Muscogee remained after Removal. The General Council, begun in 1839 or 1840, was composed of the principal and second chiefs of all towns and acted as a national legislative body. The Council was presided over by one chief chosen from the Upper Muscogee towns and one from the Lower Muscogee towns. During the Civil War, populations of several Muscogee towns were forced to flee, due to fighting within the population. Many Upper Muscogee supported the Union forces, while many Lower Muscogee supported the Confederacy. Groups of Black slaves and Freedmen joined the members of some Upper Muscogee towns. By the end of the civil war, the majority of the Muscogee settlements that were established shortly after Removal were destroyed; the people widely dispersed. Under the terms of a treaty signed in Washington in 1866, the Muscogee were required to form a government capable of treating with the US government. In 1867, the Muscogee adopted a constitution to establish a governmental system modeled after that of the US, with legislative, executive, and judicial branches. A bicameral National Council was adopted as legislative body, with the House of Kings and the House of Warriors. Each town had one representative in the House of Kings and one representative for every 200 people in the House of Warriors. The executive branch comprised of a principal chief and a second chief who were elected to a four-year term by a majority of male voters over the age of 18. A Supreme Court of five justices chosen by the National Council presided over civil cases involving more than $100.The Dawes Severalty Act of 1887 and the Curtis Act of 1898 dissolved the land base of the remaining Muscogee towns. Land was no longer to be owned communally by the members of Muscogee towns. Instead, it was to be divided among individuals and owned separately. Between 1894 and 1896, members of the Dawes Commission conducted census counts at each of the towns. Upon passage of the Curtis Act, tracts of 160 acres were allotted to those who had been counted as members of the Creek Nation. Land that had not been allotted to town members was then opened for White settlement. Of the 3,079,095 acres still in Muscogee possession after the Civil War, 2,997,114 were allotted to Muscogee citizens.
20th Century
The Muscogee government was dissolved due to the provisions of the Curtis Act approximately in 1910. The Muscogee were then subject to decisions made by the US Congress and the Bureau of Indian Affairs. The Oklahoma Indian Welfare Act of 1936 allowed for the reconstitution of tribal governments among tribes in Oklahoma. Three tribal towns, Thlopthlocco, Alabama-Quassarte, and Kialegee received recognition as sovereign entities distinct from the Creek Nation. The Muscogee adopted a new constitution in 1979, reestablishing a structure for tribal governance modeled once again on the US government. A principal chief and a second chief are the executive officers. The National Council, a unicameral body, enacts legislation. Representatives are elected by popular vote from eight districts. Each district has at least one representative, with an additional representative for every 1,000 Muscogee citizens. There is a judiciary empowered to adjudicate cases involving crimes committed by tribal peoples on tribal property. As for the descendants of Muscogee in the east, the Poarch Creek community was formed due to the efforts of Calvin McGhee. He won media attention and political support for the land claims cause of the eastern Muscogee. Already by the 1940s, the Poarch Creeks were monolingual in English, uniformly Christian, and acculturated to general rural Southern folkways. They were federally acknowledged in 1984. During the 1970s, others began to organize their own self-identified local Creek Indian tribes. Several of these groups pursued federal recognition but failed. By the 1990s, there was a dedicated group of Poarch Creeks seeking the tutelage of the Oklahoma Muscogee for relearning the language and hoping to reestablish a ceremonial fire at Poarch. However, relationship between the two peoples were strained over the Hickory Ground issue. Hickory Ground was a town of importance in pre-Removal Muscogee history, and the Poarch Creeks chose a site encompassing at least a portion of it for a casino.
The Present and the Future
In 2002, the majority of the 52,254 enrolled tribal members lived in the cities and townships within the eight counties making up the Creek Nation of Oklahoma. In 2003, Muscogee was spoken by approximately 3,000 people in Oklahoma. To counter the decline the tribal government established a language committee in 1996 to oversee language retention and revitalization efforts. The University of Oklahoma, Norman and Oklahoma State University, Stillwater, began offering language classes in 1991 and 1996. Several public schools in area with high concentrations of Muscogee students taught Muscogee as a second language. Since the early days of the US’s existence, the Muscogee people have lost the majority of their homeland in the American southeast. Traditional culture and language was impacted by the move to Oklahoma and the Dawes Act. Now, the Muscogee exist in at least five federally recognized entities, with many more claiming Muscogee descent. Hopefully, interest in the Muscogee language and culture continues on in the 21st century.
Muscogee Factoids
The Muscogee raised three varieties of maize: flint corn for hominy, dent corn for flour, and an early variety similar to popcorn for roasting ears. Each Muscogee household had a garden plot nearby.
Before going on a hunt, the Muscogee took medicines and washed their guns in them.
In de Soto’s time, Muscogee chiefs were brought out to meet the Spanish on litters.
Muscogee women, other than prostitutes, used no face or body paint; but men painted their heads, necks, and breasts, usually with red ocher.
Every Muscogee belongs to an exogamous lineage consisting of all those descended through the female line from a common female ancestor and also belongs to one of some 50 named exogamous clans.

Red Stick Loyalist
Under normal circumstances, a Muscogee war party attacked only when it had a clear advantage, and every effort was made to ensure that the enemy was taken by surprise. Slain enemies were scalped and sometimes dismembered so that arms and legs could be carried home with the scalps and captives as proof of victory. A civil war broke out among the Muscogee during the time of the War of 1812. The Red Sticks were opposed to the Americans, while the White Sticks favored assimilation and peace with the US. When General Andrew Jackson marched into Muscogee territory with an army, the White Sticks (Selocta was one of their leaders) joined forces with him. They helped in the battles against the Red Sticks, leading to the surrender of the anti-American Muscogee. Despite their service to the US, the White Stick leaders were forced to sign the Treaty of Fort Jackson, ceding 21,086,793 acres of land (half of Alabama and part of southern Georgia) to the United States government.
 
Well done Guandao! Thank you again!
 
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