DaftRTOR - A Story Untold

World Gazette 1930

World News 1929-1930, collated and edited by Independent Press Association*

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Tetrea at War!

It’s war! For the first time this century, a new ‘Great War’ threatens to arise. The year ends with four of the six major nations in Tetrea, along with Ollaytantambo, being in a state of armed conflict.

At the start of the year, there is still hope for a negotiated settlement in Portugal. The Iroquois, Dutch and Hatti are all approached to be brokers of peace deal. But an impasse is soon reached as the Inca government insists on disarmament of the rebels before any plebiscite can take place. The Portuguese are ultimately unwilling to place their trust in the Inca nationalist government to uphold their side of the bargain. If their fears are realised, the rebels will face either summary execution or internment camps, along with unknown numbers of civilians. Meanwhile the Inca continue to gather their best forces on the Portuguese front, reinforced with a small number of tanks and artillery supplied by the Iroquois Nation - a fact that does not escape attention of certain newspapers in Celtonia. All the while, there is the lingering threat of the Mayan Empire sending its forces northwards to join the fight.

In mid-April, headlines around the world announce the dramatic, although not entirely unexpected declaration by Consail Bréanainn Thomson that Celtic troops are heading to Portugal in a ‘special military operation’ to protect the Portuguese people. The Celts also announce a widening of their blockade to the entire Incan coast, something that stretches the resources of the Celtonian 5th Armada to its limits. Commentators are initially unsure exactly how this will play out; if the Celts will actually move to engage Inca troops, and if the Mayans will dare to honour their defensive pact with Cuzco. Without formal backing of the Celtic parliament, the Consail seems to be acting near the limits of his authority. Is this all a game of brinkmanship? As newsreels capture the first unloading of Celtic heavy artillery in Lisbon harbour, and it is confirmed that Celtic troops are now inside what is legally Incan territory, the Mayans formally announce the activation of their defensive pact and begin to mobilise their divisions along the border. The Incan troops meanwhile recommence a full-scale bombardment of rebel positions south of the Tagus. Any lingering hopes of peaceful settlement are soon shattered.

The first enemy the Celts face is that of logistics; for the size of the operation, there is a shortage of transport ships, and a lack of proper port facilities in Lisbon; the latter is made worse as much of the harbour is clogged with Dutch, Norselander and German ships that are here to evacuate refugees and deliver critical supplies, making it one of the busiest waterways in the world at this time. It is also the first time in decades that the Celts have even attempted an overseas operation on this scale. Despite the innovative efforts of Celtic engineers, logistics will prove to be an ongoing thorn in the Celtic side; the decision to deploy heavy siege artillery and even ‘siege tanks’ to Lisbon is a major logistics operation in itself, and a push from the city has to be postponed until the summer. By this point, the Portuguese militias are already reeling from a renewed Incan offensive and Mayan probing attacks along the southern border.

The Battle of the Laurisilva - Ash Like Snow

In a daring move, the Celts send a combined motorised and cavalry force deep into the Laurisilva tropical forest, south-west of Lisbon, a region with poor roads and few towns. The intention may be to block the movement of Mayan forces and stop the Incas from effectively linking up their garrisons holding out in southern Portugal. But the Celtic force soon finds itself caught between a major Incan offensive to the north, and waves of Mayan infantry now crossing the border from the south. Celtic columns are quickly bogged down in chaotic fighting; the spearheads run into hastily-set roadblocks and ambushes by elite Mayan Pakalkun troops, while large formations of Mayan infantry are able to overrun Celtic supply lines to the rear. The Inca government has gone to great lengths to stockpile supplies near the front, allowing liberal use of artillery fire; although the Celts are able to link up with Portuguese militias, their immobilised columns are now massively outnumbered by Mayan and Incan troops, and often outgunned, with their vehicles unable to be used effectively in the dense forest. There are reports of infantry clashes devolving into chaotic and brutal melee combat.

The early summer in the region is exceptionally dry, and forest fires break out as a result of the fighting, with unknown numbers of unfortunate troops on both sides condemned to a fiery death. Combined with Celtic cross-border bombardment and air attacks on the Mayan oilfields west of Bonampak, the sky is now filled with smoke, ash and dust; there are shocking scenes as the Celts attempt to retreat, with many troops wearing gas-masks to avoid choking, passing columns of burning vehicles and dead horses. The apocalyptic images are captured in pioneering ‘autochrome’ colour photography by war reporters working for the German news agency Volkstribüne and widely publicised around the world before the year is out.

Ultimately the heroic efforts of local Celtic commanders and the superior training and discipline of their troops help to avoid total disaster, and with the help of local guides, the Celts and their Portuguese allies are able to fight their way out and avoid a total loss of matériel, although many vehicles are destroyed or have to be sabotaged to avoid falling into enemy hands. Air support from newly-revealed ‘Petrel’ monoplane fighter-bombers also proves vital, piloted by some of the best Celtic airmen and co-ordinated by the latest battlefield radios; the Petrels take a toll on enemy positions, and gain the advantage in low-level dogfights with Mayan planes over the forest canopy. But there can be no doubt this is a bitter defeat for the Celts, or at the least, a truly inglorious start to their liberation campaign…

Mayan and Incan troops secure large swathes of the south-west in the wake of the Celtic retreat, while the isolated Portuguese pocket west of Lisbon is wiped out, with thousands of reluctant prisoners taken, though some Portuguese fighters manage to break out and rejoin friendly lines near Lisbon. A small pocket of Portuguese rebels is left clinging to mountain strongholds near the border with Arequipa. Jubilant Incan and Mayan troops prepare for their next offensive to push the Celts into the sea. But as recriminations for the Laurisilva debacle begin in Navua, the Celts begin their next move…

Escalation

Both Inca and Mayan fleets are kept in fortified harbours, declining to challenge Celtic control of the coast. In the autumn, Celtic marines launch a surprise amphibious assault north of Lisbon, establishing new beachheads and diverting Inca attention away from the Tagus valley and a likely drive towards the Portuguese capital. Inca artillery takes a toll on the Celtic marines and some of their ships, until forced to withdraw under heavy fire from Celtic super-dreadnoughts and heavy siege artillery positions. In scenes captured for newsreels, the Celts then deploy their lumbering ‘siege tanks’ out of Lisbon, helping to link up with the marines and push back the Inca stranglehold. It is reported that the Celtic machines encounter the Inca-crewed tanks in the now-overgrown farmlands and orchards west of the city, in what is possibly the first example of tank-to-tank combat; but with both sides eager to preserve their hardware, it seems the tank duels are fleeting and inconclusive.

Meanwhile, elite Celto-Norse ‘Njordviking’ marines storm the Mayan coastal fortress of Tulum, north of Bonampak - a medieval fort reinforced and expanded in modern times. This is a surprise direct attack on Mayan territory, backed up by heavy naval firepower and bombing runs from the Petrels; overwhelmed, the Mayan garrison soon surrenders, and the historic fort is captured with surprisingly little bloodshed. The dashing victory does much to raise Celtic morale, and arguably helps to protect sea routes to Lisbon, but also marks another dangerous escalation; Celtic seaplanes and carrier planes also carry out a series of air raids on the oil wells near Kaminaljuyú, far to the east and well outside the conflict zone; damage here is slight, but Mayan public opinion is inflamed by these attacks on their territory. For now the Mayan armies remain concentrated on the Portuguese front, and the Celtic expedition has to make full use of all available land, sea and air power to keep Mayan forces probing any further north along the railway line to Lisbon. A brand-new Celtic carrier, CSS Pelagian, is rushed into service in attempt to take part in the fighting, but develops severe problems with its propeller shafts and ends up docked at Gàlainn in the tropical Fair Isles for the rest of the year, considered a most fortunate posting for the crew.

As the year ends, it seems the Celts are still in a race against time to build up their forces before both they and the exhausted Portuguese rebels are overwhelmed. The Consail has refrained from expanding the war to the land border near Cuzco, despite some border skirmishes with Inca militias; however the Mayans have shown a reluctance to push too far beyond their northern border or to further mobilise their war economy. And as we will discover, the Incas now have a rather serious distraction to the west…

Union of Celtonia
Damaged: 3 Infantry, 1 Field Artillery, 1 ‘Badger’ mobile artillery [2PP*], 1 Siege Tank [2PP*], 1 Marine, 1 Njordviking, 2 Destroyers,1 Cruiser (damaged in accident), 1 Transport, 1 Petrel fighter-bomber, 1 Light Seaplane
Destroyed/Lost: 1 Infantry, 1 Truck (captured by Mayans), 1 Armoured Car, 1 Transport, 1 Cavalry
$2 materials recovered

Mayan Empire
Damaged: 2 Militia, 3 Infantry, 1 Pakalkun, 1 Armoured Car, 1 Cavalry, 1 Rough Rider, 1 Field Artillery, 1 Biplane fighter
Destroyed/Lost: 2 Militia, 1 Infantry, 1 Cavalry, 1 Basic Artillery (captured by Celts)
$2 materials recovered
Oil production reduced from 200% to 100%

Inca Nation
Damaged: 2 Militia, 4 Infantry, 1 Marine, 1 Basic Tank [2PP*], 1 Cavalry, 1 Rough Rider, 1 Truck
Destroyed/Lost: 2 Infantry, 1 Field Artillery, 1 Cavalry, 1 Blimp
!+1 army veterancy!
$4 materials recovered

Portugal
Damaged: 2 Militia, 1 Infantry, 1 Rough Riders
Destroyed/Lost: 2 Militia, 1 Infantry, 1 Cannon (captured by Mayans)


Roman Eagle crosses the Andes!

While the Celts are fighting for their lives in the Laurisilva, consul Paris Angelus broadcasts a speech to the Roman Empire and the wider world: “Due to the continued oppression of the Portuguese and Incan intransigence”, it is announced that Rome is “intervening to ensure peace on the continent”; simultaneously with the speech, Roman legions begin their march eastwards; with the previous occupation of Ollantaytambo, the Romans already have forward bases and control of strategic passes through the Andes, which are rapidly being linked to the Roman rail network. The Inca have only a handful of militia to guard their side of the border, which are soon brushed aside as a large invasion force, eventually comprising 10 divisions of infantry, backed up by tanks, vehicles, cavalry and air power, bears down on the city of Ica. A separate force of cavalry and irregular mounted troops crosses the rocky badlands in the north, heading to Chuquiapo.

It appears the Inca have been caught off-guard by the Roman invasions; all the best Inca troops are in the south, while most of the Inca reserve troops are stationed on the northern border with Celtonia. Inca commanders are no doubt presented with an impossible dilemma; the generals in Portugal are reluctant to withdraw from the front just as it seems that they are close to forcing the Celts back to their ships. The Inca send their reserve force of irregular cavalry, including camel riders, which are able to cross the southern desert and harass the flanks of the main Roman force as it begins to surround Ica. There is little they can do against tanks and armoured cars, but they have some success in slowing down the sprawling Roman columns that are mostly still marching on foot.

Hastily converted from Imperial Airline service, and with the paint still wet on their Aquila insignia, Roman heavy biplanes drop bombs on suspected Inca strongpoints on the approaches to the city, in a show of Roman power. In truth the Inca can muster only a small force to defend Ica, with a backbone of veteran infantry from the Portuguese front, who have volunteered for the fight knowing it is likely to be a death sentence. There are unknown numbers of civilian volunteers besides, and a small amount of outdated artillery. The Inca are determined to put up a fight for the city, which is a logistics hub and industrial centre. The Romans are soon drawn into house-to-house and street-to-street fighting, which takes a disproportionate toll on the attackers. Inevitably though, as Roman biplanes continue to buzz overhead, and Roman armoured vehicles trundle though narrow streets, the victory standards of the legions are raised in the centre of the old town. Newsreels capture scenes of Roman soldiers celebrating amidst the ancient buildings, including Roman monuments and memorials still standing from days of occupation centuries ago, from a time when Constaninople’s reach spanned ‘from sea to sea’ - perhaps these days will soon come again?

Chuquiapo in the north is captured with considerably less bloodshed, and Roman cavalry troops acting on their own initiative begin to push along the Chuquiapo valley, securing food stocks and heading south to link up with Ica. Otherwise it seems the Roman troops have rather conservative orders, and they hold position and to build up supplies as winter approaches. For the moment, Inca lines are weakly held, but the Romans face sprawling deserts and badlands to the east, and mountainous strongpoints still holding out in the west; it seems the Inca terrain will be against them as much as the Inca defenders.

Although facing fearful odds, the Inca Nation is now fully mobilised for war; the combined attacks from Celtonia and Rome serve to rally the nation behind the fascist government and anti-foreign sentiment. There are reports of renewed riots in Cuzco and other major cities between ethnic Inca and minorities, but nationalist militias help to stamp out the disturbances, with unknown numbers killed or arrested; a series of sabotage attacks are also carried out on Inca rail lines near Andahuaylas, but these result in little damage, and the swift arrest and execution of some of the alleged saboteurs, said to be funded by Celtonia and Rome. Nonetheless, with the loss of Ica, and the Celtic naval blockade, the Inca forces now have no direct rail or sea connection between Cuzco and the Portuguese front, something that will surely be a headache for the Inca in the months ahead…

Inca Nation
Damaged: 2 Militia, 2 Rough Rider
Destroyed: 1 Infantry, 2 Militia, 2 Rough Rider, 1 Basic Artillery (captured by Romans)

Roman Empire
Damaged: 3 Infantry, 1 Cavalry, 2 Rough Rider, 1 Basic Armoured Car
Destroyed: 2 Infantry, 1 Cavalry, 1 Truck
$4 materials recovered


Sic Semper Tyrannis

Caught in the middle of the war, King Taycanamo VII of Ollantaytambo announces a new constitution - perhaps unsurprisingly, modelled heavily on Roman lines, with the creation of a Senate and limited voting rights for suitable citizens. Seeing that the King is effectively a hostage of the Romans, and outraged that their country is being used as a base to attack the Inca, a rebellion now breaks out against the Roman-controlled government; taking up arms that had previously been hidden away in the countryside, the Ollantay rebels rally around an unlikely alliance of communists, Chimú nationalists and Virococha mystics, calling themselves the ‘Golden Path’. Yet the Romans have sufficient force to hold the capital and the major supply routes, and it is rumoured that they have deployed their elite infantry to the kingdom in anticipation of trouble. A sizeable chunk of the local aristocracy have also been won over to the Roman cause. This keeps the rebels confined to mountain strongholds for now, capable of only nuisance raids.

Meanwhile, not all Romans celebrate the ‘liberation’ of the east; it is reported that both the Basilissa and large sections of the senate are furious that they were not consulted before the Consul launched the nation into full-scale war with the Inca. There is a tense atmosphere during the autumn and into winter as pro-fascists and imperial revanchists are emboldened by the war, holding marches in major cities throughout the Empire and encouraging boycotts of businesses and newspapers that they consider too ‘Liberal’ or too ‘un-Roman’, to the horror of some senators who fear a descent into some new form of outright tyranny.

December sees the surprise rebellion of one of the Empire’s generals in charge of the Adrianople garrison; Markus Cato Tycherós, presenting himself as a patriot and devout Christian, manages to win local support for a campaign to arrest Consul Paris Angelus on charges of ‘illegal warfare’ and ‘usurping the Roman constitution’. It is a risky and unexpected move by the young general. The rebellion may have been encouraged by reports that the entirety of the Praetorian Guard have shipped out of the capital. It is rumoured that there are also private pledges of support from various key members of the senate. Calling themselves the Restitutores, also known as the Decembrists, the rebels march directly towards the capital with a growing band of supporters, and even an improvised airforce, as they requisition a new batch of biplane fighters fresh from the workshops outside Adrianople. The garrison of Edessa also declares for the rebels and arrests local government officials.

The Restituores still have a relatively small army, but the capital is not especially well defended and the loyalties of the garrison are questionable. There is an initial battle on the outskirts of the capital where both sides test their resolve; a truce is then called for the Christmas festivities. Tycherós seems reluctant to attempt a full-scale attack and instead hopes the ancient city walls will soon open their gates, as rumours abound of plots within the senate. Consul Paris Angelus however refuses to leave the city, which holds its breath as the year ends…

Roman Empire
Damaged units: 1 Infantry, 1 Militia
Numerous units defect to Restitutores

Ollantaytambo
Damaged units: 2 Militia


Crisis in the Netherlands

Now to the relatively-tranquil southern shores of Tetrea. Chairman Dick de Jonker recovers from his unspecified illness this year, and is well enough to attend a series of events commemorating the 50th anniversary of the current Communist constitution in the Netherlands. A new airfield and airship hangar is inaugurated outside Amsterdam - although without any airships at present - and the heavy cruiser Kameraadschap is launched in front of cheering crowds at Rotterdam harbour, the largest warship yet built by domestic shipyards. However, a wave of democratic protests overshadows these events, building into a general strike during the summer and causing major disruption. A mutiny also threatens to erupt among elements of the army and navy. As ‘Hertenhond’ armoured cars are deployed to protect key government buildings, de Jonker seeks a middle ground, refusing to make any major concessions to the reformists, but also refusing to crack down harshly on the protests, against the wishes of some of his party. It seems a risky gamble; events are followed closely in Arequipa, Holland’s communist ally, which has similar struggles of its own.

Amidst the crisis, it is rumoured that the Dutch government is under intense diplomatic pressure from ‘certain parties’ to intervene in the Portuguese situation, but whatever is on the table, de Jonker ultimately declines to do so, seemingly determined to keep the country out of the war. Towards the end of the year, pro-Democracy leaders are embroiled in a series of scandals and corruption trials - according to some, having been framed by Dutch secret services - while de Jonker announces that he will soon resign, to be replaced by a new politburo nominee, Daan Baas, who has a reputation for campaigning to improve worker’s rights and living conditions. This is enough to deflate the protest movement as the year draws to a close, and it seems that Dutch communism will live on at least a little while yet…

Netherlands: - $6 lost due to strike action and protests


Transatlantic Optimism - Skyscrapers and Zeppelins

At the other side of the ocean, but seemingly a world apart from the troubles in Tetrea, business is booming in Germany and the United States. The past few years have seen record growth of industry and the expansion of railways, and migrants flocking to the cities in search of higher-paid jobs. The two economies are increasingly entwined; stocks are soaring in value on the exchanges at New York and Kiel, to the point where some are worried about speculators over-inflating the stock market. New York in particular has a newfound affluence, fuelling a new hotbed of the ‘Liberal’ movement, and nightclubs, stage performances and music venues that some consider to be the height of decadence. Of course, a trip around New York onboard a Zeppelin is a must for the young and rich. Fashion designers experiment with bold new themes, and this year’s trends are partly inspired by last year’s visit by the Hatti royal family. As barriers to cross-border trade are lifted, In Germany there are worries that US goods will eventually flood the market and put the more traditional German workshops out of business, but there is also a flow of German cultural ideas and scientific knowledge to the States; a new science academy in Boston has a notably high number of German professors on its payroll.

This year Germany elects a new coalition government under Chancellor Lothar von Zeppelin - a relative of the founder of the airship company. Amidst accusations of nepotism, the pro-Industry Conservatives remain the largest party, but Liberal and Socialist parties have a strong turnout, forcing a shift away from the right. One of the new policies is to invite many thousands of refugees from Mexico and Portugal to settle in the country, among them many ethnic Germans or peoples of mixed German heritage. Some are also combat veterans of recent conflicts. At the same time, there are generous social welfare reforms designed to help the immigrants find their feet, and to soften the blow of any fall in wages; as it happens, wages remain relatively high, and thousands of new jobs are needed as the Zeppelin company in particular undertakes massive new construction projects, of which only a few details are currently known in the press. There are some concerns of importing organised crime from Mexico and Portugal, and exaggerated stories are printed in conservative newspapers, but the immigrants add to a ‘melting pot’ culture in Kiel, Berlin and elsewhere.

While Germany pours resources into its Zeppelin programme, the USS Washington - the first US-built dreadnought - is launched in Seattle harbour amidst much celebration, adding to what is now an impressive fleet, including the aircraft carrier Lexington. However, the Iroquois already have two dreadnoughts in active service, and this year launch two new heavy cruisers, the Noquisi and the Nayesna, meaning that the naval arms race among the North American powers is far from over. News of the war in Tetrea is also followed with concern, but for now the NATO allies are not under any obligation to get involved. The USA heads to the polls next year, and already slogans such as ‘peace through strength’ are doing the rounds; it seems likely that a largely conservative and pro-Industrialist Republican party, backed by the Christian right and the naval arms lobbyists, will remain in power for another term, unless there is a wildcard independent candidate, or Liberal and Socialist-minded voters come out in greater force to support the Democrats. Both major parties support the idea of peaceful expansion, and eyes are on their neighbours where opportunities may soon present themselves…

Germany: +1 Industry from the Zeppelin company (this may later be lost if company fortunes decline).


The ‘Whiskey Rebellion’

Surrounded by the growing wealth of a Democratic Germany and the USA, the communist government of Nassau-Tennessee is destabilised by social trends it seems unable to deal with; completion of a new railway connection to Frankfurt increases the revenues from the export of raw materials and goods from the workshops of Bismark, but it also brings greater exposure to outside influences. Protests for democratic reform gain momentum throughout the year, but the unlikely spark for a rebellion is a government crackdown on the illicit distilling of whiskey, which has been common practice among the farmers of the northern plains in particular. There are few reports of casualties so far; the leadership in Bismark attempts to find a diplomatic solution, but for now the state is in turmoil, as the ranchers of the north and east evict government officials and establish their own democratic ‘commonwealth’, declaring support for Germany and the USA, all while sporadic strikes and protests continue in the capital. The Bismarck garrison has a sizeable arsenal of weapons, including modern artillery and improvised ‘Panzerkampftraktor’ tank brigades - possibly, the largest tank force on the continent - in the hands of troops that appear loyal to the communist government, and there are fears of a bloody end to the disturbances if negotiations fail.

Nassau-Tennessee: -$1 from disruption


Royal Assassination Attempt in Stavanger

There is shocking news from the otherwise sleepy seaside town of Stavanger on the northern tip of North America. Rifle shots are fired at the horse-drawn carriage of Jarl Freyja I as she travels to an event to mark her 30th birthday. Seated beside the Jarl, the major of Stavanger is killed, but Freyja herself suffers only light injuries from broken glass. Allegedly, a grenade thrown at the carriage fails to explode. The assailant - or assailants - are not caught, despite the best efforts of Stavangese police and royal guard. There is an outpouring of sympathy for the Jarl, who is a mother of two young children, and an equal amount of outrage, with accusations aimed at the Nordic Unionist party in particular - which of course strongly denies any involvement, but nonetheless suffers a drop in support. Pro-American politicians are meanwhile implicated in various scandals throughout the year, in what they claim is a deliberate smear campaign.

As the rhetoric heats up, there are protests and counter-protests, and the police struggle to contain increasing disorder; Asatru fundamentalists take advantage of the situation to discredit their rivals, and put forward their agenda of radical policy changes based around the ‘nine ancient virtues’, as an alternative to the injustice and materialism of modern-day capitalism, ideas which begin to gain traction. There is a real possibility that the Asatruar will gain political power in the next election, in what would be a first for the modern Norse world, and could see a new form of liberal-fundamentilist government arise.

Stavanger: -$1 from disruption


Mexican Restitution - Foreign Interventions

1929 marks a historic year in Mexico, as a formal peace is signed between the communist ‘People’s State’ and the central government, the result of a great investment of time and resources by Celtonia. Elections are scheduled for next year, when Communists will be free to stand, and serving President Coyotl Clinton will not be on the ballot, having announced that he is resigning from politics after the end of his term - though there is speculation that he will flee the country to avoid any potential prosecution for ‘excesses of power’ during the height of the crisis. Communist forces are free to keep their weapons and begin to re-integrate with the government army, though with understandable caution.

Celtic and Acadian troops are joined for the first time by a German expeditionary force, comprising elite ‘Jaeger’ infantry and a squadron of Dutch-built Fokker triplanes, whose activities are captured on newsreels for an enthusiastic audience at home. The role of the international force is as much to police the peace treaty between the communists and the government as it is to continue the fight against the remaining enemy - the ‘Holy Aztec Empire’. Mopping-up operations are carried out against the fanatics in the south, and serious inroads are made into the northern jungles. But despite facing overwhelming odds, the fanatics fight back aggressively on all fronts and manage to regain some ground, including a probe towards Tenochtitlan, where fighting erupts in the suburbs once again, and there are lurid reports of fresh atrocities, much to the anger of the locals.

Meanwhile, citing attacks on their border guards by the Teōtl fanatics, Spanish forces cross the northern border in force, soon joined by tens of thousands of Iroquois ‘volunteers’ crossing over the northern mountains. The Spanish-Iroquois force carves out a swathe of Mexican territory as a ‘temporary police action’, and tensions are raised as they begin to surround the Celtic colony at Nemausus; in frightening echoes of the start of World War 1, there are reports of unintentional skirmishes with the Celtic garrison and Mexican troops as their lines begin to meet.

Including the ongoing standoff on the island of Cuto, also known as ‘New Constaninople’, Mexico now has two active rebellions, partial occupations by Spain and Normandie, and armed forces of Celtonia, Germany and the Iroquois active in its territory - all former colonial overlords of the entire country - not to mention the uncertain loyalties of the communist forces. It says much that this is considered a major improvement on previous years. Negotiations will no doubt continue, but the central government seems confident enough to relax martial law and war mobilisation as the year draws to a close, although the evident exhaustion of the Mexican people must also weigh on this decision. Despite the ongoing difficulties, Mexican politicians now dare to openly talk of rebuilding and developing the nation into a functional modern state.

Germany
Units damaged: 2 Transports damaged in accidents

Acadia
Units damaged: 1 Highlander

Mexico
Most of Mexican People’s State forces join government army ; some are unaccounted for
Mexican People’s State economy is integrated
Units damaged: 1 Militia, 1 Infantry, 1 Rough Riders
Units destroyed / lost: 1 Infantry, 1 Militia, 1 Rough Riders, 1 Basic Artillery captured by Holy Aztec Empire
$2 recovered

Celtonia
Units damaged: 1 Infantry, 1 Basic Armoured Car, 1 Gunboat

Holy Aztec Empire
Units damaged: 2 Militia
Units destroyed: 2 Melee Infantry, 2 Militia, 1 Musketeer, 1 Rough Riders

Spain
Units damaged: 1 Infantry, 1 Rough Rider
$2 materials captured

Iroquois
Units damaged: 1 Onekwénsa Cavalry, 1 Infantry


French Civil War - Loire Campaign

Momentum continues to build in the long-running civil war in France, and all fronts see major fighting this year. The motivations of each side are a complex story in itself, suffice to say that there are competing claims being pushed for the Imperial throne, each with their own slice of legitimacy. For Empress Jeanne, having her armies win on the field may not be enough; she is compelled to be a visible presence on the battlefield, and to establish her true legitimacy through her skill and bravery in command, like her ancestors of decades past. As such the Empress continues to take increasing risks on the frontline, much to the consternation of her closest supporters and of loyalist Marshal Villiers who would perhaps prefer to be left alone to conduct the war himself. Nonetheless, the sight of the Empress in full military regalia on the battlefield, armed with a ceremonial sword and command baton, giving orders and handing out honours upon her soldiers, is a powerful morale boost for the Parisian troops. On her increasingly-rare visits to Paris, the Empress portrays herself as a liberalist, as newsreels show her empowering her loyal elected Deputies to oversee the writing of new laws and the maintenance of civil order, although it is not yet clear if this is a propaganda stunt or a genuine move towards a constitutional monarchy.

Despite the outbreak of the Roman-Inca war, the small Roman contingent of artillery and armoured tanks remains committed to the Loire front and the French Imperial cause, along with a squadron of Roman destroyers off the coast. Fighting resumes in earnest after the spring thaw has cleared, and there is no real change to the Imperial battle plan, as the determined two-pronged offensive from the north and along the Loire valley continues. The forces of the Loire Clique do their best to delay and disrupt the Imperial forces with hit-and-run attacks, and have considerable freedom to hit Imperial flanks from their unmolested stronghold north of Avignon. But the combined firepower of the Roman and Imperial forces, with the Roman armoured tanks now in full operation on the southern plains, is irresistible. In the air it is a different story, as the heavy biplanes of the Loire Clique operate with near impunity from camouflaged airfields, and conduct several bold raids on Imperial supply dumps to hamper their advance, until the air crews themselves begin to run low on supplies, at which point the bombers are scattered to the south using the last reserves of fuel. The Tours oilwells are overrun, and the Imperial pincer movement meets up outside the city, placing it under siege and blockade, but not yet able to capture the city as the year ends. It is rumoured that a lurking Roman submarine sinks one of the retreating Loire ships, while the Roman destroyers chase down and sink Loire gunboats as they flee south along the coast, in one of the first naval battles in recent years.

Noble Suffering

While Loire forces are occupied in the east, the Rheims Clique moves to retake the key southern port of Marseilles; despite being massively outnumbered, the local Loire commander proves ruthless in defence, levelling swathes of the city suburbs to create killing fields for machine guns and mortars, and laying countless booby-traps. The Loire forces also deliberately ground their remaining Ironclad warship near the harbour, which now serves as an unsinkable makeshift fortress. Rheims forces take disproportionate losses and Marseilles remains contested. Still holding on to Torus and Marseilles as the year ends, and his whereabouts unknown, Grand Marshal Gaetan Villeneuve has not yet capitulated, but it is rumoured that he is considering an armistice deal from the Imperial government as the winter snows set in.

While Empress Jeanne is embroiled on the Loire front, forces of the Orléans Clique under Grand Marshal Laurent Ignace begin a determined attack on the west bank of the Seine river near Paris, seeking to create a more defensible front line against the Parisian forces. This they largely achieve, although at considerable cost in men and matériel, especially as they run into the Parisian garrisons and new strongpoints that Imperial forces are establishing at the river confluence south-west of Amiens. Having suffered entire battalions wiped out in human-wave assaults on fortified Imperial positions, there is considerable demoralisation among the Orléans troops.

Meanwhile, there is greater despair for the Imperial cause; in early autumn, Empress Jeanne is caught in an artillery blast while on the frontline near Tours, suffering severe injuries; rushed to a field hospital, the Empress’s left arm is removed below the elbow, and her damaged left eye is also surgically removed. The mauled Empress is taken to a château near Lyons for recuperation, but her sufferings are not yet over; weeks later, an assassin's bomb explodes on the floor where Jeanne is staying, killing some of her medical staff and some of her closest advisors. Miraculously, the Empress herself lives on, although she requires further surgery for shrapnel embedded in her skull.

Rumours that the Empress is dead serve as the trigger for a long-awaited Communard uprising, which is centred in the countryside near Avignon and Bourges, an area that has seen little recent fighting and is denuded of garrison troops. The Communards also secure the surprise defection of the garrison of Fort Blanc, of the key strongholds of the Rheims Clique in the western mountains. However, newsreels record the bandaged, shaven-headed, eye-patched Empress Jeanne as she makes a defiant Christmas radio broadcast to the nation, urging all French citizens to rally behind her as the true heir to the Empire. Imperial propaganda cannot help but make the comparison between the childless Empress and the historic Maid of Orleans as a modern ‘saviour of France’...

French Empire
Units damaged: 1 Militia, 1 Infantry, 1 Imperial Guard, 1 Cavalry, 1 Basic Armoured Car
Units lost: 1 Militia, 1 Infantry, 1 Basic Artillery

Roman Empire
Units damaged: 2 Destroyers, 1 Basic Tank [*2PP]

Loire Clique
Units damaged: 1 Militia, 1 Infantry, 1 Basic Artillery, 1 Ironclad, 1 Heavy Biplane
Units lost: 2 Militia, 1 Rough Rider, 1 Steamer, 1 Gunboat

Rheims Clique
Units damaged: 1 Infantry
Units lost: 1 Militia, 1 Rough Rider

Orleans Clique
Units damaged: 1 Militia, 1 Basic Artillery, 1 Rough Riders
Units lost: 1 Infantry, 2 Militia


Celtonian Politics

Returning to Celtonia, and heading into the 1930 election year, public opinion in Celtonia remains bitterly divided. Major cities in Celtonia see anti-war protests throughout the year, and there are some serious efforts by elements of the Aonach to impeach the Consail Thomson on grounds of exceeding his authority, although these grind to a halt in the supreme court. However, there are also many pro-Portuguese counter protests; although wary of mounting casualties, and resentful of rising war mobilisation, public opinion is now more in favour of intervention to ‘protect’ the Portuguese people, although many who support the war in principle are less than happy about how it is being waged, given news from the front. The neo-Druidists have become increasingly split on their support for the war, with the potential of splintering into smaller parties.

A new cause of contention is the apparent alliance of Celtonia with the Roman Empire, dubbed an ‘unholy alliance’ by elements of the press; the majority of the Celtic populace are sympathetic to plight of Ollantaytambo, and are uncomfortable with the idea of a revanchist Roman Empire rampaging across the continent, even more so with the apparent blessing of a Consail who has also blundered into a war with the Mayan Empire, something that many believe could have been avoided.

While the Conservatives have the largest single polling block, there is the possibility of the neo-Druids, Liberals, neo-Communists and anti-Militarists forming a powerful left-leaning coalition. Much still hangs on the increasingly-volatile neo-Druidist movement…

Celtonia: -$6 lost to protests and strike action


Other News:

* A French (Imperial) legal team has travelled to Providence to contest ownership of the pre-WW2 French art treasures recently uncovered in an unclaimed inheritance. Unless the US government intervenes, this matter will now be decided by a court hearing.

* The Orbis Terrarum motor racing prize was once again held this year, but did not receive any foreign investment, and due to the ongoing conflict in Tetrea, was largely contested by domestic Roman teams. It is not clear if it will be held again next year.

* A decorative piece of Hittite bronze cookware, said to be more than 3,500 years old, sells at auction in Kiel for over 500,000 reichsmarks, making it one of the most expensive objects in the world. The buyer is undisclosed, but believed to be a stock trader from somewhere on the Atlantic coast. The seller is also anonymous but believed to be linked to the Hatti royal family.

Dutch-Arequipa defensive pact has expired
Celtic-Dutch defensive pact has expired
Celtic-Scandinavian defensive pact has expired
Celtic-Molde defensive pact has expired
Celtic-Kawauka defensive pact has expired
Iroquois-Akwesasne defensive pact has expired

World Trade Report:

Once again, with heavy investment in weapons by all of the major powers, supply of commercial goods was limited, increasing profits for certain key exporters.

Inca: 1x = $1 (difficulty trading on global market)
Roman Empire: 1x = $2
Ollantaytambo: 1x = $2
Hatti: 2x = $4
Molde: 1x = $2
Spain: 4x = $7
Iroquois: 1x = $2
Holstein: 1x =$2
Acadia: 2x = $4
Scandinavia: 5x = $9

It is now 1930…

*Independent Press Association is based in New York and is a certified independent news organisation funded by generous benefactors in the financial sector.


Notes:

Units that take a minimum of two turns to build etc - I’m saying this includes time spent partially constructed (even if it’s like 1/14 PP). This means the US Dreadnought launched this turn.

Reminder that you are allowed to go into debt up to the limit of your Eco stat. For example, with Eco 20 at $5 in your treasury at the start of the turn, you can spend up to $25. Debt will add a bit to your upkeep but generally not very much.

I’ve introduced a PP cost to repair some units, you’ll notice that in the stats. I’m not entirely happy with the ‘damaged unit’ system as it’s already got really fiddly to work with, and thinking of alternatives.

I’ve decided not to introduce a ‘production line’ mechanic as I think it’s a fair criticism that it will mostly reward nations that already have large industries.

Stats
 

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In light of the expanded conflict with the Inca, the Consail will seek to form a unity government - the Conservative Party extends an invitation to elements of the neo-Druidist, Liberal and Communist movements willing to support the continuation of the special military operation. The proposed name for the unity party is the Druidic Union Party. Economic and domestic portfolio concessions are offered as per a standard coalition agreement. The unity government representatives may then vote on a new Consail or re-elect Consail Thomson.

The Consail will submit a vote to the Aonach immediately on recognition of the Republican Union of Portugal as a free and independent state.

From: Celtonia
To: The Inca Nation
CC: Rome, Maya


Your government is not in a position to fight a full-scale war against both Celtonia and Rome. However, we wish to avoid ruinous casualties. To that end, the governments of the Celtonian Union and Roman Empire jointly offer the following peace offer:

1. A reduced Portugal will be recognized by the Incan State as fully independent, with the interior remaining under Incan control. After a period of 2 years, Celtonian peacekeepers will fully withdraw from the territory and commit to protecting its neutrality.
2. The territory of the Chuquiapo Valley and Ica will be ceded to Rome.
3. Celtonia and Rome will offer the Inca and Maya monetary compensation for their losses to be negotiated at a later date.
4. Ollantaytambo's independence will be respected by all parties to the agreement.

1727155689011.png


From: Celtonia
To: Rome


We would like to propose a new constitution for Ollantaytambo, including a Roman-style Senate and a lower Aonach with direct elections, which might help mollify both the local rebels and our own domestic opposition, while creating a hybrid of our governmental systems.

OOC: Excellent update! Wins and losses taken together, it is truly exciting.
 
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ooc: A formal response will be dispensed after the conclusion of closed door negotiations.
 
In happier news, (and as part of the offered cession of the Environmental Ministry to Druidist splinter parties) - the Union of Celtonia is glad to announce the pending creation of a National Parks system. This system aims to preserve some of Celtonia's remaining virgin wildernesses from development, and to ensure that they remain a national resource for all citizens to take in the beauty of nature's wildness untrammeled by economic development.

1727187348963.png


Four natural areas are currently under consideration for the inaugural parks system:

1. The Great Lakes of Central Celtonia
2. The Vasudan Isles
3. The Kaerbruyn National Historical Park
4. The Alesian Mountains

Recreational facilities and lodges will be erected and safe trails maintained, but the area will otherwise be preserved from future development and exploitation.
 
Poisoned Seeds and Forgotten War
Siobhan O'Connor, Daily Clarion

All I know about the French Civil War is that I understand nothing about it.

So goes the popular joke, which is just about the only mention of the French conflict that any Celt will hear in conversation.

In the shadow of the ongoing warfare in Portugal, it is entirely understandable for the Celtonian foreign affairs press to devote all attentions to the issues of self-determination in the Inca State, Consail Thomson's expansion of the war against the Maya, and Roman trans-Andean Imperialism. The issues are stark, and while the solutions are contentious, the facts of the matter are widely understood and agreed upon. The Portuguese, who have long lived under foreign rule, seek national independence, while Cuzco seeks to maintain its control over the territorial extent of its state. Navua, in her long and proud tradition of supporting national self-determination, has supported the cause of the Portuguese, bringing her into armed conflict with the Inca and Maya, alongside the co-belligerent Roman Empire.

This war has captured the Celtonian popular imagination because of its clarity, dividing very directly down political lines and beliefs about nationalism, interventionism and imperialism. It is perhaps for its complete lack of clarity that another brutal conflict in France has been roiling on for years, almost wholly outside of our nation's notice.

The French Civil War began in earnest in 1928, but intermittent violence has reigned since the assassination of Empress Marie in 1909 and the true origins of the war can be drawn much further back. Perhaps, through an understanding of this past, we might develop a better understanding of just what is happening, and how a once-great nation found itself reduced to a joke oft-repeated in Vasudan bars.

At the conclusion of the Second World War, Celtonia and her allies conclusively brought an end to the French Imperial project of Alexandre and his sons, which had sought complete dominance over Alterra. Celtonian forces liberated Spain, Mexico, Scandinavia and yes, even portions of the Iroquois Nation. Alexandre II was deposed, the Chambre Des Députés (the French Aonach) was restored, and Marie, the legitimate monarch, was crowned Empress of France. The daughter of Queen Madeleine, who had been Celtonia's ally in the First World War, Marie's ascension was to be the beginning of a hopeful new age, with France rejoining the community of nations in building a peaceful, new world.

Nineteen years later, Marie was dead by an assassin's bullet, her dream for France along with her.

*****

Monarchy runs deep in France, with a history spanning the better part of three millennia since the dawn of historical records. The current dynasty, the House of Arc, dates back to the 15th century, with a brief interregnum during the French Revolution (1789-1830), a period which saw multiple republics, communes, military governorships and royal restorations, ultimately ending in the creation of a constitutional monarchy under Queen Madeleine.

France's modern woes stem not from any actions of Madeleine, but from one of her generals and a distant cousin, Alexandre. Prior to the First World War, France's borders encompassed essentially what is modern France plus the mainland portions of the Scandinavian Union. France joined the conflict in allegiance with Celtonia, and under the skillful leadership of Alexandre drove the Iroquois wholly out of Mexico. With overwhelming support from the army, Alexandre launched a successful coup against Madeleine in 1852, swiftly proclaiming the creation of the French Empire. Such was Alexandre's strength and popular support that there was no civil war or real resistance from Madeleine, who was forced to accept her deposition with with quiet, dignified fury.

Militarism also runs deep in France. The legend of Saint Joan the Maid looms over the French consciousness. Bearing a cross and a sword, Joan spread Roman Christianity throughout her lands, and cast out the last of the Norse jarls, who at the time controlled great swaths of the country. She was not herself a queen, but her monumental achievements legitimized the descendants of her family, who reign in France to this day.

Herein lies the the terrible ailment afflicting the heart of France: a twisted meritocracy which is neither wholly aristocratic nor at all democratic. When a King finds success in the battlefield, he is graced by God and legitimized in the eyes of the people, but this holds just as true for his subordinates. Any general who found the vast conquests and wild successes of Alexandre d'Arc could not help but be elevated above the monarch, even to the detriment of those who raised him up. For in France, royalty is victory, and victory is royalty.

Alexandre's Empire brought the continent to its knees, but his intransigence and thirst for further conquests and further victories poisoned the relationship of Celtonia and France and ultimately doomed all that he built. Rejecting national self-determination, he annexed the 'liberated' Mexican territories and maintained an occupation in a large portion of the Iroquois Nation. For France, there was no interbellum period. Seeking an advantage over the Iroquois, in the coup of 1878, he placed his brother Guillaume as 'King Guillermo I' of Spain, the single event most responsible for drawing Celtonia into World War 2 in Alterra.

Here is a simple story well-known even to Celtonian schoolchildren: Alexandre was invading all of his neighbours, Celtonia intervened to protect them, Alexandre died in battle and his nation was defeated thereafter.

But there our story ends, as we return triumphantly home. France's sad story was only beginning.

*****

Empress Marie's assassination did not come out of nowhere. Alexandre had built an Empire off of his martial prowess, and the organs of his state were the legions of his continent-spanning army. When the empire was laid low, these organs carried on into the post-war period. Marie was trying to rebuild a nation devastated by military defeat and greatly impoverished by the loss of its outlying territories, who had once provided vast amounts of food, resources and manpower to France. The shortfalls of the postwar system were filled by the Imperial Marshals, who adapted their regional commands into functional administrative provinces. And thus did the French disease manifest itself in a new way, as legitimacy drained away from Paris and towards those marshals, and eventually the sons of marshals, who could best tie themselves to the inimitable legacy of Alexandre.

The histories blame an anarchist gunman for the death of Marie, but it is just as likely that the man behind her death was one of these rogue marshals, keen to further expand his influence. Regardless, this death replaced the veteran Marie with her inexperienced granddaughter Jeanne, then a girl just sixteen years of age. And throughout much of Jeanne's reign, the Imperial Marshals of the outer departments of France assumed more and more power, often squabbling with each other in brief but isolated surges of violence, before the beginning of the most recent stage of warfare three years ago.

These 'cliques' are not inscrutable things unique to France and incomprehensible to the outside world, they are the obvious outcomes of the last century of history. The Loire Clique, which has seen heavy fighting between itself and the Franco-Roman expeditionary force, is commanded by Grand Marshal Gaetan Villeneuve, who seeks to place a young and little-known man and illegitimate relative of the former Emperor, Alexandre FitzJoseph, on the French throne. Having little prominence himself, this 'Alexandre III' would almost certainly be a puppet of Marshal Villeneuve. The Rheims Clique, commanded by Grand Marshal Pascal Jourdain, promotes the heir of Alexandre through his legitimate marriages, Alexis d'Arc, and has waffled back and forth between loyalty and outright rebellion against Paris.

Only the Orléans Clique, led by Grand Marshal Laurent Ignace, lives up to the French civil war's reputation for inscrutability, having placed his support behind no single candidate and instead simply fighting a general struggle against Empress Jeanne, through his fence-sitting managing to unite reactionary Alexandrine conservatives with communard radicals in common cause.

In recent months, the forces of Empress Jeanne and her loyalist marshals have made significant headway against the Loire Clique, and rumours are that the Rheims Clique may be willing to return into the fold, especially in light of the recent wave of communard insurgency in the French southern massif. The Empress' repeated survival of attempts against her life (three thusfar, by this reporter's accounting) is already becoming the stuff of legend, but it is clear that the risk to the leader of France is great, and her death has the potential to unravel all of the progress the nation has made towards reunification. To this, one may ask cui bono? Modern France is a battleground of medal-festooned generals and warrior-queens, but it rests upon a foundation of decades of suffering and simmering discontent. The bomber may be the scheming of a marshal, the actions of the communard insurgency, or some other faction yet to reveal its face.

This long and bloody chapter of French history is still far from over.

*****

It remains unclear which faction will emerge victorious in France's civil war, but it behooves the conscientious Celtonian to take a moment and consider how a civilized nation, a country of philosophers and artists, saints and gourmands, could find itself in these terrible circumstances. And it also behooves us to consider what conflicts our actions in the present may cause in the future. The destruction of Alexandre's Empire, while a great victory for the free peoples of the world, was not followed by an effort to raise up the defeated conqueror alongside their former subjects. Contrary to popular sentiment, Celtonia is not a neutral observer in southern Alterra; our actions and those of our ancestors have contributed to rough path walked by France today. 'Reap what you sew' may quip the petty moralist, but these poisoned seeds were sewn long before the births of the young men who now lie bleeding in the trenches of the Somme.
 
From: Germany
To: Nassau-Tennessee
CC: USA


With the news of the resent conflicts happening in Nassau-Tennessee, Germany wish to offer a helping hand with negotiations of peace between the two party's and hope for a speedy end to the conflict before more bloodshed happens.
We also welcome USA to take part in the peace talks, if Nassau-Tennessee accept our offer.
 
Why We Fight in France
Hovhannes Phokas, Acta Diurna

In such troubled times as these, lately the question has been raised: why do Rome's sons do battle in France? Why do our weapons flow from the foundries of Nicomedia into that distant, frigid land?

The relationship between France and Rome goes back a millennium. When first we Romans crossed the Atlantic, we came in peace and found the Franks a struggling people, beset still by Norse raiders. Upon their storm-beaten coasts we built monasteries and entrepots, and through these missions grew what stand today as proud French cities: Tours, Marseilles and Lyons, to name but a few. The Franks embraced our language and adopted our faith, and with these unifying forces built for themselves a Kingdom of Lights in the far southwest of our world.

Through the centuries, France grew to become a grand Christian empire, and a global center of culture. Paris, the great metropolis on the upper Seine, was one of the beating hearts of the Renaissance. France was a cradle of science, art and political thought, and was ruled by far-sighted, reform-minded kings and queens alike in equal measure.

Through the harsh decade of the Second World War, France and her empire stood beside Rome, fought, and were ultimately undone by their enemies. While Rome tended to her own wounds, France foundered friendless, and opportunistic warlords turned on one another to carve out fiefdoms at the expense of the legitimate Empress Joan.

Across the sea, my fellow Romans, lies a kindred nation caught in the depths of mortal peril, and it was to save them from those depths that we dispatched the Gallic Expeditionary Legion. Through the efforts of the Eagles of the French Imperial Legions and the firepower of Rome's Centurion Tanks and August Battleships, the warlord Villeneuve has been driven from the Atlantic seaboard, and Roman forces press ever forwards against these latter-day barbarians. Yet our aid is not in violence alone, for we bring ploughshares as well as swords to the embattled lands of France. Where Rome's legions march, what follows them is not a swath of destruction, but a buzz of activity as railways are restored, mines and derricks reopened, farms re-sown and factories erected to produce materiel for the effort.

So does history rhyme with itself. Once again Rome crosses the sea as friends, to find a France divided. Once again we land on that far coast as nation-builders. Once again, France walks slowly but steadily towards reunification, at the helm of a Warrior-Queen Joan.

Yet many forces yet stand in her way. While the warlords of the west are all but vanquished, many still yet huddle in the remote east and frozen south. Our efforts here remain well-spent, Empress Joan remains an embattled woman. Her enemies, failing on the battlefield, resort to bloody efforts at assassination. Most famously and recently did the queen survive an assailant's bomb, her life preserved by the heroic presence of doctors from the Gallic Expeditionary Legion.

Through our shared effort, France can yet be saved. Two Empresses shall reign, one in the Queen of Cities, and one in the City of Lights, bound by a golden thread of amity and cooperation, a trans-Atlantic alliance restored.

Yet it is also within our power to leave, as so many have called for with the recent instability at home and violence in the Andes. This, I fear seems all too appealing to those with an eye for the present alone. Should we leave, will Joan and her constitutional monarchists, the loyalist party of France, be victorious? Perhaps they shall! But to leave is to cast the dice. It is to accept the risk of France becoming a den of mercenaries and warlords, exporting violence and instability for decades to come. It is to accept the risk of France falling under the sway of Communism, becoming a second canker in the global south. It is to accept the possibility of the complete extinction of France, and the division of its lands between powers who count themselves among Rome's enemies.

France is a great nation fallen upon the hardest of times. She is a sister nation to ours, with the potential to once again become one of our greatest allies. And it is for this future that we fight.
 
On Social Revolution and the Civil War in France
Dirk de Jonckers, De Nieuwe Internationale

Reading coverage of the civil war in France, one could come to the conclusion that it is a conflict devoid of class struggle. A monarch, ostensibly of liberal inclinations despite the clear evidence of her autocratic actions, fights to preserve her ancestral prerogatives against the cliques, reactionary military strong-men uplifted to power by the previous dynasty. Should the Paris regime emerge victorious, the Madeleinine line will be secured on the French throne, if any of the cliques take the capital, then one of the half-dozen claimants to the succession of Alexandre will be instated as a puppet for one of the various geriatric generals.

The damage done to France has been nothing short of catastrophic. Economic output and exports have all but collapsed, tens of thousands of refugees have fled the country, and many cities lie in ruins. The heavy-handed Roman intervention to prop up the French Empress has simply led to the application of even more heavy firepower against the cities of the French Atlantic coast, with Lyons and Tours suffering the most. Marseilles, the very home of revolution in France, has suffered bombing attacks directed by its own supposed protectors in the Loire Clique, and has been all but leveled in Marshal Villeneuve's evident strategy of mutual destruction.

Where then, in all of this, is the French proletariat, those who suffer so much under this game of Queens and Generals?

France has a rich but tragic history with revolutions. The revolution of 1789 was at first a monumental victory for early liberal reformers and the French bourgeoisie which had developed so much through the 1700s. However, their attempts to compromise with the King ultimately led to their discrediting among the more radical masses, and opened the door for the first of several conservative counterreactions, beginning the first white terror and subjecting France to a further three decades of internal conflict. In this time, France enacted multiple republics, thrice restored the monarchy, and even had periods of revolutionary proto-socialism among its inchoate communard movement. But in the end, the forces of reaction won out, and the Arcistes were restored, with Madeleine, the great-grandmother of the current Empress, being instated as a monarch with only the faintest of constitutional limitations on her power.

Forty years of instability bled the revolutionary zeal of France's working classes dry for a generation.

The coup of 1852 brought the arch-militarist Alexandre to power. Installing a new ruling class of recently-elevated 'men of merit' around himself, Alexandre forestalled the long-deferred social revolution by directing France's energies outwards, exporting her violence towards the imperial periphery while pouring the wealth of empire into the imperial core. It was a fundamentally unsustainable practice that ultimately ended when Alexandre's previously unstoppable momentum collided with the immovable object of the then-still-socialist Celtonian Union.

The fate of post-war France was an avoidable tragedy. Had the red-red split not occurred between Celtic and Dutch socialism, it is conceivable that a people's democracy could have been nurtured in the heart of the old empire. However, by this point in history Celtonia was already beginning to abandon her role as a global peacekeeper and force of people's liberation, and instead began to focus on petty bourgeois nationalisms and an ill-conceived form of national self-determination. In that critical moment, with Alexandre dead and his young son discredited, the opportunity existed to support a vital movement, to complete the promise of the revolution a century prior.

But we cannot dwell overlong on wistful thoughts of what might have been. Celtonia and her capitalist allies were content to carve the French Empire into its ethnic components and leave the monarchy and its lumpen supporters in place.

From there, the vestigial royal government suffered from a predictable failure in light of France's economic collapse, while Alexandre's officers went on to form dynasties of their own, carving out neo-feudal realms out of the carcass of the French monarchy.

It is in here that the revolutionary moment was brewed anew. The workers and peasants of France, over a period of forty years, faced all of the long-overdue depredations of advanced industrial capital that they had avoided during the heady years of Alexandre's conquests. The emiseration of the French proletariat was matched in its speed and intensity only by the harshness with which their government cracked down upon them. For while the French Cliques are famous for throwing away thousands of lives to simply decide which scion of Arc is to sit in a palace in Paris, they are first and foremost reactionaries and national chauvinists who fear a genuine social revolution. Marshal Gaetan Villeneuve, the butcher of the Loire, has long stated in his propaganda that he is the forces 'protecting' the French people from the supposed depredations of revolutionary communards. Even the faintest liberal sympathies expressed by Empress Jeanne seem to be cause enough for him to wage war against his own people. Similarly, Marshal Pascal Jourdain of Rheims appears to already be in talks with Empress Jeanne to form a common front against a potential communard uprising in the Southern Massif.

Marshal Laurent Ignace, alone of the major power-brokers in the French civil war, has made overtures to the common worker, but this is a false populism at best, and actively seeking to undermine the movement at worst. Revolution from above almost inevitably stalls as only the most dedicated and selfless of true believers can ride the wave of social change to the point where they are deposited on the far shore, their power and wealth now justly distributed among those who they once regarded as their inferiors.

What then is to be done by the organized workers of France? With the aid of foreign powers such as Rome, the Paris regime has steadily clawed back power from the cliques. Should the Empress complete this task, her efforts can be directed solely at securing her power and cracking down on those who most fervently wish to see the end of the monarchy and the establishment of democratic governance in France. The time is ticking. The current wave of revolutionary sentiment is high, and the reactionary powers in France may at this moment be at their nadir. Constantinople will cry for her legions to return home, while the great powers of the world find themselves concerned with the Portuguese question. Amidst rumours, subsequently proved false, of the Empress' death, revolutionary vanguards seized Fort Blanc to capitalize on the anticipated chaos. These bold communards may have jumped the gun, but their timing is nonetheless prescient. These are the critical moments of France, the weeks in which decades happen.

Workers of the French cities, I implore you to rise up and seize that which has been taken from you! Peasants of the French countryside, the moment is here to claim the earth that you till and the tools with which you labour! Your comrades have risen to arms and your moment is here. Do not be slowed by the fear of the moment. Instead, act now so that you need not fear that your children will suffer as you have!

Working men and women of the Netherlands, of Arequipa, of Nassau-Tennessee, of México, of Celtonia and all other corners of the world, France cries out for your aid! A thousand years of monarchial oppression may be close to their end, should we be able to provide the critical shove to tip the balance.

[Enclosed between the pages of this article is a pre-addressed envelope for the Committee for a Democratic France]
 
The Modern Houses of Arc
An Excerpt from The Royal Descent of the Christian World by Gerhard Ganz, Königsberg Publishing

France's monarchy is attested as far back as the 800s BC, through the Merovingian, Carolingian and Capetian dynasties of the Franks, but all relevant royalty in France today belong to the House of Arc, whose reign is generally dated with the death of the Maid of Orléans in 1499 and the succession of her niece Charlotte as 'Mayor of the Palace', gradually assuming the decayed power of the Capetian Dynasty in the early 16th century before becoming monarchs in their own right.

Lineage of Arc, from Charlotte to Louis VI
Charlotte (1430-1506, r.1499-1506)
Henri I (1455-1515, r. 1506-1515)
Louis I (1486-1541, r. 1515-1541)
Adèle (1508-1598, r. 1541-1598)
Clémence (1532-1587)
Charles (1552-1592)

Henri II (1579-1649, r. 1598-1649)
Jeanne (1600-1628)
Clémence I (1622-1701, r. 1649-1701)
Charles (1643-1690)
Louis II (1650-1725, r. 1701-1725)
Louis III (1683-1744, r. 1725-1744)
Louis IV (1702-1773 r. 1744-1773)
Louis V (1722-1777, r. 1773-1777)
Isabelle (1745-1789, r. 1777-1789)
Louis VI (1766-1793, r. 1789-1790)

Rather astonishingly, the original unbroken line of French Roix and Reines d'Arc was an unbroken line from eldest child to eldest child for 291 straight years, from Charlotte to Louis VI, with four heirs predeceasing their parents and never reigning, but still begetting offspring to carry on the line. This direct line was broken with the French Revolution of 1789, and subsequent heirs of Louis VI are referred to as the 'Louisine Line'.

A brief outline of the French Revolution is required to contextualize further rulers. Louis VI ruled independently for only a few months, then as a constitutional monarch from 1789-1790. However, his intransigence and refusal to cooperate with his potential allies in the moderate and conservative members of Chamber of Deputies led to his outright removal from power and the proclamation of the French Republic. The First Republic quickly proved to be unworkable, as moderate and conservative deputies struggled with more radical reformers. Louis VI schemed his restoration, and upon the discovery of his attempted coup the radical reformers expelled the conservative co-conspirators and executed Louis for treason in 1793. This led to a major counterreaction and multiple years of civil war between radicals and conservatives. After besting the conservatives, the most extreme of the radicals were themselves executed for treason by their more moderate colleagues in 1795, who wrote a new constitution and established the Second Republic in 1796. This Republic proved to be highly autocratic in function, and the badly-weakened political left did not support the liberal moderates when a restorationist army marched from Lund to Paris to place 16-year old Louis VII on the throne in 1802, supported by resurgent conservatives. A second wave of revolutionary violence immediately followed this act, as the royalists again lost control of much of the nation. The revolutionaries remained splintered, with radicals proclaiming the re-establishment of the First Republic in 1804 (commonly distinguished in historiography as the Third Republic), while moderates purported to uphold the Second. Caught in the crossfire, Louis VII fled to Copenhague, where he returned with an army of mercenaries and royalists, reasserting control over Paris and driving the various republicans into the south and east in 1805. However, disputes with his military officers led to his deposition, and the succession passed not to his infant son Louis, but to his uncle François, the younger brother of Louis VI. François drained what remained of his family's treasury battling the republicans, and eventually grew so unpopular in Paris that he was seized and killed by a radical mob, whose leaders proclaimed the Paris Commune of 1814. This was the first named incarnation of the French Communard movement, and found support from the remaining Third Republicans outside of the city. A peasant army from Orléans attempted to march on Paris to restore Louis VI, but were scattered by the Communards, prompting Louis VII to flee the country for México.

Revolutionary-Era Kings of France
Louis VII (1786-1840, r. 1802-1804; 1805-1807)
François (1768-1814, r. 1807-1814)

At this point, France's core was held by Communards, First and Second Republicans split many of the secondary cities, and large areas of the countryside were dominated by royalist-sympathetic peasant armies. All of the children of Queen Isabelle were dead or had fled the country, leaving the most prominent remaining branch of the royal family that of Clémence, the younger sister of Louis IV. Clémence was well known for her liberal political views and sympathies, which she passed on to her children. During the revolution, she and her family were voices for restraint and reform, which led to their detention by her grandnephew Louis VI. Clémence's daughter, Marianne, died in prison in 1792, but Clémence and her granddaughter Éléonore were released by the Second Republic in 1795, after which they lived as private citizens through the upheavals of Louis VII's two restorations, François' coup and the Paris Commune. Madeleine, who would one day be queen, was born to Éléonore during the time of Louis VII's second restoration.

The Paris Commune suffered a series of setbacks as its rural allies were slowly whittled down through the 1820s, as Second Republicans found common cause with peasant restorationists and rooted out the remnants of the Third Republic, ultimately placing Paris under a soft siege. In this terminal phase of the war, Éléonore emerged as a prominent figure in the peace process, having both the royal lineage desired by the restorationists, the liberal credentials of the Second Republicans and a continuous presence in Paris that gave her words weight with the beleaguered Communards. Over multiple years of peace negotiations, a third constitution was written, creating a constitutional monarchy with elected deputies. Éléonore was at this point in poor health, and as Louis VII was not welcome back, she proposed that her daughter (Louis VII's third cousin), who was well-educated and born after the fall of the ancien regime, should be the first constitutional monarch of France.

Lineage of Queen Madeleine
Louis IV (1702-1773 r. 1744-1773)
Clémence (1726-1806)
Marianne (1748-1792)
Éléonore (1777-1832)

Madeleine (1806-1892, r. 1830-1852)

Madeleine married German aristocrat and magnate Hugo von Braun and with him begat three children, Marie, Constantin and Pascal, the first two of whom would establish a line which remains politically relevant to the present day. However, la Reine Jeune (the Young Queen) would not rule to the end of her days. Instead, we must introduce the pivotal character in France's modern history, Alexandre. Descended from Louis IV's younger brother Philippe, Alexandre's line were deeply involved in the later phases of the conquest of Scandinavia and held large tracts of land on the Atlantic coast thereof, while his grandfather and great-grandfather perished during the first deposition of Louis VII.

Alexandre was a boy when Madeleine was crowned, and received a thorough education in military affairs and land administration from his father Philippe. With the outbreak of World War One, he served in his father's staff, and assumed his father's position as Marshal of the Third Legion upon Philippe's death in 1842. Demonstrating prodigious talent at a very young age, Alexandre routed the Iroquois and rose to become the supreme commander of the French Royal Legions in the north. Widely celebrated in his own country and famous around the globe, Alexandre parleyed his reputation of invincibility, overwhelming personal charisma and obvious talent for leadership into a successful coup in 1852, deposing his third cousin twice removed Madeleine and establishing himself as the First Emperor of France.

Lineage of Emperor Alexandre I
Louis III (1683-1744, r. 1725-1744)
Philippe (1706-1786)
Alexandre (1735-1816)
Robert (1760-1804)
Jean (1778-1804)
Philippe (1799-1842)

Alexandre I (1820-1885, r. 1852-1885)

Alexandre's reign would be the zenith of France's power, and also the beginning of its undoing. He established complete control over México and penetrated deep into Iroquois territory, helping to secure victory for the allied powers, only to fall out with the Celts over matters of national self-determination. This rift would widen through the following decades, and Alexandre's philandering would cause dynastic issues which would plague his house for generations to come.

A classic womanizer in line with the best and worst stereotypes of the French, Alexandre preferred the military life to settling down, and even after his coup lived with a series of paramours, not legally marrying until he was 50. It is unknown how many children he may have sired among his camp followers and various brothels from the north to south ends of Alterra (claims of relation to him as as common and impossible to disprove as any rumour), but his prominent affairs with women of high birth sired Joseph de Nièvre (son of Catherine de Nièvre) and Gabrielle Saint-Clair (daughter of Michelle Saint-Clair). His first legitimate child, Alexandre, was born in 1871, with sister Marie-Claude following in 1874.

Alexandre's younger brother, Guillaume, also reigned for five years as King Guillermo of Spain, and the provocative placement of a French puppet on the Spanish throne was one of the inciting incidents of World War Two. Guillermo's lineage maintains a pretendership to this day, covered in greater detail in Chapter 4.

The first Emperor's reign saw no peace, for even during the interbellum period the Emperor frequently ruled from the marshal's tent, maintaining a constant low-level state of war with the Iroquois on account of his refusal to accede to Celtic requests that he withdraw from the territory. This intransigence ultimately led the Celts to declare war on France, and would subsequently lead to Alexandre's violent death on the battlefield in 1885 and the demise of the hemisphere-spanning empire that France had spent the last two centuries building. Alexandre was succeeded by the 13-year old Alexandre II, who was powerless to prevent France's total defeat.

At the peace of Lund, Alexandre II was formally deposed, and the line of Madeleine was restored. La Grande Vielle Dame (the Grand Old Lady), 84 years old at the time, had outlived her usurper, and alongside the Archbishop of Avignon crowned her daughter as the first Empress of postwar France. Marie would reign for 19 difficult years, seeing her only daughter Marianne die giving birth to her granddaughter Jeanne, wrestling for authority with the Imperial Marshals, many of whom had Alexandrine loyalties, arguing against Communard agitators, and facing all other manners of social unrest until her assassination by an anarchist's bullet. It was into these challenging circumstances that Jeanne, the first monarch to bear the name of her dynasty's founder since the 15th century, was crowned Empress of the French.

Lineage of Empress Jeanne
Madeleine (1806-1892, r. 1830-1852)
Marie (1834-1909, r. 1890-1909)
Marianne (1863-1893)
Jeanne (1893-present, r. 1909-present)

At the time of this publication, Empress Jeanne has no issue and is the sole descendant of Empress Marie, so her inheritance is currently due to pass through the line of Marie's younger brother Constantin.

Constantinian Line
Madeleine (1806-1892, r. 1830-1852)
Constantin (1837-1919)
Constantin (1866-present)
Constantin (1893-present)
Constantin (1916-present)


A second branch descended from Prince Pascal, who had one son, Jean, who died at age 36 without issue, extinguishing the line.

Pascaline Line
Madeleine (1806-1892, r. 1830-1852)
Pascal (1840-1917)
Jean (1884-1920, no issue)


Many pretenders continue to make claims or have claims made for them, which are now addressed. The oldest pretenders are the descendants of Louis VII, who have lived abroad since 1814. Mariana de Arc presently lives as a private citizen in Texcoco, México with her husband Yolotli and son José, other Louisine descendants can be found in Celtonia, Rome and Spain. None of these heirs have stated an intention to reclaim the throne, and none have been mooted as candidates by any known factions in the current French conflict.

Louisine Line
Louis VII (1786-1840, r. 1802-1804; 1805-1807)
Louis (1804-1883)
Luis (1826-1905)
Alejandro (1855-1925)
Martina (1879-1902)
Mariana (1902-present)
José (1926-present)


Modern Alexandrine succession is rife with controversy due to arguments over the legitimacy of Alexandre's acknowledged children. It is contested whether Alexandre rejected the concept of marriage, considering an Emperor to exist above the authority of any spiritual office, or whether he ultimately accepted the right of the Catholic Church to legitimize marriage. Speaking broadly, the Alexandrine heirs fall into two groups, known as the Josephines and the Légitimistes. The former follow absolute primogeniture without regard to marriage, the latter accept only the two legitimate children of Alexandre.

Alexandre II was crowned at age 13 upon his father's death in battle, inherited an all-but lost war, and was forced to abdicate at age 19. He remained in France during the reign of Marie, continually advocating for his restoration and criticizing his replacement until his assassination by anarchists in 1903. Following his abdication he married Éléonore d'Eu and had one child, Marianne. Marianne had three children, Alexis (b. 1915), Marcel (b. 1918) and Guillaume (b. 1921). The whole family was nearly killed in a horrific bomb attack in 1922, which killed Marianne and her husband, disfigured Marcel and left Guillaume with severe mental disabilities. Alexis is the current Alexandrine heir, although if she does not have issue then the title would go to her aunt, Marie-Claude, who is married to Grand Marshal Philippe Gaspard of the Amiens Department. Both live in Paris and claim political neutrality.

Joseph d'Arc was a young man at the start of World War 2, and was the first acknowledged son of Alexandre. He became Grand Marshal of the Loire Department at the same age at which his father had earned the title, and successfully defended the French Atlantic coast until the conclusion of the war. He remained a firm supporter of his half-brother Alexandre II's claim and is regarded as the leader of the earliest French military cliques, until his assassination in 1899. His son, Philippe-Alexandre, carried on in his father's position, until being sidelined by his officers. He presently lives in Tours with his wife Emma and son Alexandre.

Notably absent from the Alexandrine succession discussions are Gabrielle and her issue, who was disowned by her extended family for unorthodox behaviour and communard sympathies. She had several illegitimate children and was assassinated by a mail bomb in 1908.

Légitimiste Line
Alexandre I (1820-1885, r. 1852-1885)
Alexandre II (1871-1903, r. 1885-1890)
Marianne (1893-1922)
Alexis (1915-present)


Josephine Line
Alexandre I (1820-1885, r. 1852-1885)
Joseph (1858-1899)
Philippe-Alexandre (1887-present)
Alexandre (1909-present)
 
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DISPOSE OF ENCRYPTION KEY AFTER USE

FOR YOUR EYES ONLY

A REPORT ON THE COMMUNARD INSURGENCY IN FRANCE

J. LECOUTE

THIS DOCUMENT PROVIDES AN OVERVIEW OF INFORMATION ON KNOWN COMMUNARD FIGURES AND CELLS AND CURRENT RISKS

THE COMMUNARD MOVEMENT LACKS A CENTRAL LEADERSHIP FIGURE DUE TO THE EFFORTS OF THE ORGANIZATION

ADAPTING TO SUCCESSFUL EFFORTS AT SUPPRESSION THE COMMUNARDS MAKE USE OF REGIONAL HIERARCHIES AND DECENTRALIZED CELLS

TO AVOID DETECTION COMMUNARDS USE CODED LANGUAGES AS WELL AS NOMMES DE GUERRE AND MASKS OR OTHER DISGUISES

CODED LANGUAGE INCLUDES OBLIQUE REFERENCES TO PAST EVENTS AND SIGNIFICANT EVENTS IN COMMUNARD HISTORY

NOMMES DE GUERRE INCLUDE REFERENCES TO PAST COMMUNARDS PLUS PUNS AND ABSURDISM

COMMON SHIBBOLETHS INCLUDE

GABI SAINT CLAIR

REFERENCE TO ALEXANDRE'S BASTARD DAUGHTER AND RUMOURS OF HER CONTINUED SURVIVAL

LOUIS BLANQUI

REFERENCE TO VANGUARD POLITICS

1789

REFERENCE TO OVERTHROW OF MONARCHY

1793

REFERENCE TO OVERTHROW OF MODERATES BY RADICALS

1804

REFERENCE TO THE FOUNDATION OF THE COMMUNE

NO THIRD REPUBLIC

A CODE PHRASE USED ON MULTIPLE OCCASIONS TO INDICATE THAT ONE SIDED WITH THE FIRST OVER THE SECOND REPUBLIC AND IS A COMRADE

GENERAL INFORMATION

HISTORICAL CENTERS OF COMMUNARD ACTIVITY INCLUDE PARIS MARSEILLES LYONS AND ORLEANS

COMMUNARD SUPPORT IS GREATEST IN INDUSTRIAL AREAS INCLUDING MINES AND DOCKYARDS

COMMUNARDS AND ANARCHISTS SHARE MUTUAL HOSTILITY WHICH CAN BE EXPLOITED

COMMUNARDS PROPOSE THE MAINTENANCE OF A CENTRAL GOVERNMENT WHILE ANARCHISTS AIM TO END GOVERNANCE AS A WHOLE

ANARCHISTS REGARD COMMUNARDS AS ENEMIES OF FREEDOM

COMMUNARDS REGARD ANARCHISTS AS OBSTACLES TO THE REPLACEMENT OF THE CURRENT GOVERNMENT

ANARCHIST CONCENTRATIONS CAN BE FOUND IN RURAL AREAS WITH LOW CHURCH ATTENDANCE AS WELL AS THE SAME URBAN AREAS WHERE COMMUNARDS CONCENTRATE

UNION ORGANIZERS ARE CENTERS OF ORGANIZATION CAN BE USED AS POINTS OF INFILTRATION TO TRACK THE PLANS AND ACTIVITIES OF INSURGENT MOVEMENTS

MORE USEFUL INFORMATION CAN COME FROM INFILTRATING AN ILLEGAL UNION THAN IMMEDIATELY EXPOSING ITS MEMBERSHIP

OUTLINE OF MAJOR CELLS OF COMMUNARD MOVEMENT

PARIS

LONGEST TRACKED CHAPTER LED BY POLITICAL THEORIST CODENAMED M SOURIRE SUSPECTED IDENTITY AS HENRI RICHARD OF SORBONNE ACADEMY

GLOBE NEWSPAPER HEAVILY INFILTRATED BY COMMUNARDS AND LEFTIST IN ITS SYMPATHIES

WELL ORGANIZED UNIONS AND MUTUAL AID SOCIETIES IN INDUSTRIAL ARONDISSEMENTS

RISK TO CAPITAL WITH SO MANY TROOPS FIGHTING IN PERIPHERAL CITIES

ORLEANS

RUMOURED LOCATION OF FIGURE CLAIMING TO BE GABRIELLE SAINT CLAIR

POOR INTELLIGENCE DUE TO LACK OF COOPERATION FROM LOCAL MARSHALRY

MARSHAL IGNACE HAS DEALINGS WITH THE ORLEANS COMMUNARD MOVEMENT

POTENTIAL PROPAGANDA USE

MARSEILLES

POOR INTELLIGENCE DUE TO LACK OF COOPERATION FROM LOCAL MARSHALRY

LEADER OF CELL KNOWN BY PSEUDONYM LOUIS BLANC

LARGE ANARCHIST MOVEMENT PRESENT IN CITY UNDERMINING COMMUNARDS

LYONS

POWERFUL ILLEGAL UNION MOVEMENT HAS UNKNOWN CONNECTION TO COMMUNARDS

WORKERS HAVE RECENTLY PROVED WILLING TO STRIKE AND PROTEST AGAINST GOVT

WEAPONS UNACCOUNTED FOR IN RECENT DEFENSE OF CITY PRESENT RISK OF ARMING INSURGENTS

CURRENT ASSESSMENT

UPRISING IN SOUTHERN MASSIF PRESENTS MAJOR CONCERN DUE TO PROXIMITY TO WEST TRUNK RAILWAY AND OBSERVED WEAKNESS OF MARSHAL JOURDAIN

HIGH RISK OF SYMPATHETIC REACTION IN UNDERDEFENDED INDUSTRIAL CITIES

INTENSIFIED POLICING STRONGLY RECOMMENDED



"Is that one the original or the copy?" asked a woman, curly black hair extending out of a rough grey cap.

"Copy," responded a thin-faced, narrow-bearded man illuminated in the firelight, "but hold onto the original."

"They'll notice when it hasn't been received."

"Normally they would. They'll have bigger problems before they wonder what happened to the RSVP."

"Should we warn Doctor Richard?"

"They think he's Sourire?" The man smirked as he tore up a small piece of paper and fed it into the fireplace. "He'd take it as a compliment I'm sure. But no."

"The plan's going to be a lot harder if they pull soldiers back into the cities."

"They can't, Citizen Jeanne needs them to bleed for her on the fronts. Pulling them back would be an admission of defeat. Plus we know that there'd be enough mutinous rumbling in the army to paralyze any operations they took against us."

"We're about to leap, aren't we?"

The man smirked once more, the flickering orange light of the fire catching his eyes.

"My dear, we're going to fly."
 
Announcement from The Republic of Norseland

Odense Armaments unveils the Jötundhaubitser class of artillery, a breakthrough in artillery design. We are happy to negotiate sales of completed weapons, or - as our manufacturing capabilites are limited - the sale of manufacturing blueprints to responsible nations [OOC: all deals with Celtonia's approval].

Announcement from The Commonwealth of Acadia

The Acadian Parliament has approved an immediate buoycott of Roman goods, businesses and business transactions, in protest of the occupation of Ollantaytambo and the unjustified invasion of Inca territory [OOC: this is largely a symbolic act]

Announcement from The People’s Republic of Arequipa

We wish to re-emphaisise our commitment to neutrality in the ongoing Andean conflicts, though we urge all sides to seek an immediate ceasire and avoid dragging our region into a prolonged and terrible war!

Announcement from The Republic of Holstein

A referrendum will be held this year on the proposal of anschluss with Germany. Foreign observers are welcome to monitor the fairness of this referrendum. If approved by public vote, and by Germany, the union of our nations could take place as early as 1931.

From: Germany
To: Nassau-Tennessee
CC: USA


With the news of the resent conflicts happening in Nassau-Tennessee, Germany wish to offer a helping hand with negotiations of peace between the two party's and hope for a speedy end to the conflict before more bloodshed happens.
We also welcome USA to take part in the peace talks, if Nassau-Tennessee accept our offer.

From: The People’s Republic of Nassau-Tennessee
To: Germany, CC USA


We regret to inform our neighbours that we are temporarily closing the borders, effective immediately [OOC: since government control is quite limited, this mainly affects the rail connection through Bismark]. A state of emergy is declared. We have reason to believe that foreign elements have played a role in the current disturbances. But we assure you that we will exhaust all options to resolve the crisis through negotiation.

From: Whiskey Rebellion
To: Germany, USA


We call upon our friends and neighbours to help us overturn the stifling Communist rule of Bismark and usher in a new era of democracy and prosperity. We have assurances that many in Bismark are with us, protests and strikes are planned for the coming year, and most of the military will refuse to obey any order to attack their own people [OOC: this cannot be independently verified]. The Bismark garrison will surely not stand against Germany and the USA [OOC: this also cannot be independently verified].

Once Communist rule is overturned, our proposal is for each county of Nassau-Tennessee to be given a free vote on remaining independent, or to be incorporated into Germany or the USA.
 
Hello, I'm back from visiting family, and catching up with PM's!

I really appreciate your stories @Lord_Iggy!!!

Quick update on the stats - I wasn't happy with how fiddly my system for 'damaged' units was. Experimentally, I've changed this so there is now a combined 'damage' % for Army, Navy and Airforce. There is a PP cost to repair the damage to full, but you can spend any amount of PP to reduce this a little. Any unit types that have a particularly high proportion of understrength units will still have (damaged) listed next to them, but I will no longer track the individual number of 'damaged' units per type.

Setting a provisional orders deadline of 23:59pm on Sunday, 6th October, but please do let me know if that's too soon.

New orders deadline Wednesday 9th October, 23:59 pm to give people more time!

:salute:
 
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No objection to this new system! It was certainly extra work to rotate individually damaged units home and cycle new ones to active fronts.

I might suggest giving the repair rates a look though, since at present it looks like full repair costs for the current belligerents typically take 80-120% of a nation's annual industrial productivity...which seems a bit high unless a nation is engaged in total war involving their entire military.

I like that it is an interesting tradeoff since states have to decide between stopping new construction and allowing their military's repair quality to degrade further if engaged in active combat...but I would think the calibration might be a bit different depending on the scope of the operations. I am not noting this because the new system necessarily disfavors Celtonia, since it seems to have the same negative effect on the Inca, or perhaps even more so.
 
The Inca nation and the Portuguese side have negotiated a peace proposal to bring an end to the Portuguese conflict and to which both sides have in principle agreement. Its terms would however require Celtonian commitment thereto to take effect. (ooc note: won't be available due to work for a while after posting this)

-

Proposed Luso-Incan Peace Treaty

~ The Inca Nation will accept an Independent Portuguese ethno-state in perpetuity within bilaterally agreed boundaries.

Section i: From the adoption of this peace treaty, a cease-fire shall take immediate effect and all forces shall withdraw to their side of the agreed upon border.

Section ii: The independence of Portugal is to take formal effect after the enactment of a plebiscite under neutral third party observation, should said plebiscite confirm the popular will of the population within the territory delimited desire it. Should the people desire to retain union with the Inca Nation, the Inca government shall grant the region autonomous status.

Section iii: Should independence be ratified, the resultant Portuguese state shall be constitutionally neutral, being party to no alliances or pacts, hosting no foreign troops and aiding and abetting no country in war by support or favour. Celtonian peacekeepers within allotted Portuguese territory may be retained and Celtonia shall act as guarantor of Portuguese independence.

Section iv: Should independence be ratified, the Inca Nation agrees to permit those Inca citizens who desire to renounce Inca citizenship in favour of Portuguese citizenship free transit across the border. Likewise, the Portuguese State agrees to permit those residents in its allotted territory who desire to retain Inca citizenship free transit into Inca territory.
 
To: Empress Jeanne I of France
From: Imperial Marshal Pascal Jourdain of Rheims

This message reaches you with sincere prayers for your swift recovery.

Hostilities between the Rheims Département and the central government in Paris have grown increasingly unproductive and intolerable for both parties. Given the recent upsurge in Communard insurgency, our common interests are best served by the establishment of a new understanding between Paris and Rheims. Below is my proposal, in brief, to be discussed in greater detail should it be potentially acceptable to her highness.

  • The Rheims Département will begin an immediate ceasefire with the Paris Government.
  • The Rheims Département will subordinate itself and swear loyalty to Empress Jeanne, with Marshal Jourdain joining the ranks of the Imperial Marshals in the service of Empress.
  • To resolve the dispute between the Alexandrine and Madeleinine lines of succession, Princess Alexis and Prince Constantin will be married, and the Chamber of Deputies of France will affirm that future succession will pass from Jeanne, through Alexis to all heirs of Alexis and Constantin through absolute primogeniture.
 
To: Imperial Marshal Jourdain
From: Her Majesty Empress Jeanne I of France


We welcome the Marshal of Rheims' desire to return into the fold of loyalist France. We will agree to this ceasefire and begin cooperation against these new rebellious forces, and will submit to the Chamber of Deputies this proposal of succession.
 
To: Empress Jeanne I of France
From: Imperial Marshal Gaetan Villeneuve, Protector of France and Imperial Marshal of the Loire Département


Ever have my efforts been in the interest of protecting the people of France and securing for her a strong ruler. It is evident from our conflict that you are a woman of great capacity, and that my efforts to support the claim of Alexandre III have become untenable. As such, I propose a peace with honour and dignity, acknowledging the primacy and sovereignty of Empress Jeanne I and the return of the Loire Département to her majesty's service, such that it may be put to use in the defeat of the Communard menace.

The terms of the armistice:
  • The army of the Loire Département shall maintain their current organization and stations, and swear an oath of allegiance to Empress Jeanne I.
  • Imperial Marshal Villeneuve will be directed to lead his forces against Communard uprisings as deemed fit by the Empress.
  • No harm or penalty shall be exacted against the lineage of Alexandre III d'Arc, who shall maintain princely title.
 
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To: Imperial Marshal Villeneuve
From: Her Imperial Majesty Empress Jeanne I of France


The conditional terms of your proposed surrender are not commensurate to the costs in blood and treasure spent in Her Majesty's efforts to reassert French control over the Loire. If your concern is the protection of the French people, the strength of French rulership, and a united front against Communard insurgency, then you will not attempt to further delay or hold hostage the French nation. For clemency, we do not require your unconditional surrender. Instead, we propose the following:
  • Imperial Marshal Gaetan Villeneuve will surrender his Eagle Standards to Empress Jeanne I.
  • The army of the Loire Département will swear an oath of allegiance to Empress Jeanne I.
  • Marshal Villeneuve will go into exile in New Constantinople with his household and loyal companions. If it better suits his sense of honour, he can instead be executed with military honours.
  • No harm or penalty shall be exacted against the lineage of Alexandre III d'Arc.
 
To: Jeanne de Madeleine, Pretender to the Thrones of Jeanne d'Arc, Louis and Alexandre
From: Imperial Marshal Gaetan Villeneuve, Protector of France and Supreme Commander of the Loyal Départements of Loire, the East and the South


The blood spilt here is on your hands, your title of Empress falsely claimed. Your reign bears not an ounce of the popular will, for twice has a crown delivered undeserved into your house: once on the lousy head of the compromise queen, and once again to your grandmother at the hands of Celtonia. It is only a mercy that the royal title was not further despoiled by your putain of a mother, who had the decency of perishing before she could claim it.

You have no victories to your name save those bought by the foreign arms of Celtonia's running dogs, the Roman Empire. To how many more foreigners shall you prostitute the French Empire? You have no right to rule in France. The Alexandrine line is not yet finished, and so long as Frenchmen stand for the return of the rightful king, I shall continue to fight for the just cause!

Your intransigence and unearned pride shall be the undoing of our nation, and I will have no part in it.

Vive la France!

Vive Alexandre!

Mort à la Fausse Reine!
 
Celtonian Statement on the French Civil War

The Celtonian Union would be pleased to sponsor a peace conference in which the representatives of the senior marshals, the Empress, and the Communard factions, as well as representatives from French civil society organizations, religious groupings and trade unions, might meet in a neutral setting to discuss the creation of a new constitutional settlement for the nation - to allow the French to settle their disputes with words, rather than with arms.

More broadly, beyond the question of succession, failure to guarantee the rights and freedoms of the French people will result in continued deprivation for the noble people of France. The military triumph of one faction or another, if not coupled with profound constitutional reforms, may not provide the expected stability for the winner.
 
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