DaftRTOR - A Story Untold

World Gazette 1930

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World News 1930-1931, collated and edited by Independent Press Association*

Zeppelin Fever!

A new decade begins with a tumultuous year. We start in Germany where not one, but three new zeppelins are unveiled to the public, in a dazzling display of German industrial and technological might; taking inspiration from ancient Germano-Norse mythology, they are named Sleipnir, Wotan and Thunraz, while the original Gutenberg is refurbished and renamed the Freya. Slepinir has been built partly from components of the experimental US airship Liberty, which was previously flown to Kiel for dismantling; it seems that Washington is content to let its southern NATO ally take the lead in airship design.

The renamed Freya resumes a passenger service to Boston and tours of the east coast. Thunraz is reserved for military evaluation, and is rumoured to be conducting long-endurance flights over the Atlantic with unknown military hardware onboard. Wotan begins testing flights with a handful of passengers across the Atlantic to Navua, Celtonia, but disaster strikes on the second flight as it encounters sudden strong winds on approach to the Navua airbase and rams into the famous old Christian church of St Fionnán, demolishing most of the church’s spire, while suffering major structural damage to the tail fins and ripping a large tear in the rear hull. Wotan limps into hangar at Navua for repair, while German and Celtonian diplomats argue over the damages. Captain August Wolf-Bauer is cleared of any wrongdoing by a German inquiry and even commended for preventing a total loss, but it is a reminder that airship travel will always have an element of risk…

There is more trouble back in Germany; the Zeppelins require vast volumes of helium gas to fill their lifting cells, and the contractor Bremer Kohlenwasserstoff GmbH becomes embroiled in a political scandal after over-promising on their supply, leading to lawsuits and public hearings; Berlin newspapers are full of allegations of corruption and nepotism between the government and German industrial giants. Some leading conservative Christians even accuse the Zeppelin bosses of conspiring to promote Wotanist paganism and undermine traditional German values with their ‘satanische flugmaschinen’. With a shortage of helium, it is decided that Sleipnir will remain grounded for now, putting on hold a planned route to Lund, the capital of Scandinavia. Of the new ‘zepps’, this leaves only the secretive Thunraz flying by the end of the year

Despite the less-than-auspicious start, public reception is positive, and Germany and the Zeppelin company are kept in world news headlines throughout the year. All three passenger routes are planned to be in full operation by the end of 1931.

Holstein Plebiscite

As the zeppelin Freya flies overhead, Holsteiners return a ‘yes’ vote in the referendum on anschluss with Germany, a historic vote that will reshape the map of north-west America, and signals a decline in Celtonian influence in the region. Crowds turn out on the streets of Heidelberg to celebrate, but there is a mood of caution in the hinterland. As a political moderate, chancellor Klara Hertz has refused to campaign for either side, calling on the people to vote with their conscience, but looks set to keep her role as governor of the new State of Holstein within Germany. The margin is decisive, but not as emphatic as the pro-German party may have wished, with a last-minute swing in the ‘no’ vote based on growing concerns over ‘NATO’ militarism, and fears of Holstein’s scenic landscapes and tourist havens being turned over to German heavy industry.

Preparations are underway for a merger of the two nations, but a legal challenge sponsored by libertarian groups claims voter irregularities and ‘illegal propagandising’ by citizens linked to the German government and the Zeppelin company, which may delay the official Act of Union until 1932 or beyond.

Citizens in Acadia and Stavanger look on in alarm, especially as events now unfold in the west…

The Fall of Nassau-Tennessee - Atlantic Tensions

In a shocking development, German troops, with US backing, invade the territory of Nassau-Tennesse, at the invitation of anti-government rebels known as the ‘Whiskey Rebellion’ which have paralysed the small nation-state. The NT government refuses to bow to German and US demands for democratic elections, and instead attempts a declaration of martial law and a mass call-up of loyalist militia. In the end, violence is brief and limited; in the city of Bismark, a mass flyover of German biplanes is enough to convince the local military commanders to order their troops to stand down ahead of the German army, perhaps fearing mutiny if orders are given to fire on their fellow German-speakers; German armoured trains roll into the city unopposed. Meanwhile, the otherwise unremarkable railway stop at Beaver Creek, just north of Bismark, becomes the scene of a bloody battle as a rebel force is scattered by government forces using armoured ‘Panzerkampftraktor’ vehicles; it is the first instance of tank warfare on the American subcontinent. The NT force had been sent north to disperse rebel camps, but they soon decide to sabotage much of their equipment and surrender at the northern border to a force of US Rangers, putting a swift end to the fighting.

The Communist regime melts away almost overnight, overwhelmed by the German invasion and as public sentiment is swept up in a pro-Democratic tide. Pro-German and pro-USA groups soon gain control of most of the country, and immediately set about dismembering the old borders; the northern counties, the heartland of the ‘Whiskey Rebellion’, apply to join the USA, while the central and southern territories seek to join Greater Germany, with a new railway line threading its way between them. In the west, the breakaway state of Wesket is declared; the region has a small population of mostly German-speaking people, under the sway of a bizarre Christian sect that borrows heavily from Lakota and Algonquin mythology. It remains to be seen if the USA and Germany will accept the continued existence of their state. Communist loyalists are left to consider emigrating to The Netherlands or accepting the new order.

The German intervention comes just months after Germany and Nassau-Tennesse signed a formal defensive pact, a fact that does not go unnoticed in international press and causes an embarrassing scandal for the German government; Germany claims that the Bismark government was no longer ‘legitimate’, and thus the pact was void, while their actions saved the populace from a bloody civil war. But newspapers in Acadia and Stavanger cover the ‘betrayal’ of Nassau-Tennesse in detail, and there are of course fears that they could be next in the sights of the US-German alliance. While the idealism of 1920s Atlantic Liberal movement has not disappeared, it has certainly now faded; throughout the year, a series of shootings and small-scale bomb attacks in both Atlantic states heightens fears of an ‘undercover war’ already being fought between and pro and anti-independence factions. In particular, the shooting of Eiran Gale, a prominent Acadian journalist, passionate libertarian and pro-independence writer, causes outrage in Acadia and elsewhere; murdered in cold blood on the steps of his Halifax apartment building, the crime remains unsolved. Gale was however highly critical of Celtonian foreign policy and had campaigned against corruption and organised crime, creating a long list of enemies…

Nassau-Tennessee is no more.​
Germany: +$2 materials captured, +1 Infantry, +1 Blimp, +1 Cannon, +1 Field Artillery and +1 Panzerkampftraktor units captured (mothballed).​
USA: minor losses. +$1 materials, +2 Militia and 1 Basic Artillery captured (mothballed).​
Wesket is created: +$2, +1 Militia, +1 Infantry, +1 Rough Rider, +1 Basic Biplane.​

American Automobiles

The general mood in the USA is optimistic, with the public having a mostly positive view of events in Nassau-Tennessee. This is a boom year for many industries, particularly automobiles; United Motors, led by the genius French-American entrepreneur Henri du Pont, achieves the first true success in automobile mass-production, creating thousands of new jobs in Seattle; the ‘Model A’ may lack the finesse of carefully-crafted German, Celtic or Roman automobiles, but it is a workable design and is highly affordable, already becoming a common sight across the USA and in major cities around the world by the end of the year. The US petrol industry struggles to keep up, leading to fuel rationing and soaring prices in several states, and contributes to a global rise in oil prices.

Nonetheless, stocks are booming on the New York stock and Kiel stock exchanges, to the point that there are growing calls for regulation to avoid ‘excessive speculation’ and a potential market crash, though others claim this is scaremongering. Only the stock market in Navua, Celtonia, now has a higher total value, although it has hardly been growing in recent years.

Dinosaurs in Fashion

In another sign of Washington’s expanding influence, US military engineers are invited to Omaha, Nebraska, to help plan a ring of defensive fortifications around the city. The country consists mostly of flat, open plains, and the Nebraskans are concerned about being an easy target for an Iroquois invasion. It is here that US surveyors stumble across remarkable dinosaur fossils; it is thanks to Captain Abraham Alderwell, an amateur fossil collector, who recognises the significance of the finds. A joint US-Nebraskan excavation takes place at a dried-up riverbank south of Omaha. A near-complete skeleton of a massive predatory dinosaur is discovered, provisionally named “Imperatosaurus” and causing quite a stir when put on display in Baltimore. Imaginative drawings of this creature spark a renewed wave of interest in dinosaurs and ancient creatures; museums around the world are now seeking funding as they compete to have the most prestigious fossils on display.

Atomic Science!

Germany is once again in the news for the discovery of the ‘neutron’, a breakthrough in understanding the atom, which resolves a number of issues and paradoxes in atomic physics that had persisted since the turn of the century. Although led by the brilliant German-Mexican physicist Jakob Weissenberg, in truth it is an international effort; the experiments in Berlin make use of radioactive ores from Norseland, and key contributions from the Celtonian-educated Norselander Nils Byór and French expatriate Marie Villepreux who have joined the Berlin team. But it is a sign of the rapid strides that German science has made in recent years, largely a result of heavy investment from the government and the chemical industry. Follow-up work by Acadian, Celtonian and Roman scientists in the latter half of the year helps to refine the new models and sets the stage for further experiments.

Mexican tensions

It is an unsung success story of Celtonian foreign policy, overshadowed by the escalating war in Tetrea; Mexicans go to the polls in a free election, with former communist rebels now back in the fold and standing for parliament, following the end of martial law and the voluntary retirement of President Coyotl Clinton. Land reform for the western regions has been guaranteed, along with regional autonomy to pursue socialist policies. Despite riots and violence in several regions, on the whole it seems the election is about as fair as could be hoped for under the circumstances; the communist party receives the largest single share of the vote, but in a fractured political scene, it relies on a coalition to create a new democratic government.

In one of its first acts, a vote is narrowly carried to move the capital away from Texcoco, with its German and French architecture and associations with colonial rule, to Tenochtitlan, the old Aztec capital. The city centre soon becomes a giant building site, as new public buildings are planned, overlooking the remains of the ancient city. Not all welcome this move, and there are riots in Texcoco and elsewhere, said to be stirred up by the former privileged classes of the east coast who are losing power in the new regime. There are rumours that large amounts of Celtic funds - meant to compensate landowners and ease the plight of the peasants - have instead gone into the building programme. A grand new railway project is also begun, aiming to unite the fractured provinces of the country, and in particular to improve access to the Teotihuacan oilfields, which are still largely shut down following sabotage by rebels. Meanwhile, President Clinton goes into retirement - or exile - somewhere in Celtonia, and there are calls from the left to extradite him to answer a long list of charges of corruption and excesses of power during his term in office, though he is still viewed as a hero to many on the right.

Years of civil war and instability have left much of Mexico destitute. There is great potential for development, but the Mexican government is cautious about foreign investment as it tries to walk a fine line between popular anti-foreign movements and dependence on outside support; Celtic, Acadian and German troops are still in the country this year with aircraft and elite troops, helping to erode the last strongholds of the ‘Holy Aztec Empire’ fanatics which continue to make aggressive raids against government-held towns and villages. Indeed it seems difficult for the new Mexican government to motivate its own troops to continue the fight, and progress is slow; Calixtlahuaca is eventually retaken this year after a tough fight up the coast, with fire support from the Celtonian navy, along with a supporting push through the mountains and jungles of the interior, where there are thousands of casualties from disease alone. Pockets of fanatics still cling to mountain strongholds far to the south.

Meanwhile, Spanish forces are able to expand their ‘peacekeeping’ zone in the north throughout the year, taking full control of valuable mines on the northern border from the Holy Aztec rebels. With the help of Iroquois ‘advisory’ forces, Spanish control is also extended to the Pacific coast south of the Celtonian exclave of Nemausus, which is now completely surrounded by Spanish-Iroquois troops; as tensions rise, there are growing reports of skirmishes with Celtic garrison troops on this front.

Acadia: minor losses.​
Germany: minor losses.​
Mexico: moderate; -2 Militia, -1 Infantry, -1 Rough Riders. +$2 materials recovered, +1 Basic Artillery captured.​
Holy Aztec Empire: moderate; -2 Melee Infantry, -2 Militia, -1 Rough Riders.​
Spain: minor losses.​
Iroquois: minor losses.​
New Constantinople: exists (blockaded).​

Sinking of the CSS Boudicca

Without warning, on a clear sunny day, the giant Celtonian super-dreadnought CSS Boudicca is destroyed at anchor in Calcadia, as massive explosions tear through the forward magazine and instantly break the ship apart. As the mangled hull quickly settles in shallow water, the shattered remnants of the superstructure are engulfed in searing hot smoke and flames, dooming hundreds more sailors to death by fire or drowning. The explosion is powerful enough to damage other nearby ships and causes considerable damage to the military dockyard, as giant pieces of steel are hurled through the air, leaving thousands injured, and the Celtonian 9th Armada in disarray.

Celtic newspapers respond with shock and outrage, and the story is of course seized upon by the right in the leadup to the 1930 election. The Iroquois are immediately suspected of sabotage, but the Celtonian admiralty appeals for calm while a thorough investigation is carried out; all ammunition-handling procedures are put under immediate review. Nonetheless, naval reinforcements are rushed to the region, and Celtonian forces in Calcadia and Nemausus remain on high alert, holding their breath as the year ends, though a feared Iroquois surprise attack against the peninsular does not come to pass.

The loss of the Boudicca, along with the 1927 sale of the Eionnmara (‘Sea Dragon’) to Holland, now leaves only six of the original eight super-dreadnaughts in Celtonian service.

Celtonia: -1 Super Dreadnought, Calcadia port partially damaged, some damage to other ships. +$5 materials salvaged.​

A New Land - South Atlantic tensions

A new island unexpectedly appears in the mid-Atlantic with a fiery volcanic birth; it had long been a prominent seamount on sailor’s charts, and considered an extinct volcano, now proven to be very much alive. Ash clouds from the eruption drift eastwards and give rise to ominous, dramatic sunsets over the western Roman Empire and Holy Kingdom of Hatti, while the rooftops and streets of Nicea are left blackened by ash following heavy rain. During a lull in the eruptions, the passing Celtonian cruiser CSS Gladius sends a landing party to plant the flag of Celtonia on what is little more than a precarious steaming pile of blackened rocks, staking a claim on what may turn out to be a strategic position in the mid-Atlanic. However, nearby countries quickly contest this; Rome, Hatti, Scandinavia and even Greenland may all have valid claims depending on the interpretation of being the ‘nearest’ country. Against a backdrop of rising global tensions, the political dispute heats up throughout the year.

Earthquake in Hatti

In late summer, a major earthquake strikes the Roman-Hatti border near Kadesh, damaging ancient temples, destroying granaries and cisterns, and flattening entire towns. The impact falls disproportionately on Hatti, with buildings damaged as far away as Aleppo. Rescue efforts on both sides of the border are hampered by the lack of infrastructure and the remoteness of settlements scattered across the deserts and savannah. Thousands are displaced in the search for food, water and shelter as winter sets in. For now there is cautious cooperation between Rome and Hatti, but it is reported that some of the desert tribes view the earthquake as divine punishment for a nation that is increasingly drifting from the ‘old ways’, and are refusing all outside help, even turning to banditry against those deemed ‘faithless’.

Hatti: -$3, temporary -2 EP.​
Rome: -$2​

Nordic Politics

Scandinavia is three years away from its next election, but already there are signs that it will be one of the most controversial since the nation’s founding. The Nordic Unionists are frustrated with the government’s lack of action and ‘hands off’ approach towards the idea of greater Nordic brotherhood; unrest continues in Stavanger this year following the attempted assassination of Jarl Freya, and Norseland appears trapped under Celtonian influence, while the island Jarldom of Molde seems increasingly isolationist and dictatorial. The Gotlander independence movement is becoming more noticeable, promising to make the island a major player in Pacific politics and to confront the growing Iroquois influence in Akwesasne. Scandinavia was emerging as a major arms manufacturer in the last decade, but this has also dwindled, despite the country being sandwiched between two civil wars in France and Mexico, and suffering occasional deaths in border incidents; the Væpnet Luftfellskjap company, the manufacturer of the once-pioneering Haukur monoplane fighter, is disbanded this year due to lack of sales, and reforms as a motorcycle company on the outskirts of Axesund, with many of its aircraft engineers having been lured overseas to Tetrea. Pro-fascist groups take every opportunity to lament this state of affairs.

Nonetheless, almost the whole of Scandinavia has seen peace and growing prosperity through the last few years, with a booming trade in commercial shipbuilding and ship maintenance, and exports of associated machine tools and heavy engine components, rivalling those of Celtionia. The furniture company HAUS has also been a surprising success in global markets, exporting practical ‘minimalist’ designs as a reaction to the excesses of the prevailing art-deco and neo-classical fashions, and has struck a particular chord in Germany - although this year the company is implicated in a scandal involving supplies of southern pine wood being bought from rebel French warlords. A number of prominent Liberalists from both sides of the Atlantic have also relocated to the Scandinavia, with Stockholm and Lund both becoming major centres of art and music. The Oslo stock exchange has been one of the fastest-growing outside of New York. The country also earns praise this year for humanitarian aid efforts in Portugal.

It remains to be seen if peace and non-interventionism will be enough to keep the country united and stable…

War in France

A short distance south from the peaceful lands of Scandinavia, the French civil war continues to escalate, and becomes a struggle of ideologies as much as a struggle for power; amidst a shadowy series of events, Grand Marshal Laurent Ignace, leading the western Orleans Clique, throws in his lot with the communist uprising, creating the ‘Armée Populaire Française’. Much of the Olreans forces refuse to obey the new order, and are further split between Fascist traditionalists and a new faction of anarchists inspired by the charismatic captain Jacques Gallaud, leaving the whole of the north-west in chaos. Nonetheless, with a fresh cadre of communist volunteers, Ignace is able to gather a substantial army to launch an all-out attack on Paris, in conjunction with an uprising by leftists and their allies in the capital, which also inspires risings by communists in other major cities. The forces of Empress Jeanne I and her Roman allies are concentrated in the east, fighting a gruelling final battle to capture the port city of Tours from Marshal Villeneuve, who proves wily and elusive as ever. As the fate of the nation hangs in the balance, Grand Marshal Pascal Jourdain of the Rheims Clique seems to be in the position of King - or Queen - maker; the Rheims forces are relatively weak, but may be in a position to tip the balance one way or another.

In the end, Jourdain decides to side with Paris, and negotiates a deal with Jeanne that brings Rheims forces into the imperial fold, in exchange for the declaration of the teenage Alexis d’Arc as imperial heir, of whom Jourdain has been a longtime supporter - bringing the young girl into the dangerous forefront of French politics. There are further rumours of Alexis’s betrothal to Jeanne’s relative, Prince Constantin, which would potentially unite the bloodlines that have vied for control of France for the past two centuries.

Whether or not this can lay the foundation of future peace, it certainly does not stop the current bloodshed; Marshall Villeneuve’s forces fight on tenaciously against combined Imperial and Rheims offensives, taking a heavy toll on the attackers in bitter street fighting in both Tours and Marseilles. The communist uprisings, bitter winter weather and a drawdown of Roman support - particularly the Roman naval units - offer a glimmer of hope for the Loire cause. But no amount of cutthroat tactics are able to prevent the fall of Tours, as Imperial ironclads gather to bombard the defences and support the landing of Imperial Guard units behind enemy lines, while fending off air attacks from the Loire’s biplane bombers - the dramatic scenes captured on Imperial newsreels. Marseilles is still contested as the year ends, but seems set to fall to Marshal Jourdain’s forces. Both cities are left in ruins, with thousands of civilian dead and homeless. Villeneuve himself is nowhere to be found, and there are rumours that he may have fled to Scandinavia on one of his last serviceable bomber aircraft, while for the moment, troops still hold positions in his name amidst the largely-trackless boreal forests of Capetais and Haute-Provence.

The government position becomes more dangerous as the year draws to a close. Communist-allied risings in Paris and Lyons are barely contained, with parts of both cities becoming enclaves of hostile revolutionaries. Roman rearguard troops, including some now barely-functioning tanks, help to hold the port and city centre of Lyons, while the garrison of Paris finds itself fighting on multiple fronts as Marshal Ignace’s communist offensive grinds its way eastwards along the Siene valley. Despite support from biplanes, it is reported that APF troops suffer grievous losses assaulting Imperial trench lines on the south bank, and in several failed attempts to cross the Siene. But equally, the Imperial garrisons in the west are dangerously over-extended.

Against the advice of some of her ministers, the Empress herself returns to the capital on an armoured train, at the head of a brigade of Imperial Guard, to raise the morale of the loyalist defenders - even as the sound of gunfire echoes from the leftist barricades, and the sound of distant artillery fire grows ever louder. It seems fate has not yet finished dispensing cruelties on the brave Empress, who has already lost an eye and an arm; this time, assassin’s bullets strike her motor carriage as she travels to a meeting with military leaders, shattering the windows. Sitting beside the Empress, the commander of the Paris garrison is killed by a shot to the neck, while her driver is shot in the arm and shoulder. Drenched in blood, the Empress is rushed to safety, with bystanders fearing the worst. Miraculously, the Empress is only hit with fragments of glass, doing no major damage. Though weakened from her ordeals, she refuses to leave the capital, as the chaotic battle for Paris reaches what may be a decisive point…

French Empire: -1 Blimp, -1 Imperial Guard, -1 Militia, -1 Infantry. +$2 materials captured.​
Orleans Clique becomes Armée Populaire Française (APF): -1 Infantry, -2 Militia​
Anarchists are created.​
Champagne Clique is created.​
Rheims Clique: -1 Militia, +$1 materials captured.​
Loire Clique: -2 Militia, -1 Basic Armoured Car, -1 Field Artillery, -1 Truck, -1 Ironclad​
Communards: -1 Militia​

Tetrean War - Roman offensives

Now to the ongoing conflict in Tetrea, and first to the Roman-Incan front. The anti-war ‘Restitutores’ rebellion disintegrates in the first few days of the year, as it becomes clear the Roman senate and the Basilissa will not publicly side with their cause, and a deal with the rebel troops sees them given amnesty and readmitted into government ranks. The rebel leader Markus Cato Tycherós flees into exile with a handful of supporters. The rebellion ends as swiftly as it begins, becoming one of countless such risings in Roman history, but simmering tensions persist in Constantinople…

In the east, Roman forces have restocked and reorganised after their push across the Andes, and now receive orders to begin several new offensives before the Incas can fortify the front lines. Rome fully mobilises for war; attrition has reduced the number of armoured cars and tanks in frontline service to a minimum - and a brigade of tanks remains in France - but the Romans are able to throw in large formations of infantry and artillery, with sizeable numbers of cavalry, trucks and aircraft in support. The road to Huaras sees the heaviest fighting in the early part of the year; as a vital industrial port city on the Pacific coast, and a former Inca capital, its loss would be a huge blow to the Inca, not to mention that it would effectively sever their country in two. Inca newsreels show their armoured trains ferrying troops to the front, and the train gunners shooting down several Roman biplanes as they try to stem the methodical Roman advance. Hit-and-run attacks by Inca militia and light cavalry also continue to plague the Roman flanks and supply lines, which are now stretching painfully long across the arid plains and savannah of the Inca heartland; sabotage and raids keep the captured railways from being much use to the invaders. In truth however, Incan resistance is weaker than the Romans might have expected; the Romans surge forwards, sensing that the Inca may be close to complete collapse - and eager to once again raise their standards on the Pacific coast, like their forefathers centuries ago.

Battle for Ollantaytambo!

The reason for the relative ease of their advance soon becomes clear. Led by the maverick general Challkuch Imaq, well-regarded by his compatriots, the Inca have been preparing a counter-strike towards Ollantaytambo, going to great lengths to assemble a powerful force in the savannah west of Tamboccocha with as much secrecy as possible, throwing in most of their motorised transport and countless trains of llamas and camels to build up supplies, while formations of veteran troops are force-marched from the Portuguese front, along with several divisions of elite Mayan Pakalkun infantry - controversially, brining the Mayans into frontline combat against Roman soldiers. Lying east of the main Andes range, there are no major natural obstacles between Inca territory and the fortified city of Ollantaytambo itself, which is serving as a major supply hub for the Roman invasion while new rail lines are under construction. Whether or not the Roman generals anticipate such an aggressive move by the Inca and Maya, they are certainly caught off-guard by the scale of the operation; Roman forces are on a pacification footing, and are unable to deal with a sudden onslaught of many thousands of Inca troops, backed up by modern artillery, armoured cars and almost all of the biplane aircraft available to the Inca Nation. Indeed, with Roman air power concentrated on other fronts, the Inca pilots initially have the skies to themselves, much to the confusion of Roman troops on the ground. The Incas and Shining Path rebels forge an alliance as both turn their attentions on the Roman occupiers, while pro-democracy factions are left divided in their support.

The elite Praetorian Guard fight a losing battle to hold the fortified royal palace of Ollantaytambo, which is left partially in ruins; perhaps initially refusing to believe the scale of the Inca offensive, they refuse to retreat until it is too late. Unknown numbers of Rome’s elite troops are killed or captured, although they undoubtedly take a heavy toll on the Inca forces. In a dramatic escape, King Taycanamo VII is whisked from the ruins of the palace via secret tunnel, and makes it to Roman lines in the west, reuniting with most of the Ollantay royal family and the Roman-backed senate. However, prince Guaricaur remains behind to pledge loyalty to the Inca - although 3rd in line to the throne, he is soon proclaimed as the true monarch by the Shining Path rebels and other anti-Roman factions. The fate of the Ollantay crown jewels and treasury is not clear. Despite Roman media portraying their loss of the city as a heroic last stand, it is undoubtedly a big blow to Roman prestige. The famed Varangians are also mauled as they find themselves trapped in the mountains, fighting both the Shining Path rebels, elite Incan Chasqui scouts, and the Mayan Pakalkun. Overall, thousands of Roman prisoners and large stockpiles of supplies are captured.

Roman forces are now in disarray; with the fall of Ollantaytambo city and the sabotage of roads and railways around Chuquiapo, the Inca have completely disrupted Roman supply lines. The isolated Inca militia holding out among the Andes are a further thorn in the roman side. The majority of the Roman army now lies in a precarious situation east of the Andes, facing attack from all sides, hostile locals, and a rationing of food, fuel, ammunition, and even water. Despite a large advantage in numbers and firepower, the Roman offensives are put on hold while units are scrambled to restore control of their strategic flanks; a concentration of armoured cars and tanks is left virtually stranded outside Corihuayrachina in the north, while the thrust towards Huaras would end up being almost completely reversed by year’s end. Roman engineers work double-time to establish supply routes through areas that Incan militia are still contesting, with considerable loss of materiel, and Roman bomber planes are turned over to emergency transport missions, while cavalry horses are used to haul carts across the savannah. Incan morale has rebounded, yet they also struggle with supplies as they are now operating far from their nearest rail depots, and hard fighting against elite Roman troops has already been costly.

As Inca forces swing northwards towards Ica, inspiring uprisings amongst the occupied population, Roman troops fight to prevent a complete disaster for the Imperial armies in the east. Events elsewhere would now prove decisive…

Celtonian Escalation

High summer sees a dramatic turn of events, as Celtonian forces invade the Incan mainland on multiple fronts. Consail Bréanainn Thomson justifies the invasion as bringing democracy to the Inca Nation, and ensuring the freedom of all of Portugal; but unlike the brief ‘intervention’ during the Cuzco crisis of 1926, this time the goal is regime change and complete defeat of Incan fascism; there can be no doubt that a much tougher fight lies ahead. Celtonian marines and other elite troops are recalled from other fronts to launch an amphibious assault on the coast around Atico, while a strong mechanised push crosses the desert between Andahualkas and Corihuayrachina, heading towards the oilfields there. Other probing attacks are scattered across the border near Cuzco, seemingly designed to keep the Inca defences off guard.

The Atico assault is a difficult task for the Celtonian navy and marines, despite only a weak garrison of 2nd-rate Inca troops; the city lies at the mouth of the Hatunmayu river, where it enters a complex series of channels leading into the Pacific. Several islands and peninsulas have to be cleared of Incan defenders in order to safeguard the approach. In the end, there is little fighting for the city itself, but Incan artillery and mines are able to take a toll on vital Celtic transports as well as escort ships, and the elite Celtic troops are greatly delayed in their push upriver. Meanwhile, the assault on the desert oilfields runs into prepared Inca defences; with modern artillery and dug-in infantry, the Inca have anticipated a Celtic attack in this direction. The Inca fight bravely, but the Celts are able to use their mechanised forces to quickly surround their positions, and bring forward mobile artillery to bombard them, before launching an all-out assault with their tanks and ‘Petrel’ fighter-bombers; seeking a rapid advance, the Celts do not wait for a siege. The dash across the desert had already taken a heavy toll on their vehicles; determined Incan resistance now causes substantial losses to Celtic tanks and vehicles. The Inca oilfields are overrun, though heavily sabotaged by the defenders, and the fighting has drawn in enough Inca forces that the nearby fortress of Pisqa - originally built by the Celts decades ago, before the Cuzco plebiscite - falls shortly afterwards. As both sides rush to reorganise their forces, the Celtonian spearhead is now close to linking up with the Atico beachhead, which would effectively split the Inca Nation in two…

Back in Celtonia, the invasion is controversial from the beginning; the escalation of this undeclared war does not have formal parliament approval, and Thomson and his allies strain every political muscle to keep key allies onboard. It soon becomes clear that the Celtonian government has turned down a peace offer from the Inca that would create a free and independent Portuguese state in the area around Lisbon; opposition figures berate the government for escalating the conflict at the critical moment. Amongst the ranks of the military, several generals and admirals announce resignation or early retirement in the following weeks and months. In angry debates throughout the latter half of the year, the Parliament in Navua blocks moves towards full-scale war mobilisation, keeping a limit on reinforcements that can be sent to the front lines, despite fiery speeches from Thomson and his supporters.

Portugal, and The Battle of the Mayan Sea

From the start of the year, Mayan forces push against Celtic lines in Portugal with large formations of infantry and artillery, while keeping the Celts under fire at the occupied fortress of Tulum, and covering the redeployment of Incan forces to fighting in the north. The fascist Mayan government doubles down on its commitment to the Incan cause, ordering a full-scale mobilisation. The Celtonian response is to attempt to dig in, under cover of heavy air, land and naval firepower - with a concentration of the latest Celtic aircraft on this front, forcing the Mayans to operate their biplanes sparingly and with caution. Celtic air attacks by land and sea also continue to damage Mayan oilfields. Nonetheless, Celtic logistics are strained beyond their limits as they prepare to launch the Atico invasion. Engineers are hard at work this year constructing port facilities at Lisbon to aid the supply situation, but these take time to complete; sacrifices have to be made from the other beachheads, allowing the Mayans to gain ground south of the Tagus river, as the Celts and Portuguese retreat to more defensible lines.

There is now fear of Iroquois weapons or reinforcements arriving to compound the troubles for the Celts. The Mayan navy remains at anchor, not attempting to contest Celtic naval power, but neither can the Celts easily enforce a blockade across the entire stretch of the Mayan coast at the same time as blockading the Inca Nation. Reportedly under pressure from Thomson’s government, the Celtonian admiralty issues the controversial order to intercept, intern or sink any Mayan merchant ships their patrols find on the high seas - further inflaming anti-Celtic sentiment in the Mayan Empire - and also, it seems, to keep a close watch on any Iroquois ship movements.

As tensions continue to rise, news trickles in of a naval engagement between Celtic and Iroquois ships near the Mayan coast, fought in poor visibility under partial fog; the thunderous roar of the guns being faintly heard in Quiriguá and Chichén Itza. Neither side offers public details, but debris and bodies begin to wash up on the Mayan coast in the following days, while a powerful Iroquois naval squadron including the dreadnaught Okahkwènta and heavy cruiser Hatënotha - the latter pock-marked with shell holes and shrapnel damage - arrives in Chichén Itza with a convoy of transport ships and accompanying smaller vessels. Damaged Celtic cruisers and destroyers are also seen docked in Tolosa for emergency repairs.

It seems the Iroquois have anticipated a vigorous Celtic response and decided to gamble by sending a large portion of their high seas fleet to ensure at least one convoy of transport ships arrives in Mayan hands, although exactly what is delivered remains unknown. With recent sightings of Iroquois ships docked at Akwesasne, they may have taken an extended route to try to confuse any shadowers and prevent the Celts from concentrating sufficient forces in time to block the convoy. The gamble may have paid off, however their ships remain docked for repair as the year ends, with both nations edging closer to open conflict.

Celtonia and Iroquois Nation: [undisclosed losses]​

Tetrean War - closing moves of 1930

Despite whatever aid the Iroquois have sent, there is no immediate change on the Portuguese front. As the Mayan offensives grind closer to Lisbon, they suffer heavier losses of artillery to Celtic air and naval attacks - with some units of Petrels becoming particularly adept at spotting and targeting enemy guns behind the lines, forcing the Mayans to disperse. Both sides dig in towards the end of the year, resulting in extensive trench lines; Portuguese forces, although decimated and exhausted, are able to launch a limited offensive to the north with Celtic support, giving more breathing room for the Lisbon garrison before the trenches reach the Pacific. With ammunition of all kinds said to be in short supply, there remains fear of an all-out Mayan offensive to overwhelm Celtic-Portuguese defences.

Despite losses, Roman forces are able to rally following the Celtic offensives against the Inca heartland. The Chuquiapo valley and its incomplete railroad are reoccupied after some hard fighting, helping the supply situation at Ica, where Roman forces are narrowly able to hold the city against Incan offensive at their front and resistance uprisings at their rear; a victory is won for the Romans thanks to some inspired leadership, at the cost of heavy casualties. Roman troops freed up from the ‘Restitutores’ rebellion join a general counter-offensive into Ollantaytambo, together with fresh troops and newly-built tanks rushed to the front, supported by the Roman air force; the exhausted Incan and Mayan forces are ground down by Roman numbers and firepower, and are forced to fall back. The city of Ollantaytambo itself is retaken towards the end of the year, following a tough street fight against Incan and Mayan rearguards. The formerly-picturesque tourist destination, surrounded by distant mountainscapes, is left largely in ruins after this second battle. ‘King’ Guaricaur escapes to rebel-held territory, while Incan general Challkuch Imaq meets his end; taking the blame for a strategic defeat, he either shoots himself at his headquarters in Ollantaytambo, or dies on the frontline after refusing to retreat, depending on the source. Incan forces still hold territory inside Ollantay borders, and together with Mayan soldiers are reinforcing Shining Path positions in the mountains to the south, where they still pose a threat to Roman control of Ica and the Andes passes.

In the north, the Celts pull out all the stops to keep their armies as supplied as possible across the central desert, and with the Inca on the back foot, they are eventually able to close the gap with the Atico beachhead. Together with the naval blockade, all Incan supply lines between Cuzco and Huaras are now severed. With a final effort, the Celts move some units south to Corihuayrachina to aid Roman forces in a renewed attempt to capture the city, which had been a Roman objective earlier in the year. Although some suburbs are still contested by the year’s end, the invading forces are able to meet up at the city centre, the event captured on newsreels for the audiences back home.

For the moment, the situation for the Inca Nation looks dire. Far to the south, in the sprawling metropolis of Copán, there are rumours of rumblings of disquiet among the Mayan elite, who may now prefer a polite exit from the conflict, and a chance to make new alliances. However, there is little sign of the complete collapse of Inca morale that Celtonia’s Consail Thomson may have been counting on; there are reports of an isolated uprising by pro-Democracy rebels at Vilacamba, but the government garrison remains in control. Elsewhere, it seems the fascist party has become the party of resistance against Roman and Celtic enemies, its anti-foreign policies and rhetoric now seem fully justified, as an indignant population largely supports continuing the fight - feelings largely shared by their Mayan cousins. Kamachiq (leader) Atik Quylluratuq remains in Cuzco with a substantial garrison, while deputies take up power in Huaras and prepare to carry on the fight in the south as the Collasuyu province, historically the last bastion of independent Inca power over the centuries of Celtic and Roman dominance. Strict food rationing is in effect, and the Inca war economy now faces crippling shortages of nearly every resource, but for now weapons including anti-tank rifles are still rolling off the production lines.

‘Restitutores’ is no more; units rejoin Roman Empire.​
Rome: -5 Infantry, -1 Militia, -1 Praetorian Guard, -1 Basic Tank, -1 Cavalry, -1 Rough Rider, -2 Field Artillery, -1 Basic Artillery, -1 Basic Armoured Car, -1 Cavalry, -2 Trucks.​
Celtonia: -1 Infantry, -1 Field Artillery, -1 Basic Armoured Car, -1 Basic Tank, -1 Truck, -1 Cavalry, -1 Petrel fighter-bomber, -1 Transport, -1 Gunboat. +$2 materials, +1 Basic Artillery captured.​
Inca Nation: -4 Militia, -3 Infantry, -2 Field Artillery, -1 Basic Artillery, -1 Basic Tank, -1 Cavalry, -1 Basic Armoured Car. -2 Rough Rider, +$4 materials, +1 Truck, +1 Basic Armoured Car, +1 Field Artillery captured.​
Mayan Empire: -2 Infantry, -2 Field Artillery, -1 Truck, -1 Pakalkun, -1 Biplane Fighter. +$2 materials captured.​
Ollantaytambo: -1 Infantry, -2 Militia, -1 Field Artillery, -$6 treasury lost.​
Shining Path: -2 Militia.​
Portugal: -2 Militia.​

Celtonia in Turmoil

The cities, towns and villages of Celtonia go to the polls late in the year; far from the battlefields, winter weather arrives early in the north and is especially cold, with snowfall as far south as Tiwanaku. The election is bitterly fought and contested, amidst a background of protests, general strikes, and riots in some cities.

Consail Thomson may have considered postponing the election, but running short of political levers to pull, and with the country still in an official state of ‘peace’, this would have been extremely contentious. Thus he stands for re-election on a platform of completing the liberation of Portugal and the democratisation of central Tetrea, ‘liberation’ of the Inca Nation, ‘defeat of fascism on our borders’, and of re-establishing Celtonia as a military superpower; his supporters also argue for greater ties with Rome and ‘NATO’ countries, forming an invincible alliance of ‘mostly democratic’ nations as the best chance to secure a peaceful future for the whole world. Thomson’s campaign also highlights his project to establish the first formal National Parks across Celtonia, and the great achievements in - almost - ending the bloody civil war in Mexico. Meanwhile, the opposition argues passionately against Thomson’s ‘trampling of the Democratic constitution’, ‘illegal warfare’ and ‘deliberate warmongering’, and argues against the hypocrisy of fighting for Portuguese freedom at the same time as supporting Rome’s takeover of Ollantaytambo, while blundering into a war with Mayan forces and - potentially - a resurgent Iroquois Nation. Given the stubbornness of the Inca, many predict a bloodbath if Cuzco or Huaras are to be taken by force, with or without Roman help. There are also reports of flagging morale on the frontlines as the goals of the ‘special military operation’ become blurred.

Reports by journalist Torgeir Angest, embedded with Scandinavian humanitarian aid efforts in Lisbon, paint a sorry picture of human suffering on all sides of the conflict, and are widely circulated in liberal newspapers. Thomson’s refusal of the Inca peace offer becomes a key foreign policy issues in the campaign; as the death toll among the Celtonian armed forces continues to climb, and the population of Portugal continue to suffer, the opposition argue that Celtonians and Portuguese are dying for Rome’s new Imperial project, and for Thomson’s military-industrial clique, rather than for peace in Tetrea. Claims that Roman oligarchs and senators are funding pro-Thomson newspapers add further fuel to the fiery rhetoric. The public is also uneasy about the government’s plan for a shift to wartime mobilisation and austerity in the undeclared war, at a time when wages are stagnating and taxes are rising, and Celtonian businesses are losing out to rising foreign exports; Germany, Scandinavia and the USA in particular seem to be reaping the rewards of peace, and more nations besides seem to be rapidly catching up to Celtonia in science and technology.

By various means, the Thomson administration has achieved the disarming of the radical neo-Druidist movement that had been threatening to take power at the end of the last decade; the movement is now split and fractured, with some falling under the Thomson camp, including Tarain Drosten, an outspoken ethnic-Pictish Druidist, who offers vocal support. In their place, a coalition of anti-war Conservative rebels, Liberals, Druidist splinters and neo-Communists or ‘progressive’ democratic-socialists rises to the forefront, led by Mairias Holst, a charismatic Celtic-German with a liberal, anti-war and pro-business background. Another key figure in the election is the fiery redhead Dáire Enaihn; she is not standing for any office, but lends a powerful voice to the anti-war campaign, leading protest marches in several major cities. Her alleged harassment by shadowy government officials becomes another cause célèbre for the opposition. Meanwhile, radical war-hawks and revanchists naturally support Thomson, and are increasingly emboldened by the invasion of the Inca mainland.

Protests reach a peak just before the election. In the end, after a week of vote-counting, Thomson’s party is defeated; as a whole, Cetlonia’s people voice their growing horror and unease at the Tetrean conflict, and a desire to return to the post-WW2 promise of peace and prosperity. However, it is not the resounding defeat that many in the left and centre had hoped for; some of Thomson’s closest supporters claim voter fraud and irregularities and refuse to gracefully concede. A subdued atmosphere grips the country; Mairias Holst prepares to lead a centrist coalition government with a mandate to end or de-escalate the conflict, put pressure on the Roman Empire to halt its expansion, and to reduce excessive military spending. Yet for now, tens of thousands of troops remain deep within Inca territory, and much of the Thomson machinery looks set to remain in place, in the shape of appointed generals, admirals, high court judges, and intelligence officials who can not be easily dismissed. At the head of a shaky coalition, it is not clear how far and how fast Holst can push back against the war momentum; there are fears that the 1890 democratic constitution has been permanently distorted, never again to be bent back into shape, with or without Thomson at the helm...

Celtonia: -$7 from riots and strikes.​

Other News

US President Amadeus Charleston comfortably wins a second term in a largely uneventful election.

Spanish conservatives under Prime Minister Abrahán De León also win a second term, but the growing influence of pro-Iroquois and pro-Fascist groups is felt during the election; marches are held to demand the forcible ‘liberation’ of Nemasus for the Spanish crown.

Ongoing anti-Communist protests have caused more disruption in the United Netherlands, although at a lesser scale than recent years, following the jailing of several pro-Democracy leaders for ‘corruption’ and ‘espionage’.

The USA has agreed to hand over a collection of historical French artwork to authorities in France, after the President’s office personally intervened in the dispute, thus restoring to the French some of their cultural heritage. The Empress has agreed to send some of the works to their native home of Normandie, a gesture that may help to thaw relations between the two states.

A railway is under construction between the Holy Kingdom of Hatti and Arequipa, perhaps signifying growing relations between these two neutral countries despite their ideological differences.

World motor racing and other sporting events are not currently taking place due to lack of international investment.

Celtonian-Scandinavian defensive pact has expired.

World Trade Report:

A flood of consumer goods including ‘Model A’ automobiles from the USA makes the world market more competitive. Hatti luxury goods still have a high profile following the royal world tour, and Scandinavia benefits from its established export markets.

Norseland: x2 = $3​
Arequipa: x1 = $1​
Molde: x1 = $1​
Stavanger: x1 = $1​
Normandie: x1 = $2​
Akwesasne: x1 = $1​
Roman Empire: x2 = $3​
Hatti: x4 = $8​
USA: x14 = $28​
Spain: x6 = $10​
Scandinavia: x4 = $8​

It is now 1931…

*Independent Press Association is based in Oslo and is fully independent, as certified by the Scandinavian government

Stats
 

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To: Celtonia
From: The Inca Nation


The Inca nation continues its heroic struggle against the Great Enemy, yet at the same time despite the perfidy of the former government, its illegal actions, its disdain for human life and common decency, it endeavours still for peace with Celtonia and represents to the new Celtonian government the peace treaty proposed last year and agreed by the Portuguese leadership, amended to account for Celtonia's illegal warfare into Inca territory. If the new government was indeed honest in its campaign promises to the Celtonian people, then we look forward to it accepting the mandate granted it for peace.

-

Proposed Celto/Luso-Incan Peace Treaty

~ The Inca Nation will accept an Independent Portuguese ethno-state in perpetuity within bilaterally agreed boundaries.

Section i: From the adoption of this peace treaty, a cease-fire shall take immediate effect. All forces in Portugal shall withdraw to the agreed upon border between Portugal and the Inca Nation and Celtic forces engaged in the invasion of the Inca Nation shall withdraw to Celtonia.

Section ii: The independence of Portugal is to take formal effect after the enactment of a plebiscite under neutral third party observation, should said plebiscite confirm the popular will of the population within the territory delimited desire it. Should the people desire to retain union with the Inca Nation, the Inca government shall grant the region autonomous status.

Section iii: Should independence be ratified, the resultant Portuguese state shall be constitutionally neutral, being party to no alliances or pacts, hosting no foreign troops and aiding and abetting no country in war by support or favour. Celtonian peacekeepers within allotted Portuguese territory may be retained and Celtonia shall act as guarantor of Portuguese independence.

Section iv: Should independence be ratified, the Inca Nation agrees to permit those Inca citizens who desire to renounce Inca citizenship in favour of Portuguese citizenship free transit across the border. Likewise, the Portuguese State agrees to permit those residents in its allotted territory who desire to retain Inca citizenship free transit into Inca territory.
 
From: The Union of Celtonia
To: The Noble Representatives of the Incan State and People


Rejoice! And let us lay down our arms, and take hands. For the Celtonian people have, in a difficult but free and fair election, chosen to lay Thomsonite warmongering to the side.

A child, playing with a ball. The serene waves of the great ocean crashing upon the shore. The joined voices of a folk song, differing perhaps in melody and cadence, but expressing the same spirit and virtue: Love of home, family, and country! In all these things, and above all in our common humanity, we shall surely achieve peace in our time.

For yes, even now, we retain the technical capacity to complete this vicious Thomsonite conquest of sovereign Incan land, but at what cost? Again, I say, at what cost?! For in the forging of a collar around the Incan neck once more it is we! We Celtonians, who are thusly chained! Men of reason and rationality cannot consent to the crushing of the independent spirit of one people in the ostensible pursuit of independence for another!

As such, we hope and pray that the Incan leadership will accept our honest entreaty for peace with but two conditions:

1. Recognition of a full, free, and fair Portugal, from the mountains to the sea.

2. That the Incan state shall carry out full, free and fair democratic elections within 3 years. That in such elections, a number of assembly seats will be reserved for Celtic, German, and other minority groups according to their proportions of the population, as measured by a census.

We await with joy the ability to restore peace, mutual respect, and progress to Tetraea, and congratulate the noble Incan on defending their homes and lands. Let us make from this travesty a new hope for the world, and never again let vicious conflict divide us!

-Consail Mairias Holst
Cinnire, Coalition for a Free Celtonia
 
The Consail eagerly submits to the Aonach a proposal to join the League of Nations!

Vote: 186 - 233

The vote fails due to conservative and Druidist opposition on national security grounds, and opposition from communist parties who do not align with the liberal commercialism of the current league members.
 
To: The Union of Celtonia
From: The Inca Nation


We shall consider your proposal carefully, for our earnest love for the Inca people and their welfare compels us to do so.

Nonetheless, we fear given the bad-faith shown us that while the Celtic people may have, rightly, rejected Thomson (may his name be accursed) and hearkened to calls of peace, respect and concord, that they do so only to find that their new Consail is the same manner of hypocrite as the consail they ousted. It is for good reason indeed that the Incan people, seeing the lie that is "liberal democracy" are united behind the one ideology that embraces true democracy, namely majority rule and the advancement of the national will through the united front of people, party and leader, and it is to the great detriment of Celtonia that its leaders refuse the same principles of national solidarity and respect for the majority will for their own people.
 
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The Mayan Empire has three simple requirements to accede to a peace, brought on by the necessity of the renewal of the constant Celtonian rapacious assault on Tetrean national sovereignty.

1) The full independence of Ollaytaytambo under the leadership of the Shining Path.

2) Reparations totaling $10 from Celtonia and prosecution of military and civilian officials within their government responsible for the planning of aerial terror attacks on our civilian population.

3) A land corridor connecting us to our Incan allies. The Portuguese state will be limited to a coastal enclave around Lisbon.
 
We certainly are willing to continue negotiations in a spirit of good faith, and completely aim to do so!

But we would caution the Inca and Maya not to mistake our earnest desire for peace for weakness!

We await, then, an Incan counterproposal on a means of safeguarding the rights of citizens of Celtic and German ethnicity within the Incan State. In combination with the troubling rumors of ethnic camps, it would be deeply regrettable if the war was forced to continue, but currently I, the Consail, stand between the Inca and their utter annihilation, wishing to give them the finest benefit of the doubt and every opportunity to engage in domestic government reform.

We are engaging with you as an equal, even though your government and state are on the brink of collapse. Surely you are not blind to these circumstances, nor are you blind to the reality that no amount of foreign intervention would change the outcome if the war were forced to continue.

The Mayans seem content in their initial proposal to fight to the last Incan, so we will engage with them at a later date once the Cuzco matter is solved, and hope to find them in a more productive mindset.
 
FranceDaftRTOR1931.png

Effective control of France on December 31, 1931

The Loire Clique, after years of resistance against the combined forces of Loyalist France, appears to be on its last legs. Imperial Marshal Gaetan Villeneuve and the pretender Alexandre III were not found in Tours, and are believed to have fled abroad. Bereft of central leadership and divided into two separate regions, the Alexandrine Irregulars of the Loire have adopted a policy of asymmetrical warfare out of the forests of Capetais and the rural prairies of Charolais, while the Alexandrine Irregulars in the south maintain a conventional standing across eastern Provence, with a bulk of their forces maintaining a fierce toehold in the battle-scarred city of Marseilles. Marshal Villiers maintains military occupation throughout Pays de la Loire, while Empress Jeanne has returned west to support the critical battle of Paris.

The Rheims Clique has continued to struggle mightily against its two primary foes. The remnants of the shattered Loire Clique continue to defend Marseilles against Imperial Marshal Pascal Jourdain with tenacity bordering on the absurd, while the Fort Blanc Commune has held its ground in the Massif Austral, the turncoat Comrade-General Guillaume Dufresne using his mountain fortresses to support further Communard uprisings throughout central France.

A major story of the year was the dissolution of the Orléans Clique. In the most prominent defection to date, the former Imperial Marshal Laurent Ignace performed a self-coup, arresting many of his conservative officers and handing civilian power over to the Conseil Provisoire des Députés Ouvriers d'Orléans (CPDO Orléans), the Provisional Council of Workers' Deputies of Orléans assembled from the industrial city's underground workers' organizations. Ignace surrendered himself to the CPDO and was subsequently placed at the head of the Armée Populaire Franĉaise (APF), the French People's Army. However, the coup did not proceed flawlessly. Tipped off, several officers were able to escape Ignace's purge and regrouped in Troyes, declaring the foundation of a new order to carry on the original legacy of the Orléans faction, before retreating further to Châlons, where they secured the rural hinterlands of Champagne and Lorraine against the fires of revolution. However, the reaction to Ignace's defection was the opposite in Franche-Comté, where a large scale peasant uprising seized control of France's smallest département, along with sizeable portions of Lorraine and Picardie, proclaiming the anarchist Free County.

With the bulk of his new APF, reinforced by a wave of vanguardist Communard volunteers, Citizen-General Ignace broke through Marshal Philippe Gaspard's trenches south of Paris and made a drive on the capital, culminating in a vicious urban battle through the southern arondissements of Paris which is still ongoing. A minority of APF forces in the north hold off the Champagne Clique and Gaspard's counterattack in Picardie.

Communard uprisings have taken place in Nivernais, Bourgogne and the eastern Alpes. The Commune of Burgundy has strong anarchist leanings befitting its agricultural population, but proclaims loyalty to the general Communard cause. The Nivernais Commune is situated far closer to areas of major strategic importance. In the vale of the upper Seine, this Commune could both threaten to cut off the Loyalist defensive lines southeast of Paris, or cut off the critical rail connections passing through the Nivernais gap, the only viable connection between eastern and western France. The already-existing Commune of Berry has remained stable in its area of control, and the Fort Blanc Commune has focused on seeding and arming uprisings elsewhere in France, as well as establishing radio transmitters in the mountains, from whose high perch it broadcasts a non-stop barrage of Communard propaganda.

The Euskal Free Zone appears to have arisen independently of existing uprisings in central France and appears to be in league with the anarchists of the Free County. It is centered in a Basque-majority mountain region which promises to be wildly difficult to remove militarily due to the self-sufficiency and defensibility of the region.

Loyalist France has gained ground in the east at the expense of the Loire Clique, but it has paid for these gains with critical retreats allowing Paris to come under threat, and with the loss of many of its rural hinterlands to Communards and anarchists. Major urban Communard uprisings took place in Paris and Lyons. Paris remains contested between Communard and Loyalist forces, while the uprising in Lyons has been contained with the crucial assistance of the Roman Expeditionary Force. Marshal Villiers remains in Tours reasserting French control over Pays de la Loire, while Marshal Forsberg has worked to prevent the further expansion of the Berry and Fort Blanc Communes. Marshal Gaspard maintains responsibility for France's vast and critical western front, losing ground near the capital but launching a successful counterattack through western Picardie towards the Champagne Clique.
 
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Diplomacy for Lord_Iggy

To: Empress Jeanne I of France
From: Imperial Marshal Valentin de Simon of Champagne

We have survived the treason of the disgraced former Marshal Ignace, and have secured the départements of Champagne and Lorraine from the Communards. In light of your recognition of Alexis as Dauphine, we seek to rejoin the loyalist marshalry on equivalent terms to those of to put down this communard insurgency.

To: Imperial Marshal Valentin de Simon of Champagne
From: Empress Jeanne I of France

I am gladdened that there are loyal souls who yet resist the despot of Orléans. I recognize you as the Imperial Marshal of Champagne and Lorraine and call upon you to bring all force to bear against the rear of the Ignace’s lines.

To: Workers of France
From: Conseil Provisoire des Députés Ouvriers d’Orléans (CPDO Orléans)

Hearken, sons and daughters of France, to the bullet fire from the heroic citizen-soldiers of Fort Blanc. Hearken to the clarion call of freedom ringing from the west. The révolution is upon us! Against the landlords, the factory-owners, the marshals who would reign as tyrants over you, we call upon the sturdy people of France to RESIST.

When the monarchists give you an order, REFUSE IT. When the monarchists come to steal your bread, KEEP IT! When you discover their caches of arms and materiel, SEIZE IT!

Through the folly of our foes, the doorway of opportunity is thrown wide. Free citizens do battle against tyrants and their lackeys in the streets of Paris and Lyons. The warden lies teetering on the brink. Will join us in the fight against him, or will you do nothing, and watch as the doorway is sealed and the shackle replaced, twice as tight as before?

To: CPDO Orléans
From: Citizen-Captain Jacques Gallaud, on behalf of the Liberated People of the Free County

Our first conflict is not with you, Communards. Let us come to an understanding, lest we be divided. We have surpluses of grain and produce, which we are willing to trade with you provided you are willing to engage with us as equals and do not attempt to exert your authority over us. Our militias will do battle with fascists and monarchists alike.


Diplomacy for Daftpanzer

To: Soldiers and Officers of the former Loire Clique
From: Empress Jeanne I of France

The war in the east is concluded. Your former commander, Marshal Villeneuve is nowhere to be found, and his intransigence has caused untold harm from the communard uprisings which unfolded in the wake of his rebellion. I do not ask you to lay down your arms. I ask you to maintain them, to swear allegiance anew to the Empire of France, and to set your weapons against the communard menace who would threaten to haul our nation back into the bloody war from which it has just begun to surface.

To: Garrison of Marseilles
From: Imperial Marshal Pascal Jourdain

As the Empress decrees, the war in the east is concluded. You have fought and defended the city with commendable resolve and capability, and now we approach peace with honour. Rejoin your brothers in the defense of our land against the godless iconoclasts and traitors who would topple our churches and bring further ruination to France.

To: United Netherlands (sent with discretion)
From: CPDO Orléans

Comrades across the southern sea, France lies in the balance. The long-oppressed labourers of France are in full uprising. A large coastal region of France has come under Communard control, with fully intact port facilities that might receive reinforcements and support. As we speak, a battle is being fought for Paris, the City of Light herself. This is the moment! Aid us in this struggle, and let us establish an inter-austral bond of friendship between the world's two great worker's republics.


Diplomacy for Angst

To: Scandinavian Union
From: Empress Jeanne I of France

Our current intelligence suggests that former Imperial Marshal Gaetan Villeneuve has fled to Scandinavia by air. He has been sentenced to death for treason in France, information about his whereabouts would be welcome.

To: Local Governments in the Fritte Fylke, Lottering and Upper Skåne Regions of Scandinavia (sent with discretion)
From: Citizen-Captain Jacques Gallaud, on behalf of the Liberated People of the Free County

We are engaged in battle against fascists of the worst sort. If you have malcontents of anarchist proclivities, it may be wise to release them on the border near Besançon so that they may join our cause and be out of your affairs. Additionally, we pray that you might look the other way if we evade fascist patrols and support our forward positions by passing through your territory. We shall commit no acts of violence should such passage be overlooked.

To: Industrial Contacts in Scandinavia (sent with discretion)
From: Imperial Marshal Valentin de Simon of Champagne

We hope to maintain the previously-established exports of timber, and further hope that we may be able to acquire weaponry. Our activities have been legitimized by the Empress of France, so you do not need to fear the law in doing business with us. We are surrounded by violent revolutionaries on all fronts and are isolated from any French sources of industry which might reinforce us, hence the necessity of our arrangements with you.

Should we fail, I need not remind you that fully half of the French-Scandinavian border will be controlled by revolutionaries, who if victorious would have few qualms in exporting their revolution abroad, to your detriment.
 
The Pact of Rome

The Roman Empire and the Incan State, noting that they have not, nor will they ever legally be, at war, have agreed to a series of terms negotiated to the long-term benefit of both sides.

  • Clause I: Roman and Incan troops will immediately cease any combat operation against one another. Rome will withdraw from all occupied Incan territory save for the Incan Demilitarized Zone (Chuquiapo Valley)
  • Clause II: The Inca Nation will permit Roman forces to police the Incan Demilitarized Zone for a period of five (5) years. Rome will not annex the region into the Roman Empire and the territory shall remain under the sovereignty of the Inca Nation.
  • Clause III: The Incan State agrees to cut all ties with the Shining Path, and provide no aid to it, nor will it allow any other power to do so through its territory. The Incans will allow Roman monitors to ensure this to be the case.
  • Clause IV: The Roman Empire and the Inca Nation agree to a mutual Non-Aggression Pact.
  • Clause V: The Roman Empire will agree to not militarize the Incan Demilitarized Zone beyond what is needed for policing
  • Clause VI: The Inca Nation will not discriminate against Roman businesses and vice versa
  • Clause VII: The Inca Nation will allow Azienda generale italiana petroli (AGIP) to invest in, own, and operate Incan Oil Wells, ensuring the sector's modernisation and profitability. Rome guarantees the Inca Nations right to requisition oil wells owned by AGIP for its exclusive use in times of war.

~ signed Atik Quylluratuq
 
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[EDIT: Current negotiations ongoing]
 

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The Wrath of Apoxpalon Pech

The war room of the Mayan Empire, at the highest level of the pyramidal Palace of the Sky in Copan, was dimly lit by flickering electric torches and the reflection of the lights of the city below on the clouds. The walls, thick with the weight of ancient stone, were adorned with military symbols of conquest—eagle-headed serpents, jaguar motifs, and endless geometric patterns of power. An imagined history of triumphs and conquests believed by no one. A heavy silence hung in the air, broken only by the sound of sandals scraping the stone floor as Apoxpalon Pech, Prime Minister of the Mayan Empire, paced furiously before his subordinates.

His high-pitched, nasal voice sliced through the tension like a razor.

"De-escalation? You dare suggest we de-escalate with those filthy Celtonians?" Apoxpalon's voice quivered with rage as he turned to face his generals. His eyes, narrowed and seething, glared down at them as if he were some kind of ancient jaguar, ready to pounce. "Do you even understand what you're saying?"

Ahau Kan, the most senior of the generals, stood rigidly before him, his hands clasped behind his back. The idea of de-escalating the war with the Celtonian Republic had been met with murmurs among the high command, but it was Ahau Kan who had spoken it aloud. Despite his years of military service, the general now seemed smaller than he was, his expression strained.

"My lord, the Celtonians—" Ahau Kan began carefully, but Apoxpalon interrupted him with a screech.

"The Celtonians!" Apoxpalon spat the word like a curse. His voice rose to a new pitch, cutting through the room with a manic intensity. "The so-called leaders of the world! The Republic! A collection of minds too weak to even see their own destruction! They are the world's leading democracy? A disgrace!"

Apoxpalon was not merely angry—he was consumed by it, his nostrils flaring and his body trembling with barely restrained fury. His fingers trembled as he gestured wildly in the air, pointing toward the ceiling as if the very notion of Celtonian power was an insult to the gods.

"They believe in this ridiculous idea of freedom! Freedom for the people—as if the masses could ever be trusted to rule themselves!" Apoxpalon sneered, his lips curling back into a grimace. "These democrats think that anyone with a voice deserves power. They allow their people to choose their leaders—to choose wrong!" He scoffed, shaking his head. "Thomson was a worthy opponent. Now he is gone. How long before their empire collapses in on itself? They are weak, disorganized, a collection of nobodies pretending to be something greater."

He stalked back and forth before his generals, his sharp voice growing louder with each word. "We are the Mayan Empire—we know the only true way to rule! We control, we conquer, we impose order and strength. These Celtonians are nothing compared to us. And yet, you would negotiate with them? You would stop this war because they cry out for peace like weaklings?"

Ahau Kan tried to speak again, his voice low but firm, desperate to reason with the prime minister. "My lord, they are the world's dominant power. Their military is vast, their resources limitless. They have the means to cripple us—"

"Cripple us?" Apoxpalon interrupted, his voice rising to a shriek. "Do not speak of defeat in my presence, Ahau Kan! We will not lose to those wretched Celts. We will not surrender to the freedom that they spread. We are Mayans—descendants of the gods, destined for greatness. They are nothing but a rabble, a misguided collection of peasants wearing the masks of kings. They will bow to us—or they will be crushed underfoot."

The generals stood still, unwilling to speak against Apoxpalon, but some could not help but exchange uneasy glances. The war had been grinding on for months, and while the Mayan army had proven formidable, the Celtonian Republic had proven just as resilient. The Celts were no pushovers, and their influence in world affairs was undeniable. Despite Apoxpalon’s fervor, there was a gnawing concern among the generals that continuing the war might be a mistake.

But none of them dared to voice it.

"Ah, the Inca," Apoxpalon said suddenly, his voice dripping with contempt. "Let’s not forget them—our allies." He laughed bitterly, pacing in front of the silent generals. "You think that I should turn my back on our alliance?"

A hush fell over the room. The Inca had been a shaky ally at best. This war had been started over their failure to control their own people and it seemed very likely that the Celtonians would impose a new settler state in between the Inca and the Maya, making long-term defense of the former impractical. Yet Apoxpalon refused to abandon them, his pride and strategic calculations too intertwined with his sense of superiority to let the alliance fall apart.

"No!" Apoxpalon barked suddenly, as though reading the thoughts of his generals. "We will not abandon them. We will not relinquish our alliances, not now, not when the Celts are at our gates. The Inca may be incompetent, but they are still part of our strategy. And I will not be the one to appear weak to the Republic—not when I have the might of the Mayan Empire behind me."

The puppet emperor, sitting on his ornate throne in the corner of the room, watched the scene unfold with an almost blank expression. The emperor, though revered by all, was a mere figurehead, a symbol of divine rule, but one with no actual power. His eyes flickered toward the generals as Apoxpalon continued his tirade, but the emperor remained still, silent, his hands resting delicately on the golden arms of the throne.

Apoxpalon turned his gaze toward the emperor for a moment, then back to the generals. "You must understand," he said, his voice quieter now but still intense. "We are not just fighting for land, for power. We are fighting for the very soul of the Empire. The Celtonians represent everything we despise. They are the antithesis of our strength, our order. If we allow them to spread their weakness, their chaos, we will all fall."

The generals, still silent, nodded in unison, though their expressions were unreadable. They had learned long ago not to argue with Apoxpalon when he was in this mood. The prime minister was like a storm, unpredictable and devastating, but when the storm passed, the path forward was clear.

Apoxpalon took a deep breath, his body trembling with contained fury. "We will march on. We will crush the Celtonians. We will show them that Mayan strength is absolute. And we will not stop until they bow before us."

The generals bowed their heads, murmuring their assent. Apoxpalon would break before he bent. Within moments, as they left the room, they would be plotting his downfall.

As the meeting concluded Apoxpalon remained behind, staring out the stone window at the darkening sky. The Celtonians might be the world’s leading democracy, but they would not defeat the Mayan Empire. Not as long as he was in charge.

-----------------------------

The Government of the Mayan Empire: A Cynical Reality

The Mayan Empire, at the dawn of the 20th century, has become a brutish, totalitarian regime—a shell of its ancient glory, perverted by the demands of modern warfare, power struggles, and an insatiable desire to expand. Though it proudly claims divine heritage, it is a society built on fear, manipulation, and the cynical machinations of a small elite. At its heart lies the Emperor—a puppet emperor whose divine status means little in practice—and the Prime Minister, a ruthless opportunist who truly wields the power of the state. The vast natural and human resources of the Maya are claimed by the state for the grand, eternal struggle against their one-time Celtonian occupiers, who are both a real threat but also a convenient scapegoat to keep the public's attention focused outwards.

The Puppet Emperor

The Emperor of the Mayan Empire, known as the Itzel K'i'ik, is the epitome of a figurehead. Clad in golden ceremonial robes and surrounded by a thick veil of incense and prayer, the emperor is revered by the masses as the living embodiment of the gods, but this reverence is nothing more than a carefully curated performance. In truth, the emperor is a powerless pawn, an ancient relic of a bygone era who sits in his opulent palace, largely ignored by the powerful political machinery that keeps the empire running.

His role is purely ceremonial. He attends lavish religious festivals and holds elaborate coronation rituals, but beyond that, he has no say in the empire’s affairs. His ministers, his generals, and above all, the Prime Minister, are the ones who direct the empire’s policies. The emperor may command respect from the common people, but the political elite view him as little more than a tool to legitimize their rule, a puppet in the hands of the real powerbrokers. His divine status is invoked when convenient, particularly during state events, but it is a hollow, symbolic gesture. In practice, the emperor is a barely tolerated spectator, his every action dictated by the whims of those around him.

The Prime Minister: Power without Restraint

The true ruler of the Mayan Empire is the Prime Minister, or K'uhul Ajaw, currently Apoxpalon Pech, a man who has clawed his way to the top by betraying every principle and person who stood in his way. The K'uhul Ajaw is a master manipulator, a cynic who understands that power is not granted through divine right, but seized through violence, coercion, and control. He is the one who determines the direction of the empire, setting policies based on his own interests and the needs of the military-industrial complex that sustains his power.

In theory, the Prime Minister is appointed by the emperor, but the selection process is a mere formality, for the real decision-makers are the wealthy elite, the military generals, and the puppet masters who manipulate the emperor. The Prime Minister is expected to be ruthless, calculating, and above all, loyal to the military and the oligarchy. He consolidates power through patronage, rewarding his supporters with high office, wealth, and the opportunity to exploit the people, while eliminating rivals through assassination, imprisonment, or subtle sabotage. His actions are driven by self-interest, not ideology—he doesn’t care for the empire's grand traditions, only for his own survival and enrichment.

Beneath the veneer of nationalism and militarism, the Prime Minister views the empire as little more than a machine for exploitation. The divine claims of the empire are laughable to him. He understands that the real world runs on violence, and the strongest survive. The emperor's "sacred" mandate is a tool to be used when necessary, but ultimately, it is the Prime Minister's that shapes the empire’s future.

Despite all this, for all his dread power, the Prime Minister is just a crab in a bucket. He is perpetually at risk of being pulled down by his subordinates and replaced with another tyrannical figure who would perpetuate the same system.

The Imperial Court: A Hub of Corruption

The Imperial Court, ostensibly the center of political power, is a cesspool of corruption, intrigue, and political maneuvering. It is here that the most influential military leaders, bureaucrats, and aristocrats gather to shape policy and jockey for position. But while these figures often speak of loyalty to the emperor and the empire’s divine purpose, their true interests are rooted in personal gain and the accumulation of power.

At the highest levels of the court, alliances shift constantly. Nobles and military officers form temporary pacts based on convenience, each one trying to outmaneuver the other in the never-ending game of imperial politics. Corruption runs rampant—bribes, blackmail, and covert backroom deals are the currency of the court. The emperor may be surrounded by advisors, but none of them have any real loyalty to him; their loyalties lie with the Prime Minister, or with each other, or with their own pursuit of power.

Many of these court officials are generals who have gained high office through military victories—though often these victories are nothing more than poorly executed, ill-conceived campaigns. The empire’s bureaucracy is bloated and inefficient, and most of its civil servants are only in their positions because they either know how to manipulate the system or are willing to turn a blind eye to the injustices of the state.

The Military: Power Through Force

The military of the Mayan Empire is the beating heart of the regime, its instrument of both control and expansion. It is not a force built on honor or loyalty, but one driven by a single, cynical reality: power is maintained by force. The military elite are not idealistic warriors, but bloodthirsty opportunists who understand that their power is derived from the strength of their army and the brutality with which they crush their enemies. The military’s purpose is not to defend the empire, but to enforce the will of the Prime Minister and secure the empire’s position in a world that increasingly values violence over diplomacy.

Soldiers are conscripted and trained to view themselves as instruments of state terror, their loyalty to the empire demanded through brutal indoctrination. In the military, hierarchy is rigid, but it is also the easiest path to wealth and power for those who survive. Military officers receive land, wealth, and political favors for their service. However, failure is met with swift punishment, often death or disgrace, and the generals who rise to the top do so not because of their skill in battle, but because of their ability to manipulate, betray, and deceive.

While the Mayan Empire claims to fight in the name of its divine mandate, in truth, its wars are often fought over resources, power, and influence. The Inca, another flawed and corrupt empire, is a "brother" ally only because they provide a useful distraction. The K'uhul Ajaw would sooner turn on the Inca at the first sign of weakness if it meant consolidating more power for himself.

The Bureaucracy: A Web of Control

The empire’s bureaucracy, while efficient on the surface, is a labyrinth of corruption and red tape designed to stifle dissent and cement the power of the elite. Officials, many of whom have been in their positions for decades, collect bribes and reward loyalty above competence. The system is designed to crush any initiative that could undermine the status quo. Public welfare is a secondary concern to the smooth operation of the regime—though the empire is quick to remind its citizens that they live in a "divinely ordained" system, the reality is that most of the population lives in grinding poverty, toiling away in fields or factories to fuel the empire’s insatiable war machine.

The Chik'in, imperial ministers, who manage the empire’s various ministries and portfolios, ensuring that imperial decrees are carried out efficiently and without resistance. They zealously guard their petty fiefdoms and scheme against each other, aiming to ultimately supplant the Prime Minister even as they fawn over him for his favor.

At the local level, the Ajaws—provincial leaders—are nothing more than petty tyrants, squeezing their subjects for taxes, conscripting soldiers, and feeding the bureaucracy with endless resources. They maintain order through fear and the threat of violence, while the Prime Minister and his cronies oversee everything from a safe distance, offering empty promises of prosperity while ensuring that their pockets remain full.

The People: Tools of the State

The majority of the population exists to serve the whims of the elite. They are laborers, farmers, and soldiers—many of them conscripted into service without question. Their lives are cheap, and their loyalty is bought with empty promises of glory or the threat of punishment. They are told that they are part of a divine order, that their sacrifices are for the good of the empire, but in truth, they are mere cogs in the machine—a machine that exists to perpetuate the power of the Prime Minister and the military.

While the K'uhul Ajaw talks of the empire’s greatness, the people live in squalor. They endure long hours of labor, famine, disease, and military conscription, all while their rulers grow fat off their suffering. The empire’s grand rhetoric of divine rule and order is a cover for the exploitation that sustains it. The divine emperor may be revered, but his subjects know that the true gods of this empire are wealth, power, and violence.

Conclusion: A Hollow Empire

The Mayan Empire, under its cynical, manipulative government, is a harsh and soulless state—an empire that feigns divine greatness while building its power on the backs of the oppressed. The emperor is a puppet, the Prime Minister is a tyrant, and the people are nothing more than tools to be used and discarded. In the end, the empire is not ruled by gods, but by men driven by their own greed, ambition, and ruthlessness. The empire may call itself great, but in truth, it is a house of cards—held together by fear and deceit, but fragile and destined to crumble under its own weight.
 
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From: The Great Iroquois Nation
To The United States of America and the Republic of Germany


War has ravaged the continent of Tetrea. Sachem Deganawida Àwe in his great wisdom, refuses to allow our home to fall victim to the same petty squabbles and greed that have gripped the poor peoples of Tetrea. By the Law of Peace we shall prevail, and rise together.


Prosperity Pact of Northern Altarra
  1. The United States of America, the Republic of Germany, and the Great Iroquois Nation pledge to peace and will use diplomacy to resolve all disputes between themselves.
  2. All parties pledge to respect the cultural and ideological identities of all, with an emphasis on mutual respect.
  3. Open trade will be conducted as outlined in the following sub-articles
    • Two railways will be constructed, linking the Great Iroquois Nation with the United States of America and the Republic of Germany, respectively.
    • Ports at Alleghany-Konigsberg (Iroquois-Germany) and Tonawanda-Miami (Iroquois-USA) will be established to facilitate maritime trade.
  4. Additions or amendments may be made by unanimous consent.
  5. These articles must be renewed in 5 years by unanimous consent.
Signed
Sachem Deganawida Àwe

OOC: Guys I'm having a blast
 
The Hidden Heart of Apoxpalon Pech

Apoxpalon Pech, Prime Minister of the Mayan Empire, stepped from his car into the rural countryside beyond Copan where he kept his private estate. The massive ceremonial guard, the attendant nobles and officials, were all gone. Only a few trusted confidants, men pledged to him in body and soul, were around. The evening was warm, the air thick with the scent of jasmine and pine. He paused at a garden’s edge, where a small stone path led to a hidden cottage nestled among the trees, far from the prying eyes of the imperial court. It was here, in the solitude of the forest, that he could be himself.

He knocked three times on the wooden door—his secret code—and it creaked open, revealing the face of a woman who had once been a commoner but was now his heart’s truest companion. Ixchel’s smile was soft and warm, and the tiredness in her eyes softened when she saw him, her once-muted expression blossoming into the love they both kept buried in public.

“Apoxpalon,” she whispered, stepping aside to let him enter.

He kissed her on the forehead, his eyes lingering for a moment on her gentle face. “Ixchel. How are they?”

“Resting,” she said, leading him into the humble but cozy home, where two young girls—his daughters—sat huddled over a map. They were around the same age, both with bright, curious eyes that reminded him of his younger self. They had inherited her strength and his resilience. As he knelt beside them, they both looked up, eyes shining with excitement.

“Father,” the older girl, Yaxkin, said, her voice filled with a seriousness only a child of the empire’s undercurrent could possess, “we’ve been learning all the names of the rivers in the empire.”

He smiled. “Your mother has taught you well.”

The younger girl, Ix, giggled and waved a small clay figure in the air. “And we’re working on a new game for you, Papa!” she exclaimed. “You’ll love it. You have to guess which one of these is the most important thing in the world.”

Apoxpalon chuckled, reaching out to take the figurine from her small hands. It was a model of a jaguar, the symbol of their family, but also of the empire itself—mighty, swift, and untouchable. He wasn’t sure if it was the answer to the game, but he knew it was the answer to their lives: strength and stealth in their pursuit of the future.

He placed the figure down gently and stood up, looking at Ixchel with an unreadable expression. The weight of the empire’s responsibilities pressed down on him, and there was no room for softness in the world he navigated. Even now, in the privacy of their home, he couldn’t fully escape his office.

“You shouldn’t risk meeting like this,” Ixchel said quietly, noticing the shift in his mood. “Not so often. With the war, and the attention on you, if anyone finds out about us… about them…” Her voice trailed off. She didn’t need to finish the sentence. Both of them knew the price they would pay.

“I know,” he said, his voice low. “But I cannot help but love you, Ixchel. I cannot help but want to give you and the girls everything.”

They shared a look of mutual understanding—understanding of the impossible, fragile balance they had created. In the public eye, he was a nobleman, a powerful leader in the empire, pledged to the divine service of the gods and a ruthless tyrant. But in the secret corners of his heart, his love for this family — this simple, beautiful family — was his greatest joy and greatest sorrow.

His political career was everything and he couldn’t risk the scandal. A marriage to Ixchel would be seen as an insult to his position, a rejection of the social order. The idea that he had a secret family would be a weakness, followed shortly by his downfall, his death, and his family's death. The scandal would destroy everything he had worked for, and by extension, it would destroy the future he dreamed of for his daughters.

“I cannot use my position directly to help you,” Apoxpalon had said, years ago, “but I will create an empire that is better for everyone. I will make sure the rivers flow with abundance, so your daughters never go hungry. I will work to ensure that the farmers, the laborers, the soldiers — everyone — has the chance to rise, so that you and the girls will not need me to have a happy life.”

Ixchel’s eyes had softened, a tear slipping down her cheek. “I know, my love. I know.”

She reached out to touch his hand, squeezing it gently. He looked down at their joined hands, a mixture of sorrow and hope in his heart. She deserved more than stolen moments in hidden corners of the empire. She deserved everything — the world, the riches, the title. But he could only give her his heart, his dedication to a future where they could all live without fear.

“You will build us a great nation one day, Apoxpalon,” Ixchel whispered, her voice full of certainty. “And then, there will be no need for hiding.”

“Yes,” he said, his voice a promise.

He kissed her then, feeling the weight of his love for her, for the daughters they had created together. And though the world outside would never understand their bond, he knew that what they had was strong enough to survive in the shadows.

For as long as it took, he would build a future worthy of them all.
 
From: The Great Iroquois Nation
To The United States of America and the Republic of Germany


War has ravaged the continent of Tetrea. Sachem Deganawida Àwe in his great wisdom, refuses to allow our home to fall victim to the same petty squabbles and greed that have gripped the poor peoples of Tetrea. By the Law of Peace we shall prevail, and rise together.


Prosperity Pact of Northern Altarra
  1. The United States of America, the Republic of Germany, and the Great Iroquois Nation pledge to peace and will use diplomacy to resolve all disputes between themselves.
  2. All parties pledge to respect the cultural and ideological identities of all, with an emphasis on mutual respect.
  3. Open trade will be conducted as outlined in the following sub-articles
    • Two railways will be constructed, linking the Great Iroquois Nation with the United States of America and the Republic of Germany, respectively.
    • Ports at Alleghany-Konigsberg (Iroquois-Germany) and Tonawanda-Miami (Iroquois-USA) will be established to facilitate maritime trade.
  4. Additions or amendments may be made by unanimous consent.
  5. These articles must be renewed in 5 years by unanimous consent.
Signed
Sachem Deganawida Àwe

OOC: Guys I'm having a blast
Germany acknowledges and accepts the terms of the Prosperity Pact, reaffirming its dedication to fostering mutual cooperation and sustainable development among our nations.

Signed
Chancellor Lothar von Zeppelin
 
Chieftain Deganawida extends olive branch. Act of change or subterfuge?
"With current conflicts escalating in a destabilized east we should foster the principles of peace and co-existence between men now more than ever." spokesperson for the white house comments as US congress convene to settle by popular vote whether to maintain the closed border policy, or if America should accept treaty offered by the Iroquois Nation.

[the US federal government takes the issued proposal through the democratic processes as to avoid civil unrest]

Hit me up on discord with the results, GM.
 
Ethnolinguistic History of Southern Alterre
Spoiler :


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4000 BC: After Atlantis
According to the Atlantean Hypothesis, around 12 thousand years before the present an ancient culture possessing oceanic navigational capabilities developed, eventually stretching across both sides of the Atlantic ocean from modern-day Celtonia all the way down to France. Based on modern models of linguistic evolution, this culture experienced some form of fall or general loss of material technology and cultural coherency some time between 6000 and 4000 BC. In Alterre, descendants of the Atlanteans were divided in two major groups, Gauls and Germanics. Archaeological evidence suggests the presence of non-Atlantean cultures at this time as well, with precursors to the Nahua and Cayuga peoples, as well as the Aquitainians, precursors to the modern Basques.
Spoiler :


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1000 BC: Late Gaul
This time was identified as the end of the golden age of Gaulish culture in southern Alterre. Many megalithic stoneworks had been raised in the millennia prior and and large, sophisticated cities still existed in some places, but the Gauls were fractious and lacked any form of central kingship. While Gaulish remained a unified language with a common ogham writing system, Germanic languages became incrasingly divergent, forming a continuum of dialects from Atlantic Norse and Saxons, the inland Burgundians and Franks, and the Pacific Angles and Goths. The southward expansion of the Goths gradually displaced the last remaining mainland proto-Cayugas onto the island of Awegen. Meanwhile, the proto-Aquitainians diverged into a pair of cultures Aquitainians and Rhaetians, separated by the barrier of the Alps.
Spoiler :


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800 BC: Folkwandering
This was a time of great ethnic transformations of the map of Alterre. With growing social organization, the Franks and Burgundians invaded Gaul, which had been declining in population, material culture and cultural cohesion. The Burgundians settled on the Atlantic-draining slopes of the Alps while the Franks expanded around the Pacific coast, with numerous groups crossing the Nivernais gap and establishing conqueror-kingdoms in the Loire. The Goths spread across a large stretch of Pacific coastline, while Angles, Saxons and other Germanic peoples pressed north up the Atlantic coast, the precursors to the cultures which would one day found Germany and America.
Spoiler :


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500 AD: Old France
Franks and Burgundians had grown dominant over the lands that would become France, establishing warrior aristocracies and practicing a pagan religion that worshipped many gods and glorified honour and combat. The descendants of these invaders dominated the best agricultural lands and largest river valleys of the country, while Basques and Rhaetians were pushed increasingly into the highlands. Post-Gallic tribes maintained autonomy in the forests of Belgica and Arvernia, the highlands of Helvetia, and the colder, drier backwaters of Atrebatia and Bretonia.

As the Burgundians, Angles and Saxons increasingly disappeared from inland Scandinavia, the Goths and Norse expanded at their expense, while the High Franks remained in the ancient Frankish homeland of Franconia.
Spoiler :


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800 AD: The Viking Age
The Frankish and Burgundian lords dominated their lands for a millennium and a half, slowly marginalizing and assimilating many of the remaining Gauls. However, these conquerors would soon find themselves reprising the role of their Gallic predecessors, as a new wave of invaders rolled out of the north. Improving agricultural technologies in Scandinavia coupled with several major developments in shipbuilding and seafaring carried a flood of Norse and Gothic adventurers out of their homelands and across the seas. The Norse famously established far-flung colonies in all corners of the earth, while the Goths began a massive and consequential invasion of Awegen that would mark the beginning of the island's transformation into Gotland. A subgroup, the Visigoths, would begin a long migration up the Pacific coast into the lands that would one day become Spain. However, the earliest gains of both of these peoples were made much closer to home. Norse and Gothic jarldoms were established across both of of France's coastlines, establishing a new ruling aristocracy everywhere except the deep interior, where Parisians, Burgundians and Angevins maintained native rule over their own petty kingdoms and duchies. Even the High Franconians got involved, expanding both into Lotharingia and Picardy as well as establishing a population on the lowland coast, who became the Low Franconians. These people adopted Gothic shipbuilding techniques for their own use and crossed the south Pacific to establish the Netherlands.
Spoiler :


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1000 AD: Romanization
Over the centuries of Norse rule, many Scandinavians settled in France, but the vast majority would come to assimilate into the cultures of the conquered. Native Frankish rule maintained control of the inland regions of Paris, Picardy, Auvergne, Anjou and Burgundy. Nonetheless, Norse and Gothic-descended nobility, who still retained a sense of themselves as being distinct from the people they ruled, remained preeminent throughout coastal France.

As the Viking age subsided, the modern Scandinavian cultures began to emerge, including the Svears and Danes on the Pacific coast, and the many varieties of Norwegian on the Atlantic fjords.

Around this time, Roman traders and missionaries arrived from across the Atlantic, establishing the Entrepots of Turonus, Lugdunum and Massilia, which remain among France's major cities to this day, along with many other lesser colonies. These traders brought new languages, technologies and the Christian faith, all of which would prove transformative to the Franks. Facing huge crises of legitimacy, many Frankish lords adopted the ways of these foreigners, which would ultimately serve to radically transform the squabbling Frankish Duchies into the much more Latinate Kingdom of France.
Spoiler :


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1400 AD: Before the Maid
Jeanne d'Arc was born in a small Orléanais town in western France in 1412. Gaulish languages were on their last legs, holding out in the forests of Haute-Provence and Capetais, or in the Breton peninsula and a few offshore islands. By this point the Norse and Gothic invaders were long-since assimilated, but their descendants remained as jarls in the coastal duchies, and many continued to proudly practice Asatru in the face of the increasingly Christian peasantry. Christianity formed the glue of resistance and French cultural identity, but there was no unity among the Dukes and Counts of France and little loyalty to their ostensible King in Paris, Charles Capet. Bourges formed the heart of opposition to Paris, as the Dukes of Burgundy sought to place themselves at the forefront of France.

Elsewhere, adventurers from Paris and Orléans established the Duchy of Normandy in the lands held by the thin remnants of the Low Franconians, while the Svears spread widely through Scandinavia. Shortly before the Sainted Maid's birth, German crusaders from the far north begin their holy wars against the Aztec Empire.
Spoiler :


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1700 AD: The Arc Ages
The story of Jeanne d'Arc is universally known among the French. The Sainted Maid led a resistance against the jarls, cast out foreign rulers and threw down disloyal dukes, and passed power back to the King. She bore both sword and cross, and saw to the thorough Christianization of France. Becoming the power behind the throne, she was succeeded by her niece Charlotte as 'Mayor of the Palace', a monarch in all but name. Charlotte's line would go on to become the actual rulers of France. The early house of Arc conducted grand land reforms which swelled the population of France and enriched her coffers, broke the power of the provincial nobility, built a centralized, bureaucratic state and oversaw the rise of France from a feudal afterthought to 'The Crown of Alterre', one of the great centers of the Renaissance.

Culturally, France become much more unified over the centuries of Arc rule, with the dialect of Paris spreading widely across the land. Relict Gallic languages in Capetais and Provence are believed to have gone extinct during this period, leaving Breton as the last linguistic relic of Gaul.

North of France, the Kingdom of the Svears fractured before managing to unite Scandinavia, while the remaining Norse jarldoms grew steadily more decentralized, slowly falling behind their neighbours. The Aztec Empire was shattered by German Crusaders, allowing for significant growth in Normandy.
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1880: The Peak Before the Fall
Rising from strength to strength, the Kingdom of France began the conquest of the Scandinavian jarls in the early 1700s. Backwards in technology and lacking the central organization to fight on an even numerical footing with the French, Scandinavia was conquered. France's borders met the German Crusader Duchies in the north, finally establishing a border with a trustworthy Christian neighbour. However, France's next struggle would be internal, as the massive cost of their new conquests and a series of ineffectual kings saw heavy taxes levied on the rural peasantry and urban labourers. Liberal ideas from the renaissance led to increasing conflicts, ultimately ending in the 40 years of violence and instability known as the French Revolution, which saw France viciously blooding itself between conservative and radical factions. Emerging as a constitutional monarchy, France watched with great concern as Mexico destabilized, and was ultimately conquered by the Iroquois. Involving themselves for the first time in global politics, France joined the grand coalition against the Iroquois, and were successful beyond their wildest imaginings, conquering not only all of Mexico, but also a large portion of the Iroquois. Alexandre I, after a successful coup, proclaimed the French Empire. In 1880, at the start of the second world war, France was at its zenith.

The period of Imperial France saw the consolidation of French language and culture, with formerly distinct languages and from eastern France, like Lyonnais and Bourguignon, gradually coming to be seen as distinctive regional dialects. The cultures on the Germanic linguistic frontier, like Gascon, Lorrain, Guyennais and Comtois also became much more assimilated during this time, although a fragmentary remnant of the old Frankish language remained, especially among the Comtois. Savoyard, a highland backwater, retained much of its traditional language, as did the Basques. Breton also held on in the further reaches of the peninsula of Bretagne, the last gasp of France's indigenous languages.

Little needs be said of World War Two in Alterre. France fought Germany, Celtonia and the Iroquois, Alexandre died in battle, and the empire was defeated. At the Peace of Lund, Celtonia sought to create large nation states out of the conquests of the French Empire, to ensure that it could not rise again. While Scandinavia had never existed as a united country, the romantic nationalist idea of Scandinavian Unionism provided a justification to unite the island nation of Gotland with disparate mainland peoples of French Scandinavia.

This struck a secondary blow to the previous French strategy of combating Scandinavian nationalism, which encouraged the development of local dialects at the expense of a common language spoken by all Scandinavians to discourage the formation of a larger national consciousness.

Mexico, which had not existed as an independent state in any form since the German Crusades of the 1520s, was also re-established, and Normandie was kept under Celtic occupation to prevent France from getting a toehold back in the unstable region, eventually leading to full Norman independence.

The current French-Scandinavian border, and the loss of Normandy, remain issues of some contention, as they have left many people that France regards as its own outside of its borders. The half-départements of Gascogne, Franche-Comté and Lorraine exist as rump entities and as ongoing symbols of France's unhappiness with the resolution of the war.

Today, many further changes are ongoing in the ethnolinguistic map of southern Alterre. France has recognized Basque and Breton as autocthonous languages, although it continues to regard Savoyard and the northern Frankish languages as simply distinct dialects of French and affords them no particular rights. The Scandinavian Union has a Gutnish prestige language due to the heavy influence of Gotlandic romantic nationalism on Nordic Unionism, but remains a hodgepodge cluster of closely-related tongues. Given the Scandinavian Union's tendency towards parliamentary democracy, multipolarity and popular integrity, no formal efforts are being made to enforce a single national language, although the rise of radio is having a homogenizing effect on Scandinavia, as it is everywhere that language is now being broadcast over vast ranges.

Minorities of German and French continue to exist throughout central Alterre, overwhelmingly in the cities, although these too are frowned upon by national governments who look at these people as potential causes for foreign irredentism. Scandinavia in particular has been a destination for French refugees fleeing political persecution, or simply fleeing the violence of the ongoing civil war.
 
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From: The Union of Celtonia
To: The Incan State


The Aonach, in coordination with our Portuguese allies and partners, wishes to extend to the Incan government a genuine offer of friendship and amity. We deeply regret the escalation of the war, and recognize that the war might have ended over a year ago, as we understand that the Incan government has long since accepted a proper settlement of the Portuguese question.

However, we believe that a settlement must extend further than simply recognizing Portuguese independence, and must move towards a more comprehensive bilateral settlement to strengthen economic ties and heal the wounds of the various outrages committed by both sides during the war. To that end, we offer what we believe to be a more generous settlement.

Proposal - The Treaty of Tiwanaku

1. The Incan government will consent to the release of and fully recognize the Free State of Portugal - under the boundaries delimited herein.
1a. The Celtonian state accepts the terms of the Luso-Incan Peace Proposal previously offered by the Inca. The clauses, I-IV, on ceasefire, plebiscite, diplomatic neutrality for Portugal with Celtonian oversight and peacekeeping presence, and abetting voluntary citizenship transfers are accepted without modification.​
1b. The plebiscite shall be conducted under the auspices of observers from Molde, Arequipa, and Acadia.​

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2. The Celtonian government will, over the course of 5 years, construct at Celtonian expense a railway network linking the territories of the Inca and Maya through the border corridor remaining to them. The aim of this is to offer infrastructural assistance in lieu of direct war reparations for damage to the Incan state, and greater economic and political security to our former enemies. The government of Arequipa will also be given the option to construct a rail link to the new system at their government's expense. This railway and its revenues will be jointly owned by the Celtic and Incan governments, with a 51% share belonging to the Incan government.

(OOC: The intent of the joint railway concession is that if the Incan economy grows due to the major railway expansion, we will hope for some monetary reimbursement from that future economic growth - Daft can adjudicate the exact amount. We feel this request to recoup costs later is necessary since the actual cost of constructing the infrastructure will likely be far higher than even the reparations demanded by the Maya. We are offering such an extensive building program since a larger slice of territory including a border fortress is being claimed for the Portuguese State. Given the connection of Arequipa's mines to Incan ports and the world market, we believe it has the potential to be quite lucrative.)

3. The Incan government will, the maintenance of their current constitutional structure notwithstanding, reserve 5-10% of seats in their Parliament for representatives of Celtic, German, and other national minorities. (OOC: Celtonia is backing off of direct demands for government reform and multiparty democracy - you may retain a one-party, militarist dictatorship if you so desire, but the liberal government needs to see that token representation for Celtonians and other non-Incans "left behind" in the Incan State is part of the Incan system. I'm sure you can find some ethnic minority loyalists for this purpose.)

4. Celtonia will dedicate a cadre of technical advisors to the reconstruction of the Incan state, and the advancement of its social, economic, and industrial institutions, for a duration of 4 years. They will operate out of joint appointments in Incan universities and state technical academies.

(OOC: I will commit to one of my major influence actions for the next 4 years being development and technological assistance for the Incan State.)

In conclusion, we believe that the scope of this agreement indicates the breadth of our proposed commitment to the Incan State and its reconstruction, a state that, our vast differences and blood shed over the past years notwithstanding, remains our neighbor and brother. Incans live in the Union of Celtonia, and Celtics live in the Incan State. This state of affairs will not change, regardless of borders drawn and ideological lines in the sand. This agreement is, we believe, the most generous that it is possible for the Aonach to offer, and that both societies will ultimately reap the benefits, rather than continuing the war on the territory of the Incan State for additional years.

Signed,

Consail Mairias Holst
Approved, Consail-in-Aonach
(Vote - 221 - 194, 4 abstentions)
 
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Proposal - Treaty of Tolosa - Rider to the Treaty of Tiwanaku

The Celtonian Union accepts the conditions requested by the Mayan Empire, with minor modifications.

1. The Union of Celtonia will carry out a full investigation of military attacks ordered on the Mayan Empire, and if any intentional attacks on civilian areas with no military purpose are found, individuals will be court-martialed and prosecuted to the full extent of Celtonian law in public proceedings.

2. The Union of Celtonia and Portugal will jointly pay $15 in reparations to the Mayan Empire for damages over the following 3 years ($5/year), as well as the cession of a coastal strip of territory including the fortress of Tulum, necessary for future Portuguese territorial integrity and security:

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3. Celtonia recognizes that the Incan State has disavowed the Shining Path, and that it has a limited presence in the region, however the Celtonian government will officially recommend that political representatives of the Shining Path be permitted to participate in elections in Ollantaytambo.

Signed,

Consail Mairias Holst
Approved, Consail-in-Aonach
(Vote - 243 - 175, 1 abstention)
 
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