"I don't know who all of his [Mitt Romney's] advisers are, but I've seen some of the names and some of them are quite far to the right. And sometimes they might be in a position to make judgments or recommendations to the candidate that should get a second thought." Colin Powell
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Mitt Romney is building a war cabinet of neocons, many of them the same people that talked Bush into the Iraq invasion, and even advocated attacking Iraq long before 9-11.
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So, all loaded up with Bush people.
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Revenge of the chickenhawks. Even though Romney actively worked to avoid military service, hell, probably because he worked so hard to avoid military service, he falls into the fundamental trap of the chickenhawk, that is, he has to "prove" hismanhood foreign and defense policy credibility by getting a lot of other men's children killed. Or at least threatening to do so.
This was what former Secretary of State Colin Powell said in an MSNBC interview in May, expressing his concerns about the foreign policy team of the presumptive Republican presidential candidate. Coming from someone with the stature of Powell, an experienced diplomat as well as chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff during the First Persian Gulf War with Iraq, the image presented of Romney's foreign policy advisers is a deeply disturbing one. As the presidential race shifts into high gear, foreign policy, which many thought would not be a major issue in the campaign, is becoming more important by the day. With the negotiations between Iran and the P5+1 group -- the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council plus Germany -- stalled, Iran is once again a punching bag for the candidates, who are striving to outdo each other in the blows that they promise to land on the Islamic Republic over the next four years.
Romney is a novice when it comes to foreign policy, as his numerous gaffes during his recent trip to Great Britain, Israel, and Poland evidence. Short of an outright military attack, however, I do not believe that he can take a harder line toward Iran than President Barack Obama has. After all, the Obama administration has imposed extremely harsh and comprehensive sanctions that are hurting millions of Iranians. Still, I believe it is important to take a look at Romney's foreign policy advisers and how they view Iran.
Last October, the Romney campaign officially announced its team of 24 "special advisers" on foreign policy and national security, two thirds of whom served under President George W. Bush, who led one of the most hawkish administrations in memory. In 1998, three of those advisers (Paula Dobriansky, Robert Kagan, and Vin Weber) signed the infamous letter sent by the neoconservative Project for the New American Century that urged President Bill Clinton to make toppling the regime of Saddam Hussein official U.S. policy, a wish eventually fulfilled with the invasion of Iraq in 2003. A total of 40 foreign policy advisers to Romney have now been identified -- including unofficial ones such as former Secretaries of State Henry Kissinger, George Shultz, and James Baker -- over 70 percent of whom served under Bush. These simple statistics alone provide important clues to what a Romney administration's foreign policy would look like.
In an article last month, the Wall Street Journal's Sara Murray described Romney's foreign policy team as a mix of "moderate and hawkish neoconservative." His senior foreign policy adviser, Daniel (Dan) Senor, was the spokesman for L. Paul Bremer, the American viceroy following the U.S.-led invasion and occupation of Iraq. Other members of the team include John Bolton (another signatory of the 1998 Project for the New American Century letter), Cofer Black, Eliot A. Cohen, the aforementioned Paula Dobriansky, Walid Phares, Richard S. Williamson, Eric Edelman, Michael Hayden, and Dov Zakheim. (There is also an unconfirmed report that Amir Abbas Fakhravar, once dubbed Iran's "Ahmed Chalabi," has been working as a Middle East consultant to Romney's foreign policy team.) What are the backgrounds of these advisers and where do they stand on Iran?
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Mitt Romney is building a war cabinet of neocons, many of them the same people that talked Bush into the Iraq invasion, and even advocated attacking Iraq long before 9-11.
For Romney, a campaign shaped by Bush allies
By Samuel P. Jacobs
WASHINGTON, March 15 (Reuters) - In November 2010, supporters of George W. Bush gathered on a college campus in Dallas, Texas, to mark the groundbreaking of Bush's presidential library.
Among those in the invitation-only crowd - which included former Vice President Dick Cheney, former Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, a former Colombian president and singer Wayne Newton - was Mitt Romney.
Romney's visit to Dallas to celebrate the former Republican president, one who left office historically unpopular, was a hint of how he would build his campaign to be the next Republican president: with the Bush crowd surrounding him.
From policy advisers to campaign strategists, more than two dozen veterans of the Bush administration have flocked to Romney's campaign.
Their key roles contrast with Romney's rhetoric on the stump. The former Massachusetts governor has tried to cast himself as a Washington "outsider," largely avoided mentioning Bush's tenure and made a point of criticizing several programs at the heart of Bush's legacy.
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Romney's campaign is "a restoration of the Bush establishment," said former Bush speechwriter Matt Lattimer, who is not supporting Romney. Bush loyalists "all want to be back in power again, and Romney's the best bet."
Romney campaign spokeswoman Andrea Saul said Romney "is honored to have the advice and counsel of so many individuals who have served at the highest levels of government. He fields their opinions, evaluates them and ultimately makes his own decisions."
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Several of the people who helped Bush win two terms in the White House are guiding Romney's campaign.
Romney's chief political strategists, Russ Schriefer and Stuart Stevens, are veterans of both Bush-Cheney campaigns. Romney campaign adviser Kevin Madden was a spokesman for the Bush-Cheney effort in 2004, then was a spokesman for Bush's Justice Department.
Romney's economic advisers include Glenn Hubbard, architect of the Bush-era tax cuts as chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers and now dean of the Columbia University Graduate School of Business. He's joined by Harvard's N. Gregory Mankiw, author of a popular economics textbook and Bush's primary economic adviser from 2003 to 2005.
Romney has named 24 "special advisers" in national security and foreign policy, 16 of whom served in diplomatic or political roles under Bush. They include Michael Chertoff, the former homeland security chief, and Dan Senor, who was an administration spokesman in Iraq.
On judicial issues, Romney is advised by at least three top veterans of Bush's Justice Department.
Romney's education advisers include Margaret Spellings, who was secretary of education under Bush and a chief advocate for No Child Left Behind. Spellings has not commented on Romney's opposition to the program.
Like Spellings, several Bush veterans are siding with Romney even as he continues to essentially run against chunks of Bush's record. On the campaign trail, that disconnect has created some awkward moments.
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So, all loaded up with Bush people.
Its safe to say that foreign policy was not the strong suit of this years contenders for the GOP presidential nomination. Rick Perry labeled the Turkish government Islamic terrorists. Newt Gingrich referred to Palestinians as invented people. Herman Cain called Uzbekistan Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan and memorably blanked when asked what he thought of NATOs incursion into Libya. Michele Bachmann pledged to close the US embassy in Iran, which hasnt existed since 1980. Rick Santorum gave a major foreign policy speech at a Jelly Belly factory in California.
 
Yet though the candidates and their views were often hard to take seriously, their statements on foreign policy reflected a more disturbing trend in the GOP. Despite facing a war-weary public, the candidateswith the exception of Ron Paul, an antiwar libertarian, and Jon Huntsman, a moderate internationalistpositioned themselves as unapologetic war hawks. That included Mitt Romney, marginally more polished than his rivals but hardly an expert. Given Romneys well-established penchant for flip-flopping and opportunism, its difficult to know what he really believes on any issue, including foreign affairs (the campaign did not respond to a request for comment). But a comprehensive review of his statements during the primary and his choice of advisers suggests a return to the hawkish, unilateral interventionism of the George W. Bush administration should he win the White House in November.
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Of Romneys forty identified foreign policy advisers, more than 70 percent worked for Bush. Many hail from the neoconservative wing of the party, were enthusiastic backers of the Iraq War and are proponents of a US or Israeli attack on Iran.
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Romney knew little about foreign policy when he ran for president in 2008. An internal dossier of John McCains presidential campaign said at the time that Romneys foreign affairs resume is extremely thin, leading to credibility problems.
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Revenge of the chickenhawks. Even though Romney actively worked to avoid military service, hell, probably because he worked so hard to avoid military service, he falls into the fundamental trap of the chickenhawk, that is, he has to "prove" his