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SCOTUS news and opinions

SCOTUS decision for case in Georgia could result in lawsuits against federal agent operations in Chicago

This is a case from June, and it seems to mean that people can sue ICE when they illegally harm people?

For months, claims of abuse and wrongful arrest have been levied against federal immigration agents in Chicagos. But what options do people really have to hold federal agents accountable? One case in Georgia could lead to a wave of lawsuits in Chicago.

Historically, it's been extremely difficult to sue the federal government if you believe your rights were violated. But now that could change because of a recent U.S. Supreme Court decision.

The federal raid on the 130-unit apartment building at 75th and South Shore in September has led to a congressional investigation by the Homeland Security and judiciary committees.

"They had little children and old people outside and in handcuffs," said Patrick Jaicomo, attorney for the Institute for Justice, a nonprofit that provides legal support for people accusing the federal government of abusing constitutional rights.

Federal agents from the FBI, ATF, and U.S. Customs and Border Protection, using flash bang grenades and battering rams, trampled through the apartments. In an Oct. 6 letter to Homeland Security director Kristi Noem and Attorney General Pamela Bondi, ranking democrats accused ICE agents of violence against innocent people, including children swept up and taken away wearing little clothing. Cell phone video captured one child wrapped in a blanket.

"Just imagine the sort of traumatic experience that it is to have your door blown open in the middle of the night or in the very early morning. and now imagine that you're four or five years old, you can't even really process what's going on, even in the aftermath," Jaicomo said. "If you were harmed by a federal officer, you can do something about that now."

Jaicomo is expecting a tidal wave of lawsuits nationwide against federal agents, not just for raids like what happened in South Shore, but also lawsuits filed by U.S. citizens and non-citizens in communities impacted the most by federal agents over the last several months, for allegations of excessive force, wrongful arrest, wrongful detention, and other injuries.

What's making this all possible? Jaicomo points to a recent U.S. Supreme Court decision about another federal raid in Georgia in 2017. The case at the center is his client, Trina Martin, and part of what happened at her home that was captured on a police body camera.

"I still see the moment, and I still see what it has done to my son," she said.

Her home was wrongly raided by heavily armed federal agents, with the FBI.

"They forced their way into my home about four o'clock in the morning. Threw in flash, bang, grenade, bombs, had us all surrounded with assault rifles in our face. My son was in a room by himself with just looking into a barrel of a gun, and I can hear him calling me," she said.

Her son Gabe was only 7 years old at the time.

"I could just hear my son calling my name, just ma, ma, ma, and this, that sound will always stay with me," she said.

The agents weren't even on the right street. The federal agent in charge said his GPS device sent him to the wrong house. And even though they raided the wrong home, attorneys representing the FBI in court argued the feds were immune from being sued.

"In the Martin's case, these officers and the United States really were completely immunized from any sort of accountability or liability for the harms that they created," Jaicomo said.

People who believe they've been harmed by federal employees can sue under what's called the Federal Tort Claims Act. But there have been roadblocks and restrictions due to differing interpretations of the law when it comes to immunity for federal agents. That's what happened in Trina's case, and it was initially thrown out.

"So, it's really hard to sue the federal government for several reasons. The first is that the federal government is the government, so when you're asking to sue it in its own courts, it can make that as hard as possible," Jaicomo said.

So then Jaicomo and Martin appealed all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court, and in June, eight years after the wrong raid on her home, justices made this landmark decision unanimously, agreeing that the federal government did not have immunity, and her case could move forward because she did have the right to sue.

"All of these ICE raids and other DHS actions will result in the federal government paying tens or hundreds of millions of dollars in damages," Jaicomo said.


"I feel like people have an opportunity to hold the federal government accountable for their actions," Martin said.
 
Not SCOTUS, but a three judge panel has voted 2-1 to block the Texas redistricting. The judges noted that when the DOJ first called for the redistricting and presented it as a political redrawing, Texas dragged their feet. As soon as the DOJ changed their pitch and portrayed it as an intentionally racist gerrymander, the Texas government went into warp speed to redraw the maps.
 

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Supreme Court blocks order that found Texas congressional map is likely racially biased

The U.S. Supreme Court on Friday temporarily blocked a lower court ruling that found Texas’ 2026 congressional redistricting plan pushed by President Donald Trump likely discriminates on the basis of race.

The order signed by Justice Samuel Alito will remain in place at least for the next few days while the court considers whether to allow the new map favorable to Republicans to be used in the midterm elections.

The order came about an hour after the state called on the high court to intervene to avoid confusion as congressional primary elections approach in March. The justices have blocked past lower-court rulings in congressional redistricting cases, most recently in Alabama and Louisiana, that came several months before elections.
 
BY ERWIN CHEMERINSKY

Expert opinion

The Supreme Court finally pushed back against Trump

In one of its most consequential rulings of the year, just before breaking for the holidays last week the Supreme Court held that President Donald Trump acted improperly in federalizing the National Guard in Illinois and in activating troops across the state. Although the case centered on the administration’s deployments in Chicago, the court’s ruling suggests that Trump’s actions in Los Angeles and Portland were likewise illegal.

Trump has said that his deployments of troops to these metro areas were just the beginning and that his administration planned to use military force in more cities across the country. The specter of U.S. troops being deployed against its citizens is inconsistent with a long history of not mobilizing the military for purposes of domestic law enforcement. Images of troops patrolling city streets are more often seen under authoritarian regimes, not in the United States.

The Supreme Court’s ruling will immediately put a stop to this.

In coming to this conclusion, the Supreme Court interpreted two federal statutes: The first, 10 U. S. C. §12406(3), empowers the president to federalize members of a state’s National Guard only if he is “unable with the regular forces to execute the laws of the United States.” The Trump administration claimed that it needed to federalize the Illinois National Guard, and similarly troops in California and Oregon, because local police were unable to adequately protect U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents, especially during protests and other demonstrations.

Whether this level of protection was actually called for is still much disputed, and in three separate rulings this year federal courts found that there was no such need in Chicago, Los Angeles and Portland. However, the Supreme Court avoided that issue by explaining that the statutory provision means a president can federalize a state’s guard only if it can be shown that U.S. armed forces cannot provide adequate protection for the activities of the federal government.

In a 6-3 ruling, the court concluded that “the term ‘regular forces’ in §12406(3) likely refers to the regular forces of the U.S. military. This interpretation means that to call the Guard into active federal service under §12406(3), the President must be ‘unable’ with the regular military ‘to execute the laws of the United States.’” This, in itself, is obviously a major limit on the ability of the president to federalize a state’s National Guard.

But the Supreme Court went even further, adding that to federalize a state’s guard would first require the state to be in a situation where the U.S. military could legally be deployed against its citizens, but that its use would be insufficient. Here, a second federal statute is critical. The Posse Comitatus Act, 18 U. S. C.

§1385, adopted in 1868, prohibits the U.S. military from being deployed for use in domestic law enforcement except in very limited circumstances, such as when there is an insurrection in a state. Adopted soon after the end of Reconstruction, the act makes it a federal crime to deploy the military within U.S. borders except as expressly authorized by the Constitution or by a federal statute.

In plain English, the Supreme Court ruled that a president can federalize a state’s National Guard only in the rare circumstances where the Posse Comitatus Act allows the military to be used for domestic law enforcement, and then only if the U.S. military would be deemed inadequate to quell the unrest. The court ultimately declared that “before the President can federalize the Guard under §12406(3), he likely must have statutory or constitutional authority to execute the laws with the regular military and must be ‘unable’ with those forces to perform that function.”

It is hard to imagine, except in the most dire of circumstances, how these requirements could be met. This is exactly as it should be. The U.S. military is not trained to police its citizens and it is not instructed as to the use of force to protect civil liberties.

And removing policing from the control of state and local governments would dramatically expand the president’s power.

The Supreme Court’s approach is precisely what Congress had in mind in 1878 in prohibiting the use of the military for domestic law enforcement.

I, and many others, have criticized the Supreme Court for seeming to operate as a rubber stamp approving the Trump administration’s actions. But here the court served its essential role of enforcing the law and of enforcing checks on presidential power. And it did so in a way that will matter enormously in the months and years ahead in keeping this president from using the military to serve his political agenda within the United States.

Erwin Chemerinsky is the dean of the UC Berkeley Law School.
 
The problem wasn't that these local authorities were "unable" to enforce the laws in these cities, as per the Posse Comitatus Act; it's that they didn't feel like it.

Fortunately (or unfortunately), that is not the route Trump pursued when taking command of the National Guard here. Perhaps he could've invoked the Insurrection Act in some capacity, as Ike Eisenhower did in Little Rock.
 
The problem wasn't that these local authorities were "unable" to enforce the laws in these cities, as per the Posse Comitatus Act; it's that they didn't feel like it.

Fortunately (or unfortunately), that is not the route Trump pursued when taking command of the National Guard here. Perhaps he could've invoked the Insurrection Act in some capacity, as Ike Eisenhower did in Little Rock.
The insurrection Act has been used before, but usually under situations far more serious than those in 2025.

Purpose and content​

The Insurrection Act of 1807 empowers the U.S. president to call into service the U.S. Armed Forces and the National Guard:
  • when requested by a state's legislature or governor, if the legislature cannot be convened, to quell an insurrection against that state (§ 251),
  • to address an insurrection, in any state, which renders impracticable the enforcement of the law (§ 252), and
  • to address an insurrection, domestic violence, unlawful combination, or conspiracy, in any state, which results in the deprivation of constitutionally secured rights, and where the state is unable, fails, or refuses to protect said rights.
As a federal law, the Insurrection Act of 1807 replaced the earlier Calling Forth Act of 1792 that allowed the federalization of state militias. The legal language of the Insurrection Act allowed for either the federalization of state militias or the use of regular army forces to quell any rebellion against a state government; however, the Insurrection Act did not stipulate any criminal penalty for insurrectionists, which penalty later was introduced by the Confiscation Act of 1862. The original text of the Insurrection Act of 1807 is:

That in all cases of insurrection, or obstruction to the laws, either of the United States, or of any individual state or territory, where it is lawful for the President of the United States to call forth the militia for the purpose of suppressing such insurrection, or of causing the laws to be duly executed, it shall be lawful for him to employ, for the same purposes, such part of the land or naval force of the United States, as shall be judged necessary, having first observed all the pre-requisites of the law in that respect.
The Insurrection Act of 1807 Act has been twice modified. The first modification was in 1861, when the federal government of Pres. Lincoln anticipated continued Confederate resistance after their military defeat in the American Civil War (1861–1864); the new clause allowed the federal government to federalize and deploy the national guard and the regular army — against the will of the state government — in order to quell any "rebellion against the authority of the government of the United States". The second modification was the Third Enforcement Act in 1871 (§ 253) to protect Black Americans from attack by the Ku Klux Klan. The second modification of the Insurrection Act allowed the federal government to enforce the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. Moreover, U.S. presidents invoked the Insurrection Act of 1807 during the Reconstruction era (1865–1877) in the 19th century, and during the racial desegregation era to protect the Civil rights movement (1954–1968) in the 20th century.



 

When Will the Supreme Court Rule on Trump’s Tariffs?​

By

WSJ Staff
The Supreme Court is weighing whether it is lawful for President Trump to levy tariffs without Congress's approval.

The Supreme Court is weighing whether it is lawful for President Trump to levy tariffs without Congress's approval. Kevin Mohatt/Reuters

The Supreme Court didn't release its decision on President Trump's sweeping tariffs on Friday. The high court is hearing cases next week and has indicated it will issue rulings on Wednesday.
The nine justices are weighing whether Trump lawfully invoked his authority under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act last year to levy global tariffs without Congress's approval, as well as a set of tariffs on Canada, China and Mexico related to fentanyl.
The court never says ahead of time which specific decisions it plans to announce.
In November, justices appeared skeptical of the duties, questioning the administration’s position, in what is one of the most consequential economic and political cases to come before the high court in decades. The court typically issues opinions each term through June, so the decision could easily be weeks or months away.
 

When Will the Supreme Court Rule on Trump’s Tariffs?​

By

WSJ Staff
The Supreme Court is weighing whether it is lawful for President Trump to levy tariffs without Congress's approval.'s approval.

The Supreme Court is weighing whether it is lawful for President Trump to levy tariffs without Congress's approval. Kevin Mohatt/Reuters

The Supreme Court didn't release its decision on President Trump's sweeping tariffs on Friday. The high court is hearing cases next week and has indicated it will issue rulings on Wednesday.
The nine justices are weighing whether Trump lawfully invoked his authority under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act last year to levy global tariffs without Congress's approval, as well as a set of tariffs on Canada, China and Mexico related to fentanyl.
The court never says ahead of time which specific decisions it plans to announce.
In November, justices appeared skeptical of the duties, questioning the administration’s position, in what is one of the most consequential economic and political cases to come before the high court in decades. The court typically issues opinions each term through June, so the decision could easily be weeks or months away.

Tomorrow looks like JUDGEMENT DAY for USA#1. :popcorn:

Will the President-God-Emperor keep his tariff powers, or will they be stripped?!

...so the decision could easily be weeks or months away.

Tomorrow would be fine, no need to wait for summer.


Here is the President on January 12th, 2026:

"The actual numbers that we would have to pay back if, for any reason, the Supreme Court were to rule against the United States of America on Tariffs, would be many Hundreds of Billions of Dollars, and that doesn’t include the amount of “payback” that Countries and Companies would require for the Investments they are making on building Plants, Factories, and Equipment, for the purpose of being able to avoid the payment of Tariffs. When these Investments are added, we are talking about Trillions of Dollars! It would be a complete mess, and almost impossible for our Country to pay. Anybody who says that it can be quickly and easily done would be making a false, inaccurate, or totally misunderstood answer to this very large and complex question. It may not be possible but, if it were, it would be Dollars that would be so large that it would take many years to figure out what number we are talking about and even, who, when, and where, to pay. Remember, when America shines brightly, the World shines brightly. In other words, if the Supreme Court rules against the United States of America on this National Security bonanza, WE’RE SCREWED!

PRESIDENT DONALD J. TRUMP"
 
If I understood that word salad, Trump claims that his tariffs alone have brought in trillions of dollars in just the last twelve months? That would be a not-insignificant percentage of the US' entire GDP, if of course it were even remotely true.
 
If I understood that word salad, Trump claims that his tariffs alone have brought in trillions of dollars in just the last twelve months? That would be a not-insignificant percentage of the US' entire GDP, if of course it were even remotely true.

I think Trump means 100's of billions of tariff dollars would have to be refunded.

And trillions of dollars of investment deals that foreigners made with USA would also have to be paid back on some level. :hmm:


A lot of wrong judicial and executive decisions this century have been pushed through for expediency. :wallbash:
Trump is probably desperately hoping the Supreme Court will twist themselves into knots over his emergency tariff powers to give him the green light. (For the good of the economy or somesuch)

If they shoot him down, he will likely invoke another law to say he has tariff powers.
But if the Supreme Court is determined to rest tariff powers with Congress, they will shoot Trump's moves down one by one at a steady pace each time a lawsuit works its way up to them.

If the Supreme Court is timid like Congress is lately, they will shoot them down once per year each summer at a very, very, very slow pace.
 
I think Trump means 100's of billions of tariff dollars would have to be refunded.
Yes

And trillions of dollars of investment deals that foreigners made with USA would also have to be paid back on some level. :hmm:

Well I am not a US lawyer, but I doubt that the Supreme Court would rule on the wider and indirect
consequences that overturning his tariffs would have and certainly not on awarding consequential damages.
My guess is that if the investment has not already been made, it need not be made. If the investment has
already been made, then it would likely not be recoverable. My guess is that he has extracted a lot of coerced
promises, but not much real investment at all because the corporations are awaiting a SCOTUS decision.

A lot of wrong judicial and executive decisions this century have been pushed through for expediency. :wallbash:
Trump is probably desperately hoping the Supreme Court will twist themselves into knots over his emergency tariff powers to give him the green light. (For the good of the economy or somesuch)

Obviously.

If they shoot him down, he will likely invoke another law to say he has tariff powers.

He would need to get congress to pass such a law. They might do so introducing many tariffs and giving the POTUS
the power to negotiate waivers, but I don't see congress passing any enabling act that will let him continue so chaotically.

But if the Supreme Court is determined to rest tariff powers with Congress, they will shoot Trump's moves down one by one at a steady pace each time a lawsuit works its way up to them.

If the Supreme Court is timid like Congress is lately, they will shoot them down once per year each summer at a very, very, very slow pace.

They might produce a ruling with a methodology that would result in lower courts being able to rule against his emergency tariffs.
 
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