The Third World War 1989

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In the dark early hours of 4 August 1989, the forces of East and West collide in the opening moves of the Third World War. This animated board game places you on the front lines and at the head of the conflict: from the tank commander's hatch to the Marshal's map, the pilot's cockpit to the General's bunker, and the sailor's station to the Admiral's information center. You must decide how to move your mechanized forces, air squadrons, and naval vessels in a titanic struggle for the fate of Europe. As the leader of one of 31 nations, you must be a prudent economist, a savvy diplomat, and an aggressive battlefield commander. The field of battle has never been so deadly, covered with tanks and missiles, cluster bombs and thermobaric explosives, nerve agents and mines.

Choose your side: NATO, Warsaw Pact, or neutral. Take control of your land, naval, and air forces to foil enemy advances and launch your own attacks. Command your economy to produce new forces and progress through the technology tree to unlock new options for negotiation, warfare, and expansion. Will you use your skills as a soldier and diplomat to secure a military or political victory? Or will the conflict lead you to defeat, and send the world teetering to the brink of nuclear armeggedon?


Table of Contents:
1. Introduction, Credits, and Download
2. The Story of the Third World War
3. Theaters of War
4. Conditions for Victory
5. Nations of the 1989 Conflict
6. The Technology Tree
7. Reports from the Front
8. New Units in 1989
9. References
10. WWIII Multiplayer

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How to download, install, and play The Third World War 1989:

1) Make sure you have Civilization III Conquests with the version 1.21 patch or Civilization III Complete installed on your computer. Either the disc or Steam version will work.

2) Place the 1989 folder and 1989.biq in the Civilization III\Conquests\Scenarios folder. Make sure that inside the 1989 you see the Art, Text, etc. folders and not another 1989 folder.

3) Make sure there are no barbarians. Barbarian units may affect the AI opponent's playstyle, making its play more erratic. Unfortunately, Civ III does not follow the 'No Barbarians' setting in the .biq, but instead follows the setting in the Conquests.ini text file.

To make sure you have no barbarians, do ONE of the following:

a) Open the conquests.ini file located in your main Civilization III\Conquests folder. Set BarbarianActivity=-1 and ActualBarbarianActivity=-1 and then save. Proceed down to Step 4.

OR

b) Start Civ III normally and choose the 'New Game' option. Set up the game any way you like, but make sure you set Barbarian Activity to 'No Barbarians'. Start the game, and then exit Civ III. The game will record your preference in conquests.ini file. Now you can proceed to Step 4.

4) If you are playing the Steam version of Civilization III, you must also change the labels.txt file located in the 1989/Text folder. Inside the Text folder, you will see a file named Labels and a file named labels-STEAM. Simply rename, delete, or move the original labels file, and rename the labels-STEAM to Labels.

5) Take the Civ3Conquests NO RAZE.exe out of the 1989\Conquests No Raze EXE folder, and transfer it to the Civilization III\Conquests. The NO Raze EXE starts up your Civ game normally, except that it prevents the computer AI from burning down every city it captures. This will preserve the integrity of the map.

You are now ready to play! Use the Civ3Conquests NO RAZE.exe to launch Civ III, and choose the 1989 scenario from the Civ-Content option on the Main Menu. Good luck!

CLICK HERE TO DOWNLOAD​

Update 11 MAY 16: Attached is a copy of the biq scenario file. This is strictly a replacement if you have lost or altered the original and want a clean copy. To get the full game with all files, you need to click the above link.

Update 18 MAY 16: Small patch to correct MTLB civilopedia graphics and SW-InfantryM90 file. Download at end of post.

Credits:
Special Thanks to Civinator and Civforum.de for hosting the scenario!
Map Graphics: Ares de Borg Terrain Set, Balthasar, Goldfool
PCX Graphics: Balthasar, Bathyskaff, Etain, Goldfool, Kyriakos, Lionic, Pounder, Samez, Vuldacon
Unit Graphics: Ares de Borg, Balou, Bjornlo, Delta_Strife, Gary Childress, gwendoline, Navy Dawg, Vinegar Joe, Wyrmshadow
Scenario Development: Ares de Borg, Balthasar, Bengal Tiger, Delta_Strife, El Justo, KevinLancaster, Lionic, Montizzle, nick0515, Samez, Smirnoff, VadimBT85, Vuldacon, Wolf 66, Wolfhart, Wolfshade, Wujah

A big thanks goes to the following CFCers:

Ares de Borg for the terrain, sounds, and input. He also contributed custom sounds for game units.
Gwendoline for making all kinds of excellent units that I never thought we'd get to use in the game. Awesome work.
Balthasar and Vuldacon- If you weren't yet aware, these guys will break their backs to help you. When it comes to gameplay and artwork, they are masters at finding solutions.
Wyrmshadow and Delta Strife- Besides creating tons of useful units, they both created some special requests I had, and the results were fantastic. Even more, they have been absolutely instrumental in helping me learn about Bryce, and are both very generous guys.
Civinator and Gojira54- You guys saved my scenario and have had my back since the start. Your expertise was pivotal in getting this finished. Thanks very much; I hope you enjoy the final product.
Wolfhart- Extensive play-testing and error checking. Indispensable in creating the updated version.

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In December of 1984, Mikhail Sergeyevich and Raisa Gorbachev paid a visit to Prime Minister and Mr. Thatcher at the Chequers Estate in Buckinghamshire. Gorbachev had previously served as chief of Agriculture, was a fast-rising Politburo member under Andropov and a favorite for the next General Secretary. The meeting was a chance for Thatcher to determine if a younger leader would take the reigns of the Soviet Union, and for Gorbachev, in his words, "to identify the interests we have in common."1

The Cold War was approaching its fifth decade and the position of the two blocs had shifted drastically. The post-war economic boom of the West had ground down in the 1970s, and its citizens were divided over the arms race, nuclear weapons, government accountability, and social changes. But even as the Soviet Union and her satellites achieved victories in technology, production, and political influence, the balance of power moved once again in the 1980s. The increase in Soviet military strength further burdened a weakening economy, and the war in Afghanistan and frustration with corruption and inequality fostered malaise and stagnation at home, just as their American opponents had endured in the wake of Viet Nam. The West, meanwhile, followed its manufacturing slump with a boon in finance and electronics, leading to a revitalized economy. The massive martial ascendency that the Soviet bloc had achieved at great cost in the late 70s and early 80s was threatened by a NATO increasingly turning to its technological advantages. As Gorbachev would later say, "We are encircled not by invincible armies, but by superior economies."2

At Chequers that December, the couples and their assistants had lunch. Afterwards, Denis took Raisa on a tour of the library, and Prime Minister Thatcher and Gorbachev sat to discuss their positions. Although Gorbachev's viewpoints espoused Party orthodoxy and stressed the need for arms control, Thatcher was impressed by his vigor, energy, and persuasiveness. "I like Mr Gorbachev. We can do business together," she later stated in a BBC interview.3 Gorbachev was passionate about addressing the arms race, and disputed the exploration of strategic defense. Thatcher considered the meeting a success, and later remarked, "I hoped that I had been talking to the next Soviet leader."4

Unfortunately, she had not.

1985​

Konstantin Ustinovich Chernenko, the fifth General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, had barely been in office a year before he fell terminally ill. The collective leadership of the Soviet Union was a oligarchy of powerful figures who built strong political connections to ensure that no one man could again dominate Soviet politics. Brezhnev's long tenure as General Secretary corresponded with an inertial continuance of rule by an aging party elite, and his death was followed by the brief leadership of both Andropov and Chernenko. "How am I supposed to get anyplace with the Russians if they keep dying on me?" quipped U.S. President Reagan after Chernenko's demise. Gorbachev, the young party leader and the favorite as Chernenko's successor, was opposed by two candidates: old guard Moscow chief Viktor Vasilyevich Grishin and young rival G.V. Romanov.

Gorbachev was not yet sure if either would make a move to oppose him in the bid for leadership. The key moment would come at the Politburo meeting, where the head of the funeral commission was the next General Secretary. Although it seemed that Grishin might step aside, the Moscow Party chieftain made critical moves to ensure his ascension. Yegor Kuzmich Ligachev, a Gorbachev protégé who had organized a pro-Gorbachev faction after Andropov's death in 1984, was approached by Grishin and promised full candidacy, increased influence, and a position as both a senior leader of the Secretariat and new First Secretary of the Moscow Party Committee after Grishin vacated the post. Grishin also forged an alliance with Viktor Mikhailovich Chebrikov, head of the KGB. The change in loyalties prompted the venerable Minister of Foreign Affairs, Andrei Andreyevich Gromyko, to shift his influence behind Grishin and the continued rule of the old guard. When Chernenko's funeral came in March, it was Grishin who spoke at Lenin's mausoleum. Before the year was over, Gorbachev was dismissed from office and the influence of the young party leaders was suppressed. The old guard of the Politburo was determined to hold onto its traditional base of power for a few more crucial years, while the world changed rapidly around them.

1986​

Chebrikov was deeply traditional, but also dedicated to restructuring the KGB and combating corruption. His disagreements with other senior leaders was resolved when he was found dead in his dacha, apparently as a result of difficulty with his medication. Chebrikov was replaced by Vladimir Alexandrovich Kryuchkov, who proposed a vigorous plan to improve security. This included an aggressive and secret campaign to neutralize and discredit Polish Solidarity Union leaders, and numerous measures to counteract Western and domestic influences in Eastern Europe as well as ethnic and nationalist movements at home. In April, three weeks after the bombing of a West Berlin disco, a nuclear disaster erupted at the Chernobyl Plant in the Ukrainian S.S.R. Even as the Soviet Union worked to address the damage, a shaken Politburo discussed the strategic implications of total nuclear war and changes in military strategy in any possible future conflict. The General Staff was instructed in their yearly assessment to re-evaluate more options for a swift, non-nuclear engagement with NATO, emphasizing the need for splintering the West's political will to prevent a Western nuclear first strike.

In the U.S., military reform continued with the passage of the Goldwater-Nichols Act that reorganized American military commands. Western leaders reiterated a commitment to continued conventional military build-up despite mixed public reactions and controversial scandals such as the Iran-Contra affair. Reagan, even while preaching strong anti-Soviet rhetoric in his first term, had long desired establishing a personal relationship with his counterpart to work on disarmament. His first meeting with Grishin in Geneva in the fall of 1986 was a disaster. The talks were preceded by a great amount of public posturing by each side. During the summit, Reagan pressed on human rights, nuclear disarmament, and the protection of research into strategic defensive systems. Grishin countered with accusations of Western attempts to undermine law and order in Eastern Europe and Central America, in addition to the deployment of intermediate range GLCMs and Pershings II missiles in Western Europe. The conference ended with little positive result.

1987​

The oil glut continued to harm oil-producing countries, with prices as low as $10 per barrel. Not only did the faltering Soviet economy suffer, but the OPEC nations lost clout and the Iran-Iraq war continued to devastate both countries. The Politburo would not stop barter trade in oil and gas with the Eastern bloc, nor could it cut military industry or reduce food imports and implement rationing without major repercussions. The only other choice was to borrow, heavily, from the Western banks.

A second summit took place in Stockholm, and utterly failed to establish a basis for arms reduction. Grishin refused to agree to dismantling the most modern intermediate range weapons, and Reagan would not relent on the cessation of strategic defense research. The only arms limitation proponents agreed upon were dismantling of obsolete systems, while the intermediate weapons continued to be deployed throughout Europe.

In the Americas, changes developed progressively. Guyana's only post-independence president, Forbes Burnham, died in 1985 while the country was mired in economic crisis and deteriorating conditions. Vice President Desmond Hoyte's bid for election in his place was thwarted by an alliance led by the PPP and the WPA. The new Guyanan leadership moved to further centralization and nationalization of assets to offset the economic damage, and forged closer ties to Cuba, including limited military assistance. In Venezuela, Jaime Lusinchi's presidency was marked by corruption and economic turmoil, and a break with its traditional ally, the Confederation of Workers of Venezuela, led to increased social tensions. With Cuba's successful support of the MPLA government in Angola and the failure of the Esquipulas Peace Agreement in central America, Castro pushed for greater support to Guyana and liberation movements within Venezuela to preempt what was sure to be inevitable Western interference in the Americas.

1988​

The year was marked by increased agitation by popular movements both East and West. Major anti-nuclear protests were held in Europe and the U.S., while Polish labor movements grew bolder in opposing the Jaruzelski government in the wake of the campaign to silence them. Suffering under hyperinflation and debt, the Polish people erupted in a series of strikes and demonstrations in Warsaw, Wroclaw, Lublin, and Bydgoszcz. The movements were met with fierce opposition from police forces and anti-terrorist troops. When shipyard workers in Gdansk and Szczecin were joined by steelworkers from Stalowa Wola, Poland's arms manufacturing was endangered. A state of emergency was declared on 23 August, and a second Marshal Law period followed. Jaruzelski, fearing that Polish troops would sympathize with the workers, appealed to the Soviet leadership. The Politburo was deeply split on the issue, but in the end agreed to a limited intervention by a combined Warsaw Pact force under General V.G. Kulikov. The main goal of the force was to get the strikers back to work and avoid bloodshed or escalation.

The intervention was strongly denounced by the West and many other nations, including China. NATO forces maintained a higher state of alert, but no action or threat of action was carried out. The main conflict came as Western legislators threatened to stop critical loans to the Soviet government. Some European nations decried the actions, pointing out that it intensified the conflict and threatened Soviet oil and gas supply to Western Europe. The Soviet leadership was caught in a constrictive dilemma. It could not back off from its intervention, as it would irreparably weaken Soviet influence in Eastern Europe. Conversely, it could not jeopardize its economic ties with the West without risking imminent economic catastrophe.

In the end, the situation slowly defused. Solidarity moved back underground and Polish strikers returned to work. The Warsaw Pact forces rapidly returned to barracks, and the flow of cash, oil, and grain continued. In the Middle East, Iran and Iraq signed a cease-fire after eight years of war. In the Americas, Nicaragua settled but northern South America smoldered. Everywhere, it seemed, the tensions brought on by hardship, inflation, and oppression simmered under the surface, waiting an event to bring them to head.

1989​

In February of 1989, Soviet forces withdrew from Afghanistan after a decade of intervention. The Soviet soldiers returned to a nation that was splitting at the seams, weighed under with cynicism and frustration at increasing hardship and ethnic and nationalist tensions. In the U.S., former Vice President George Bush was elected to office to continue the conservative reign. Military modernization had accelerated on both sides of the Iron Curtain. That February, a major demonstration in Caracas elicited a violent repressive response from Venezuelan President Carlos Andrés Pérez. Rioting continued, and Pérez pressed for more support from the United States, including light military arms. The conflagration erupted into near civil war, with Guyanan forces and Cuban advisors rapidly infiltrating the country to support the rebels. But it was in Europe that the world's eyes soon turned, as another revolution erupted that would change everything.

A number of dissident movements had been stirring in East Germany, many using churches as meeting places since the government had reopened them. Protests had become more common, especially after the Polish movement. In June of 1989, the East German people erupted into the streets, demanding reform. The Volkspolizei sent to curtail the protests refused to use violent action, and many simply stood aside. The effects of the Berlin Spring were immediate and electric. Throughout Eastern Europe, citizens demanded reform, better wages, and freedom of movement. Trade union strikes followed in Leningrad, Sverdlovsk, and Dnipropetrovsk. Stasi agents took swift action to arrest ringleaders and disperse crowds, and KGB troops in the Soviet Union clashed with strikers and violently turned back demonstrators in the Baltic States. Soviet Army reserves activated throughout the country and frontline forces increased their readiness, though they did not participate in opposing the movements.

Western leaders roundly denounced the use of force in the Eastern bloc, and increased military readiness and diplomatic pressure to show their resolve. International media brought extensive coverage of the revolutions throughout the world, with speculation on whether there would be a military intervention or economic consequences. At an emergency NATO summit, a proposal was made to place an embargo against the Soviet Union to force talks on reform and opening international borders. The U.S. cabinet was sharply divided on a course of action. Defense Secretary Cheney advised a mobilization of reserves and reinforcement of forces in Europe to show a strong support of the revolutions, while Secretary of State Baker advised an immediate engagement with Grishin to press for an opening of the borders. In West Germany, Kohl's government came under strong pressure from the German people to take diplomatic action. The U.S. Congress authorized a Presidential Reserve Call-Up, the largest in post-war history, but no further troops were yet sent to Europe. On 28 June, a Berlin demonstration with the complicit assistance of some Volkspolizei, breached the Wall and allowed Germans to cross over the border. Soviet and East German troops used gas and bullets to deter the breakout, but affected not only East Berlins but also West Berliners who had congregated to the breach to help their countrymen. Security forces on both sides eventually brought the breach to a halt, but the West German people were in an uproar, demanding the immediate opening of the border and cessation of repressive actions.

Grishin's Defense Council secretly discussed the consequences of further actions. To back down would mean losing control of Eastern Europe, and open the Soviet Union to divisive internal pressures that could lead to the country's eventual dissolution. The alternative, enacting harsher security measures, would lead to Western sanctions and quite possibly military intervention. Either path raised the specter of near-certain economic collapse. Defense Minister Sokolov, one of the Soviet Army's most respected Marshals, was joined by Kryuchkov and others in warning that NATO military intervention was imminent and that the West would use this force to blackmail and cripple the Soviet Union. The only responsible solution would be a pre-emptive attack to destroy the capitalist armies before they mobilize. A swift military operation would throw the West off-balance and relieve the economic pressure. The defensive maneuver would be accompanied by a strong international propaganda campaign to splinter NATO into a set of competing and incongruous national objectives that would neuter the alliance, while ensuring neutral nations of the limited nature of the operation. With its alliance fractured, its armies defeated, and its populations and neutrals firmly against escalation, the United States could not consider a nuclear response and would be forced to negotiate on favorable terms.

Since the first mobilization, Soviet forces had constantly moved and adjusted their positions and readiness posture. With hostilities imminent, the Soviet Army knew it could not hide its mobilization, and so began a pattern of change over the months that would frustrate NATO forces and erode their combat readiness. At the end of July, Soviet forces moved unmistakably into preparations for offensive operations. After conferring with his security advisors, President Bush gives a televised address on Monday, July 31st, outlining the NATO case for immediate mobilization and calling on Soviet leadership to immediately withdrawal its forces from Germany. While Pope John Paul II leads a Piazza San Pietro audience of over 200,000 in prayer for peace, the armies of East and West prepare for battle from Norway to Turkey. Soviet diversionary troops infiltrate Western Europe and activate sleeper cells in preparation for sabotage, assassination, and disruptive attacks preceding the assault. Soviet Airborne troops use Aeroflot flights to coordinate deep penetration drops even as attack submarines shadow enemy naval groups with the aid of satellite guidance.

4 August 1989​

At 040250ZAUG89, 3:50 AM local time, the artillery guns and rocket launchers of the Western Direction of Strategic Military Action commence fire from Lüdersdorf to Lenora. The nations of Europe and North America find themselves, once again, at war.



1. Howe, Jeffrey: 'Conflict of Loyalty'. St. Martin's 1984.
2. Address to Central Committee Conference, MAY 1986.
3. Thatcher interview with BBC's John Cole, 22 DEC 1984.
4. Thatcher, Margaret: 'The Downing Street Years'. Smithmark Pub 1995.

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The Battle For Europe
The European theater is the center of the scenario. The game begins on the morning of August 4th, 1989, with the Soviet Army leading the Warsaw Pact forces against the NATO Alliance for control of the continent. The bulk of NATO combat strength is massed along the inter-German border, under the command of AFCENT, with NORTHAG commanding forces in northern West Germany and CENTAG commanding forces in southern West Germany. The West German Bundeswehr provides much of the ground strength, along with the U.S. Army, the British Armed Forces, Dutch, and Belgian forces. In reserve, the French Armed Forces will provide a second echelon. Further reinforcements have to travel across the Atlantic from the U.S. and Canada. American forces must travel by Strategic Airlift and Military Sealift, under Operation REFORGER that links up airlifted troops with prepositioned equipment in Europe.

Warsaw Pact forces under the Western Strategic Direction are divided into Fronts, which control about 15 divisions each. All Warsaw Pact divisions ultimately fall under the command of the Soviet Supreme Headquarters, STAVKA. Further forces will be provided under the massive Soviet mobilization plan and can rapidly reinforce the attack. The Soviets and their Warsaw Pact allies must cut through enemy defenses and capture key victory points and hold them against any counter-attack. The NATO forces must prevent this. Either side can claim victory by accumulating enough points or meeting all requirements for a Political Victory.

The Battle for Europe will involve modern technologies that the player must understand to use wisely. Signals intelligence give forces an edge in offense or defense. Certain air units, such as the F-117, EF-111A Raven, and E-3 Sentry AWACS, use electronic counter-measures and stealth technology to avoid enemy aircraft. Electronic Warfare and Chemical weapons units can soften enemy ground defenses for further assaults. Some units like special operations, AH-64A Apache helicopters and F-4G Wild Weasels can conduct selective attacks to eliminate key threats like air defense and artillery units. Successful ground assaults from elite units may result in a breakthrough, which concentrates the attack at a specific point.

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War in the North Atlantic
Although the war will be settled in Europe, no theater of battle is more crucial to affecting the balance on the continent than the War in the North Atlantic. To win, the U.S. Navy must clear the way across hostile waters to allow the Militarty SeaLift of American and Canadian forces under Operation REFORGER. The Soviet Navy must prevent this at all costs, using its powerful naval aviation assets and attack submarine forces.

The bulk of Soviet Northern Fleet forces begin deployed near the Greenland-Iceland-UK Gap, a NATO safety net connecting these landmasses with sonar detection and patrol craft. Their submarines and patrol aircraft must locate NATO forces, especially the carrier battle groups. These can be attacked with a variety of missile attacks, which include surface-to-surface and air-to-surface missiles. Some cruise missiles cannot be stopped, but are used up in the attack. Other missiles can be intercepted or shot down by air defenses, but if successful can attack again on subsequent turns. Naval Aviation on both sides will the key to finding and attacking the enemy. In the age of long range detection and missiles, the key to victory at sea will be locating and striking the enemy before he hits you. To defend itself, the Americans, Royal Navy and other NATO naval forces must conduct aggressive anti-submarine warfare.

For the U.S. and her allies, securing the sea lanes is only the beginning. The U.S. Navy has considerable air assets that can strike land as well as sea targets. They can also transport heavy forces across the ocean to the combat zone. They can also move the U.S. Marine Corps, a large and flexible amphibious force that can strike any littoral area. NATO forces also have limited amphibious capability, and the Soviets can deploy their Naval Infantry to snatch up key locations.

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Peripheral Theaters
Although the main effort of the competing alliances will be in central Europe, other theaters will prove vital to the outcome of the war. The fight for southern Europe and the Mediterranean will be fierce, while the battle for Scandinavia can provide an advantage on the northern flank. In addition, neutral powers in the Middle East and Caribbean can turn the tide in unpredictable ways.

On the southern flank of Europe, the armed forces of Turkey and Greece are prepared to clash with the Bulgarian Army. The Soviets will need to decide what forces to spare for the Balkans and how hard they must push. There are two vital neutral Communist nations, Yugoslavia and Romania, that can rapidly change the balance of power in the region. In the Mediterranean, the Black Sea Fleet of the Soviet Navy must challenge the combined might of the Italian Navy, the Marine nationale, and the U.S. Sixth Fleet. An advantage here can lead to a flank attack on either alliance.

To the north, the Soviets must press through the rugged Scandinavian terrain to drive down Norway and threaten the northern flank. The small number of forces involved will not diminish the fierce fighting, as U.S., British, and Dutch marines supported by naval forces will have to rapidly reinforce the Norwegians against the Soviet Naval Infantry and supporting ground forces. Neutral Sweden and Finland may also be drawn into the conflict.

The Middle East is one of the most unpredictable and important areas on the map. It has huge oil reserves which are crucial for European powers, and none of the nations are aligned with either superpower. Many Arab countries are grouped together into the Arab League, which give them a large pool of forces. They surround Israel, with its powerful modern army, and are bordered by Egypt, which switched camps after the Camp David Accords. Iran and Iraq are both recovering from their decade-long war, and are now left with debt and devastation along their borders. European powers will need to research Merchant Marine to establish a petroleum trade agreement with Middle Eastern nations for access to much needed oil.

In the Caribbean, volatile changes in the political situation have allowed a Communist government to take control of Guyana. Backed by significant Cuban assistance, Guyanan forces and guerillas have penetrated Venezuela, which has turned to the U.S. for military aid. The ongoing struggle could distract American attention during the crucial opening phase of the European war. Venezuela has oil to trade also, which it may offer in exchange for vital war material.

In all the peripheral theaters, the superpowers have the ability to intervene in true Cold War style. Unconventional Special Operations forces, such as the Soviet GRU Spetsnaz or U.S. Special Operations Command can conduct secret missions against local forces without risking an all-out war. They can also choose to move in full force, utilizing airborne, naval and air forces to rapidly assert control in Middle East hotspots or in the Caribbean basin. Neither side can afford to neglect these vital areas.

 

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The Third World War 1989 has four final victory conditions. Victory or defeat is determined when any alliance or independent nation achieves a Political Victory or gathers 800,000 points, or when the game timer ends.

NATO Decisive Victory
The Soviet offensive is smashed, paving the way for a NATO counterattack deep into Warsaw Pact territory. Through successful diplomacy, espionage, and military action, the Eastern European people overthrow their regimes and establish new governments. Hardship within the U.S.S.R. leads to strikes and demonstrations, and the Politburo loses power. The Soviet Union collapses, and NATO concludes peace with the newly independent Russian Federation. Europe begins tentative steps towards building a peaceful union for the first time.

The NATO Alliance achieves a decisive victory when it either completes a Political Victory or gathers 800,000 points.

NATO Marginal Victory
The Warsaw Pact advance is frustrated and defeated. Strong Western resistance results in a bloody stalemate, which leads the Soviet economy to the brink of collapse. The Eastern European nations overthrow their rulers and establish new democratic governments. Facing a rapidly changing and hostile global situation, new Soviet leaders take charge of the Politburo and sue for a cease-fire. New plans are drawn up for massive disarmament in the aftermath of the war.

NATO wins a marginal victory by having the most points at the end of the game timer, after 150 turns.

Soviet Marginal Victory
NATO forces prove incapable of stopping the Warsaw Treaty Organization's advances. NATO fractures, and individual nations begin peace negotiations to spare further destruction. Soviet forces occupy everything east of the Rhine, while southern Europe and France must agree to stringent terms favorable to the U.S.S.R. to avoid occupation. Britain becomes the primary American military outpost, and an uneasy truce is concluded. The Soviets solidify control within their territory and with their satellite states.

The Warsaw Pact wins a marginal victory by having the most points at the end of the game timer, after 150 turns.

Soviet Decisive Victory
Soviet forces dominate on all fronts. Remaining NATO units are surrounded and surrender soon after. Governments friendly with the Soviet Union are established in Western and Southern Europe, with Soviet assistance forces stationed throughout the continent, allowing free access to the Mediterranean and Atlantic. The U.K. is forced to dissolve the monarchy and establish a pro-Soviet government under the auspices of Soviet advisors to avoid occupation. The U.S., suffering from military defeat and economic disaster, retreats into Fortress America. The Soviet Union is the master of Europe.

The Warsaw Pact wins a decisive victory if it completes a Political Victory or 800,000 gathers points.

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Warsaw Pact

Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
Difficulty: Low
Complexity: High
Marginal Victory: Achieve a Warsaw Pact Marginal Victory
Decisive Victory: Achieve a Warsaw Pact Decisive Victory
The U.S.S.R. is the predominant nation of the scenario, possessing the most units and cities, and driver of the action of the game. With over 2000 land, air, sea, and nuclear units, the Soviets are a micromanager's dream. Each turn, you must move waves of tank and motorized divisions, artillery regiments, air armies and submarines. The Soviets determine where the hammer falls. Beyond the clash in West Germany, however, you will need to employ cunning and flexibility at the peripherals to weaken your enemies. Airborne and naval landing forces enable bold assaults across the map, but they must be carefully executed to prevent the loss of irreplaceable critical units. Neutral powers will also need to be carefully dealt with, lest NATO enlists new allies and threaten the flanks of the assault. The overwhelming martial advantages of the Soviets means that the experienced Civ III player should have little difficulty in capturing a win, but few nations in the game can rival the fun of executing a masterful offensive.

German Democratic Republic
Difficulty: Medium
Complexity: Medium
Marginal Victory: Achieve a Warsaw Pact Marginal Victory
Decisive Victory: Achieve a Warsaw Pact Decisive Victory
The DDR is in a tough position from the start. East German frontline units can hold their own, and their air forces and artillery will provide good support. They are, however, highly exposed to NATO counterattacks that the AI is not shy in making. East German players should concentrate on clearing the lanes between their cities to allow swift passage of Polish and Russian units. Berlin must be held at all costs. Once you eliminate the West Berlin garrison, you will have extra Berlin resources, which will be your trump card in negotiating with your Soviet allies. Your primary goal should be to protect your territory, and assisting the Russians in capturing the key enemy points.

Czechoslovak Socialist Republic
Difficulty: Medium
Complexity: Medium
Marginal Victory: Achieve a Warsaw Pact Marginal Victory
Decisive Victory: Achieve a Warsaw Pact Decisive Victory
Czechoslovakia is a fun nation to play, especially for casual and new players. You have a significant but not overwhelming number of units, including some great air support, and will be in battle from the very start. Immediately, you will be facing some of the toughest American and German units in the game, but judicious use of your forces will force a decision. From there it will be an extended fight across Bavaria and Baden-Württemberg, after which you must decide whether to extend into France or violate Austrian and Swiss neutrality.

People's Republic of Poland
Difficulty: Low
Complexity: Medium
Marginal Victory: Achieve a Warsaw Pact Marginal Victory
Decisive Victory: Achieve a Warsaw Pact Decisive Victory
Like France, Poland is one of the best nations to play if you want to full WWIII experience without the ponderous turns of the superpowers. The Poles have solid land and air forces, and are augmented with both marine and airborne troops to give you some flexible options. Your Warsaw Pact allies shield you from NATO assaults, although you will have to contend with airstrikes and special forces infiltrations. Bold assaults against the Danes or Norwegians are fun, but require strong support to hold. You also control all the Polish national resources, which gives you some bargaining power at the diplomatic table.

Hungarian People's Republic
Difficulty: Medium
Complexity: Low
Marginal Victory: Achieve WP Marginal Victory, Retain all starting cities, Prague and Sofia under WP control
Decisive Victory: Achieve above objectives, WP holds Belgrade, Paris, Rome, Istanbul, Athens
The Warsaw Pact's happiest barracks is not exactly a conqueror's dream. The Hungarian forces are woefully outdated, with only a few modern T-72 units. Your biggest advantage is that you are buffered from NATO counterattacks on your borders. You'll need to keep strong garrisons in case a Balkan neutral joins NATO in the fight. Otherwise, you are mostly likely to lock horns with the enemy if they break through into Czechoslovakia.

People's Republic of Bulgaria
Difficulty: High
Complexity: Medium
Marginal Victory: Achieve WP Marginal Victory, Retain all starting cities
Decisive Victory: Achieve above objectives, WP holds Athens, Belgrade, and Istanbul
One of the toughest positions in the game, Bulgaria's outdated forces face an immediate assault from the Turks and Greeks right at the start. Your AI-controlled Soviet allies won't be too keen to reinforce you, and long-range Italian and U.S. air units are likely to visit your cities. If Yugoslavia or Romania (or worse, both) declare war, you are going to be surrounded by greatly superior forces. A real challenge for the experienced player.

NATO

United States of America
Difficulty: Medium
Complexity: High
Marginal Victory: Achieve NATO Marginal Victory
Decisive Victory: Achieve NATO Decisive Victory
The U.S. is the most complex and one of most exciting nations to play in the game. With almost 1000 units, it is not for the faint-hearted. The Americans have a bewildering variety of units, allowing for some of the most flexible options. American land forces are smaller than their Soviet opponents but tremendously tough, with excellent helicopter and fire support. Their air units are second to none, with plenty of options ranging from stealth attacks, deep interdiction, and electronic warfare. The U.S. Navy is the world's most powerful, allowing the player to protect precious cargo and conduct surprise attacks. With unparalleled marine and special forces units, the Americans can strike anywhere on the map with little warning. For the complete 1989 experience on land, at sea, in the air and in diplomacy, they are the best option.

United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland
Difficulty: High
Complexity: High
Marginal Victory: Achieve NATO Marginal Victory
Decisive Victory: Achieve NATO Decisive Victory
Although the channel prevents Soviet forces from overruning British borders, the U.K.'s limited force pool makes winning a decisive victory a challenging proposal. The Brits have incredibly tough land forces, a versatile air force, and first rate naval power. Their forces, however, are found in very limited numbers, and mediocre production at home makes it hard to replace losses. The shrewd player must carefully protect his units and marshal them for critical attacks. A great challenge for an experienced player without having to operate the massive forces of the superpowers.

Federal Republic of Germany
Difficulty: Medium
Complexity: Medium
Marginal Victory: Achieve NATO Marginal Victory
Decisive Victory: Achieve NATO Decisive Victory (China Pact excluded)
The West Germans' priority is survival. The inital assault may be blunted, but the Soviets are going to be able to pour in follow-on forces mid-game much more effectively than the AI Americans. Your land and air units are top-notch, but you must be careful to preserve them from attrition or you will find yourself bereft of combat power. Holding the crucial cities along the Rhine is essential for survival. Only thoughtful diplomacy and military planning will help to regain your lost territory and retain an NATO win.

French Republic
Difficulty: Low
Complexity: Medium
Marginal Victory: Achieve NATO Marginal Victory
Decisive Victory: Achieve NATO Decisive Victory (China Pact excluded)
France is one of the most accessible and fun nations to play in the game, especially if you are new to the scenario. They have plenty of forces, but not so much that each turn is a marathon. They are close to the fight but not immediately on the front lines. France possesses a variety of air units, naval forces and naval aviation, airborne and marine units. They can not only press against the Soviet attack in central Europe, but also pull off some creative flank attacks, especially in the Mediterranean. If you are looking to dive into the game without drowning in it, France is a great place to start.

Kingdom of the Netherlands
Difficulty: High
Complexity: Medium
Marginal Victory: Retain all starting cities
Decisive Victory: Retain all starting cities, Achieve NATO Marginal Victory
Today the Royal Netherlands Army does not operate a single tank, but in 1989 they have an entire mechanized corps. You're going to need it once Soviet forces smash through Northern Germany. With only three cities, surviving the Warsaw Pact flood is the top priority. The Dutch have versatile F-16s for air defense and ground attack, and also have some nice naval vessels, a marine brigade, and some special forces. Fun but challenging.

Kingdom of Belgium
Difficulty: High
Complexity: Low
Marginal Victory: Retain all starting cities
Decisive Victory: Retain all starting cities, Achieve NATO Marginal Victory
With fewer and less modern forces, the Belgians are in an even tougher spot than the Dutch. Like your neighbors, you are going to have to put all your unit micromanaging skills to work if you hope to survive. Don't neglect your diplomatic options to distract the Soviet onslaught as soon as possible. A tough nation to play.

Kingdom of Denmark
Difficulty: High
Complexity: Low
Marginal Victory: Survive
Decisive Victory: Retain all starting cities, Achieve NATO Marginal Victory
Not a choice for the squeamish, the Danes are on the front lines of World War III with one of the smallest forces in NATO. Expect to be pounded by Soviet and Polish air, naval landing, airborne and ground forces. Your ground forces are too light, too old, and too few, but you do have some F-16 squadrons which will be a help. The Civ III equivalent of playing survival mode.

Kingdom of Norway
Difficulty: High
Complexity: Low
Marginal Victory: Retain all starting cities
Decisive Victory: Retain all starting cities, Achieve NATO Marginal Victory
The Norwegians barely have enough units to garrison their cities, let alone conduct any kind of offensive. The terrain is your best defense, and the American AI will usually come to your aid with marine and naval forces. Your F-16s are tough but are few in number. One of the dullest nations to play, unfortunately, but with pretty terrain graphics.

Italian Republic
Difficulty: Medium
Complexity: High
Marginal Victory: Achieve NATO Marginal Victory
Decisive Victory: Achieve NATO Decisive Victory
The Italians are a unique play and quite a lot of fun. They are in the war but removed from the action. Neutral nations shield your borders from the Soviet attacks. The Italians have a nice variety of quality land and air units. They also have one of the most robust navies on the map, complete with an aircraft carrier and anti-submarine vessels. Your biggest decisions will involve where and how to commit your forces to the best effect. Vigorous diplomacy is important as well, and you have a national resource that makes a great bargaining chip.

Kingdom of Spain
Difficulty: Medium
Complexity: Medium
Marginal Victory: Achieve NATO Marginal Victory
Decisive Victory: Achieve NATO Decisive Victory (China Pact excluded)
Far from the front, NATO's newest member is in little immediate danger. The recently reorganized Spanish armed forces usually find themselves facing the Soviets somewhere in France, where the fighting gets fierce. The challenge is finding the best way to commit yourself where you can have the greatest impact on the war. Spain also has some nice naval and marine units, including carrier-borne aviation. A good play, and not quite as simple as they may seem at first.

Portuguese Republic
Difficulty: Medium
Complexity: Low
Marginal Victory: Achieve NATO Marginal Victory
Decisive Victory: Achieve NATO Marginal Victory, NATO controls Paris, Bonn, Rome, and Berlin
One of my favorite test civs because there's not much for them to do. With only a handful of frontline units, the Portuguese simply need to find a nice spot in Western Europe to make their contribution. Madeira looks pretty on the map, though.

Hellenic Republic
Difficulty: Medium
Complexity: Medium
Marginal Victory: Achieve NATO Marginal Victory
Decisive Victory: Achieve NATO Decisive Victory (China Pact excluded)
The Greeks will begin brawling with Bulgaria from the start. After that, you'll need to decide how to tackle the Warsaw Pact's southern flank. Make sure to keep Yugoslavia as a friend unless you want a war right on your front lawn. With Turkey in your locked alliance, you won't have to worry about any funny business on the flanks. Your air force is like a bag of Skittles, and your army uses a lot of old equipment, but keep your lifeline through Istanbul open and you will have access to lots of unit types from your allies.

Republic of Turkey
Difficulty: Medium
Complexity: Medium
Marginal Victory: Achieve NATO Marginal Victory
Decisive Victory: Achieve NATO Decisive Victory (China Pact excluded)
The Turks are another fun nation to play with some varied options for victory. Your armed forces are large, even if your equipment is aging. The sea and the mountains will protect your borders, but you will be fighting the Russians and Bulgarians from the beginning. As the Turkish player, you need to prepare for the unexpected. If the Russians enlist the Yugoslavians, Romanians, or Syrians against you, the difficulty will rapidly increase. On the other hand, you are the only NATO power in the region that really can mount a successful flank attack against the Warsaw Pact in Europe or the Caucasus. Good diplomacy will be just as important as good generalship for the Turks.

Canada
Difficulty: High
Complexity: Low
Marginal Victory: Achieve NATO Marginal Victory
Decisive Victory: Achieve NATO Decisive Victory (China Pact excluded)
Canada has a single mechanized brigade in Europe, supported by new F/A-18 fighter-bombers. They also have some good naval vessels for anti-submarine work. Canada has a lot of territory and no real threats, so it is possible to build up a modest force and send it overseas. It is difficult though to find a way to really influence the outcome of the war.

Neutrals

European Neutrals (Republic of Austria, Swiss Confederation, Republic of Finland, Republic of Ireland)
Difficulty: N/A
Complexity: N/A
Marginal Victory: N/A
Decisive Victory: N/A
The European neutrals are not really meant to be played. If you do play, feel free to pick a side or set your own victory conditions.

Kingdom of Sweden
Difficulty: Low
Complexity: Medium
Marginal Victory: Alliance Marginal Victory
Decisive Victory: Alliance Decisive Victory
Sweden is a big believer in armed neutrality. While they are not aligned to any side, a cursory map study shows that their defenses sure ain't oriented west. Their forces are not the most modern, but are well-equipped with homemade weapons and aircraft. Any invader is going to have a bad day and it should be little trouble to protect your own territory. If you choose a side, that side must achieve a victory for you to win.

Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
Difficulty: Low
Complexity: Medium
Marginal Victory: Alliance Marginal Victory
Decisive Victory: Alliance Decisive Victory
Yugoslavia remains neutral, and the uncertainty of war provides plenty of motivation for its individual states to stay together for the time being. It is your decision to enter the war on either side, and you will be held to that side's victory conditions. Yugoslavia does have a nice variety of forces, since it can import from either alliance or rely on domestically produced equipment.

Socialist Republic of Romania
Difficulty: Low
Complexity: Medium
Marginal Victory: Alliance Marginal Victory
Decisive Victory: Alliance Decisive Victory
Although Romania is a Warsaw Pact member, in the game it has refused to enter hostilities and therefore is not part of the locked alliance. Your goals drive your decisions, unless someone decides to declare war on you out of the blue. If you ally to either side, you are committed to their victory conditions. The Romanians have a lot of old equipment, although much of it is domestically produced versions of foreign products. One nice advantage is that you are one of the few nations able to build units from either alliance through national resources.

State of Israel
Difficulty: Medium
Complexity: Medium
Marginal Victory: Alliance Marginal Victory
Decisive Victory: Alliance Decisive Victory
The tiny state of Israel is armed to the teeth and surrounded by potential threats. With East and West at war, there is no guarantee that its recent, stable relations with its neighbors will hold. Securing petroleum will be a priority, as well as keeping the sea lines of communication open.

League of Arab States
Difficulty: Low
Complexity: High
Marginal Victory: Alliance Marginal Victory
Decisive Victory: Alliance Decisive Victory, OR occupy Jerusalem, Cairo, Baghdad, and Tehran as well as retain all starting cities
The Arab League is a game amalgam, since Civ III cannot have over 31 independent civs. You'll immediately notice that certain regions are geographically isolated, and can produce specific units such as Syrian or Jordanian forces. If roused, the Arab states are a powerful foe with plenty of air and ground forces. Complex and interesting to play.

Arab Republic of Egypt
Difficulty: Low
Complexity: Medium
Marginal Victory: Alliance Marginal Victory
Decisive Victory: Alliance Decisive Victory OR occupy Jerusalem, Riyadh, Baghdad, Aleppo, Kuwait City, and Amman, as well as retain all starting cities
Egypt has benefitted well from its recent friendly relations with the United States. As a result, Egypt now has equipment from both superpowers, and her armed forces are ready to meet any threat. Your petroleum resources will be your bargaining chip, and Cairo is the most populous metro area on the map outside of New York and Moscow.

Republic of Iraq
Difficulty: Medium
Complexity: Medium
Marginal Victory: Alliance Marginal Victory
Decisive Victory: Alliance Decisive Victory OR occupy Jerusalem, Riyadh, Cairo, Aleppo, Kuwait City, Tehran, and Amman, as well as retain all starting cities
In 1991, the world wondered what kind of fight the world's fourth largest army would give. Iraq's land forces are enormous, and just as they were historically, the rich cities of Kuwait and Saudi Arabia can provide a tempting target to relieve the awful economic hardship brought on by the eight year Gulf War with Iran. The smart Iraqi player can wreak havoc in the Middle East with the right alliances.

Islamic Republic of Iran
Difficulty: High
Complexity: Medium
Marginal Victory: Alliance Marginal Victory
Decisive Victory: Alliance Decisive Victory OR occupy Jerusalem, Riyadh, Baghdad, Kuwait City, and Aleppo, as well as retain all starting cities

Republic of Cuba
Difficulty: High
Complexity: Medium
Marginal Victory: Alliance Marginal Victory
Decisive Victory: Alliance Decisive Victory, Occupy all Caribbean States cities
Cuba starts in a curious position. It has plenty of forces for defense, but aiding the war in South America will prove difficult. The Cubans need to get to ships and aircraft fast to protect themselves and their forces should the Americans decide to get hostile.

Caribbean States
Difficulty: Medium
Complexity: Medium
Marginal Victory: Alliance Marginal Victory
Decisive Victory: Alliance Decisive Victory, Occupy Guyana
The Caribbean countries do not offer much of a game. It is not hard to defeat the computer Cuba player, but Venezuela lacks the forces to make a serious overseas invasion.

​

 

The tech tree has been divided up among the nations of the game. These divisions separate the factions and their specific technologies, and also allow the game to use various graphics that are particular to each nation.

The first era, World Revolution, is reserved for the Soviet Union and her socialist allies and friends. Working from a single era tech tree, the path to victory is cleanly laid out. Your research choices will depend on your strategy: land forces, diplomatic outreach, or air and naval supremacy.

Spoiler :

The second era, mobilization, is available to all non-Socialist nations. As the name implies, it allows you to bring new forces into combat, starting with reserves, then training units to utilize equipment from storage, and finally to retooling the economy for war production to make new forces.

Spoiler :

The third era is diplomacy and is the key to trade and the Political Victory for non-Socialist governments. At the front end are options to defend your cities and open up trade with the Middle East. This is followed by opening up the Atlantic to trade with the U.S. and Canada, and finally leads to the Political Victory components needed to win the game.

Spoiler :

The fourth era, Global Events, describes the action in the Pacific that will have long-reaching consequences in the 21st century. Limited to naval powers, the era four techs allow you to create new air and sea units, and lead to the China Pact to secure your Political Victory. The Americans can also unlock their Armed Forces resources, which signify powerful forces redeploying from the Pacific to give them the edge at the critical moment.

Spoiler :

 

"“Germany, east and west. Virtually his entire adult life;– more, even his straight-backed adolescence as a Suvorov cadet had been directed to this end. Elbe, Weser, Rhine and Maas. Mosel and Saar. With the low countries and fields of France beyond….

Malinsky had long believed that future historians would stand back and look at the twentieth century only to marvel that its inhabitants could not see its fatal continuities. It was, in a sense, the century of the German problem, and its wars, so neatly packaged as distinct world wars in prologue to this encounter, really constituted one long struggle, a new hundred years’ war, with Germany at the center of it all.”"

Ralph Peters, Red Army

Spoiler :

“"Like their fathers and grandfathers, the arriving troops saw that Europe was worth fighting for. The people who were often seen merely as threats to American jobs had faces and hopes and dreams. They were not fighting for a principle, or a political decision, or a treaty made of paper. They were here for these people and others not the least different from those they'’d left at home.”"

Tom Clancy, Red Storm Rising

Spoiler :

 

​

This game has only been possible because of the hundreds of incredible units provided by the artists at CFC. You’ll find their work throughout the game, and the experience is improved immeasurably because of them.

​

Additionally, there are some new surprises in the game. Some of these have already been released on the website. The rest will follow in 2015.

​

 

A partial bibliography has been included if you would like further reference to some of these areas. The tremendous amount of work done by those who lived and studied Cold War have made the level of detail possible to appreciate how serious our war deterrents were. These include the extensive Orders of Battle and equipment descriptions, as well as the fiction and non-fiction stories that gave us a glimpse of a war we are glad never happened.

 

If there is sufficient interest, a multiplayer version will be created next year. This will remove many of the dummy changes that were implemented to help the computer opponent, allowing human players to truly test their mettle in World War III. More to follow.

 

Let me be the first to congratulate you on your release of your scenario!

 

Looks great... alas, too great for my old humble computer... but anyway, i'm the second to congratulate.

 

oooOOooooo, El J. has ♫ com-pe-ti-tion..! ♪

If not that both my old computers died at the end of September and I'm waiting for the post-Christmas sales for a new gaming rig, I'd snap this up immediately. You've also managed one of the first real plausible late-century WWIII backstories I've come across.

 

I am not the first to congratulate you on completion, but hopefully I could come up with a review or after action report.

 

Yes, it would be really interesting.

 

So, I am playing for Eastern Germany and the Day 2 of WWIII has begun. On Day 1 I decided not to go on the offense before the Soviets, so I signed Right of Passage with USSR and Poland, dug-in my land units and put my air force on the air superiority, then ended turn.

Spoiler :

I officially declare that Western Germany made the first shots in the conflict and so is 100% responsible for whatever happened/will happen in the course of action. They started with F4/Alpha Jet raid, 2 F4 and Alpha Jet were shot down by the ground defenses. In addition German Navy bombarded Rostock. Then the Panzerwaffe started rolling. Leopards 2 are unstoppable, no GDR unit is capable of stopping them even in the urban terrain. Despite the loss of a few minor units Wessies took Wismar and Halle without much trouble then started attacking Soviet units in the area. Soviets fared almost as poor as I did, although managed to destroy two Leopard 2 units, one of them due to the AI stupid attempt to attack with just 3 hit points left.

Soviet Union retaliated on it's turn with a massive air attack which lasted about 15-20 munites of RL time. I presume that mostly the big cities in Germany and Netherlands were hit, but the VVS also plastered Halle, Kiel and the German units west of Halle. Funny that AI assigned each target to the different type of warplanes. Halle was hit by Su-24's only, Kiel by Su-17 and MiG-27, units in the open--by Hinds and Frogfoots. I presume that VVS took considerable casualties during the first turn, for example I counted two units above Halle, about 5 (3 Su-17 and 2 MiG-27) above Kiel and two Hinds west of Halle. Western Germany left it's cities poorly guarded so the Soviets had no problem overruning the garrisons of Kiel (probably with a loss of the whole German navy), Hamburg, Kassel, Nuremberg and Bremen, also they've liberated Halle and cleared out Western Berlin. However AI moved all their Scuds and Tochkas east, away from the combat with many other capable units (planning to invade Mongolia or something like that I guess).

Czechoslovakia did some fighting (I observed movement of damaged troops), but also sent most of it's forces east.

French air forces attempted to bomb air base near Prague, intercepted by the Soviet aircraft. Both sides took losses, but the French lost more.

Poland acted quite good. It used it's limited force of Mig-21 to bomb concentrations of enemy armor and managed to liberated Wissmar, also it fired at least one Scud into enemy territory.

Italian (?) Air Force attempted to bomb Prague, again intercepted by VVS.

Denmark, Belgium and Netherlands launched a successful counterattack, each one managed to liberate one of the German cities (Belgians-Kassel, Dutch-Hamburg, Denmark-Kiel). Soviets lost somewhere between 6 or 8 air units on the ground in Kiel, mostly Mig-25 and 31.

British chose to hit me and took Magdeburg. Again I had nothing that could stop Challenger or even Chieftan.

All of the four sides mentioned above used their air force agressively, but VVS managed to knock down most of the planes. Britain attempted to bombard Soviet troops near Kiel with naval helicopters (don't know of what type, I presume Tony knows where could they come from), all shot down by the SAM's.

To be honest I did not watch what more happened this turn, but I know that USAF also took part in the action (F-14 was shot down by MiG-31, F-15's shot down a few Soviet planes) and US ground troops took airbase near Prague and liberated Nuremberg.

According to the map in the beginning of the next day, Bulgaria lost Burgas to Turkey.

 

I really don't know what to do now. Most of my finest units were destroyed in the cities, I've lost, I cannot move units from the east of the country, because the roads are crowded with Soviet units and it seems I won't be able to produce something useful for many more turns. I think I'll have to kill the weaker NATO units and try to get some neutral nations into the war on Warsaw Pact side. I am really interested who would win in the end.

You have made a great scenario, Tony, and I am glad that you were able to release it! Also I would like to thank Wyrmshadow, Gwendoline, Delta_Strife and Tony as unit creator for making so many wonderful units, I was finally able to see them in the battle. I especially liked gunships--both Hind and Cobra. I have counted 24 units that were previously unreleased plus three submarines which look like they were made by Delta but again not released before.

 

And now some of my questions/suggestions/complaints:
- Is it possible to make some sort of a spy satellite unit and give at least one to each Civ? It is not for military purpose, but I really would love to see "Battle for Atlantic" or "Battle for Norway" show which I could not do because I am stuck as a minor power in Europe or elsewhere?
- Eastern Germany has no ground strike aircrafy, just a few Mig-21/23, I think there should be at least some Su-20. Also I've got no navy, although perhaps I am not supposed to. I also read that Eastern Germany was the only country in Warsaw Pact, besides Soviet Union, that operated S-300 SAM's, maybe they could have at least a battery?
- Szczecin does not have an access to the sea, was it meant to be that way?
- 2S7 has great animations, but it looks a bit small compared to 2S1, 2S3 and M110.
- I am a bit uncertain about Saudi Arabia. I could not imagine it alligning with Soviets against the West under any circumstances. Maybe it could be controlled by USA?

 

Hello

I've just ran a few turns of the scenario (saddly have no time for more) and want to thank and congratulate you.

First, to thank you for including Portugal. Saddly, in most scenarios/mods, we are either simply ignored or included with Spain. To see us properly represented in a scenario is a pleasure, so thank you!

The research for the scenario is awesome. Unit names, places, jobs, all excelent. Well done. I also liked that, when I fired SLBMs (tested the brits) the whole world declared war on me

I do, however, have one problem with the scenario: the maritime patrol aircraft. You have them moving around like naval units, which not only gives them unlimited range, it makes them vulnerable to attack by submarines! I realise that some soviet subs had short-range SAMs, but not all; and western subs had none. I ran the RAF for 3 turns, during which I lost all the Nimrods to sub attack... right after I sunk russian ships in the north of Norway, which is a bit far! I would suggest making them regular land-based aircraft with long scout/bombing range.

Also, should not right-of-passage exist from the start, within each aliance, since all the diplomatic niceties have gone out the door?

Edit: forgot one point: the UK has at least 2 units that seem to be for show, the Household Cavalry and the Victory. Is there any actual ingame reason for them? Can they be upgraded? If not, I'd recomend removing them. While I apreciate the fun factor, the turns are quite slow. If more countries have such units, eliminating them would help speed it up a bit.

 

Don't know if this would please you but I left Portugal as a separate side and combined Spain with France in my Cold War scenario))))