But democracy doesn't start and end on polling day. How many people in, say, Germany write to their MPs now, compared with before MMP was implemented? I would certainly feel more disenfranchised if I no longer had an MP I could write to. Saying that you have 7 people representing you doesn't make me feel any less disenfranchised. It would be like having 7 different complaints departments at the electricity company. If the constituencies are enlarged, that makes my voice even more diluted; if they're topped up with party lists, then it makes my MP's voice more diluted.
To me, bigger constituencies, more MPs per constituency, or reduced power of constituency MPs in parliament is just going to increase the number of politicians who just care about votes, and reduce the number of politicians who care about people. It removes power from local people and places more and more power in government and centralised party lists.
At least at the end of it all, we have a local MP we can badger.
It's because I believe in local communities and devolved power that I cling on to MPs. Without a strong link to local communities, it's difficult to see why any MP in a MMP system would feel beholden to their constituents, rather than to their party bigwigs.
To me, it's hard to see how, say, 7 MPs in a constituency of 500,000 could have any links to the communities they serve. Certainly, the London Mayor is far from a "local man", having been appointed by the Tory top brass as little more than a gimmick. I can only see more of that sort of thing happening.
You raise a very good point here; larger multi-member constituencies could sever the constituency link. That multiple MPs elected in constituencies of hundred of thousands might each spend significantly less time caring about what their constituents think and significantly more time caring about what their party thinks. That they will favour Westminster over their constituency.
Fortunately, that's simply wrong. The point is plausible, but it is quite plainly refuted by the facts.
As it turns out, MPs elected by largish multi-member constituencies pay
more rather than less attention to their constituents. In fact the issue is entirely turned on it's head; many politicians claim resent the extra constituency work they have to do and claim it to be detrimental to good governance (the public disagree, incidentally).
This is simply because STV constituencies are so much more competitive than FPTP constituencies. There are no real safe seats. In our current system there are about about 400 hundred safe seats. On May the 6th, one of the most unpredictable elections in our history, only 114 seats changed hands. That's 17%. As I'm sure you noticed, the election was only really fought in 150-200 marginal constituencies.
The upshot of that is that there's a dire lack of competition in a lot of constituencies, which means there's very little chance the incumbent will be defeated. And that includes 'incumbents' who the party have parachuted in as a kick start to their political career. Consequently there's limited incentive to put all that much effort into your constituency. Certainly many MPs do and for that the Commons should be complimented, but one can quite easily get into national politics without. This is especially considering that the vast majority of voters vote according to party rather than MP; let's make no mistake about that.
In contrast, STV constituencies are genuinely competitive. Candidates standing for election in such constituencies compete against a ferocious school of opposition, and one which they they must compete with on a borad basis in order to gain secondary preferences votes. They compete with members of their own party as well as members of the opposition, and many more besides. Thus, they face a very real reason to pay attention to constituency issues; if they don't they might lose their seat.
You don't need to listen to me, read the Jenkins report which takes Ireland as a specific example:
The Jenkins Report said:
Nor have they (STV constituencies) led to any divorce between TDs (Irish MPs) and localities. If anything the complaint has been reversed, that TDs are too locally and not enough nationally orientated. Members of the same party are fighting as much or more against each other (in their constituency) as they are against their opponents.
The Jenkins Report said:
The was also a point critical of STV which was put to us by a number of leading politicians - although with one or two voices the other way - whom we saw on our trip to Dublin and left us with the impression that STV in Ireland is perhaps more popular with the public than with politicians. If this be so it is difficult to know whether to score this in the favourable or adverse list.
The point, for what it is worth, is that multi-member constituencies with MPs and candidates competing in them not merely against other parties but against members of their own party too, so far from producing remote representatives, produced excessively parochial ones. They are much keener on being in their constituency pursuing local issues than they are to attending their legislative and national duties in the Dail.
Sorry Lovett we must have X-posted, didn't notice this until just now!
Would this not still create the issue of merely polarising opinion more though? For instance, if i understand you correctly anyway, a 'Tory' voter is unlikely to place a 'labour' candidate in their people they want to vote for list, presumably then it would simply encourage two stronger parties, which i assumed was the whole reason people wanted PR to avoid.
Simply put, no.
Here is a Guardian article on how this past election would have worked out under STV.
Here are the original numbers which said articles sources. As you can see STV would have produced a vastly more proportional result. Actually the results are almost directly proportional in that the Lib Dems with 23% of the vote pick up 24% of the seats, Labour with 29% of the vote pick up 31% of the seats and the Tories with 36% of the vote pick up 37% of the seats. The contrast with the FPTP results couldn't be more painful. There's also non-negligibly better representation of smaller parties, although we can't expect this to be modeled accurately; their support is probably underestimated due to the fact that FPTP makes voting for them a 'waste'.
As to why this greater proportionality, it's mainly because of the larger constituencies all returning multiple MPs. That's means if there's a five member constituency in which roughly 40% of people vote first preference Conservative, 40% Labour and 20% Lib Dem your probably going to get two labour, two Tory and one Lib Dem MPs. The nature of the vote being transferable (I.e it being alternative vote) helps this in that we simply get a more accurate purview of voters preferences. Such a voting system is generally antithetical towards polarised parties because it allows people to express preferences for third parties without penalization.