[RD] War in Gaza News: Pas de Deux

My position is that a lot more blame should be shouldered by Israel. Reasonable, no?
In 1948, yes. In 1978, less certain. In 2025, no. The sticking point, right to return, and the increasing prominence of Islamic fundamentalism in the thinking, have led to the adoption of some really baffling decisions and positions by various groups in the Palestinian side, especially Hamas, but not limited to them.

If this were a normal independence movement, it would already be over, but it's not that. It's something else.
It feels like you're arguing the inverse. Which is fascinating, really, especially with all your conversations with Crezth. You've certainly learned a lot in less than a year. Which is doable! But certainly fascinating, to me personally. You don't tend to link sources much, and you've pooh-poohed Coates . . . so what does inform your general historical understanding? What things have you read in the past six to eight months? Did you actually read Coates' book? I haven't, books are a money and time luxury I very rarely can indulge in. I'm interested!
On this issue, specifically, I read the historians Edward Said, some of the criticisms of Israel made by historian Norman Finkelstein, and the Israeli historian Benny Morris. Of all, Morris was the most persuasive. He has recently created a substack, light on content, but featuring his noteworthy 2002 article announcing a loss of faith in a 2SS solution by reasoning of Palestinian disinterest in it.


Though in truth, it'd be inaccurate to say any were greatly influential on my perspective. I am of the belief that a person has a certain glee in the eye when they're hateful and engaging in moralist cruelty, and this comes through much more frequently when I read the statements of Palestinian leaders. It's more or less the same moralist glee I see when the various hillbillies around me are content to degrade the trans community in whatever way possible.
 
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Arafat rejected the offer, insisting on 100% Israeli withdrawal from the territories, sole Palestinian sovereignty over the Temple Mount, and the refugees' "right of return" to Israel proper. Instead of continuing to negotiate, the Palestinians - with the agile Arafat both riding the tiger and pulling the strings behind the scenes - launched the intifada. Clinton (and Barak) responded by upping the ante to 94-96% of the West Bank (with some territorial compensation from Israel proper) and sovereignty over the surface area of the Temple Mount, with some sort of Israeli control regarding the area below ground, where the Palestinians have recently carried out excavation work without proper archaeological supervision. Again, the Palestinians rejected the proposals, insisting on sole Palestinian sovereignty over the Temple Mount (surely an unjust demand: after all, the Temple Mount and the temples' remains at its core are the most important historical and religious symbol and site of the Jewish people. It is worth mentioning that "Jerusalem" or its Arab variants do not even appear once in the Koran).
...
Israel may exist, and be too powerful, at present, to destroy; one may recognise its reality. But this is not to endow it with legitimacy. Hence Arafat's repeated denial in recent months of any connection between the Jewish people and the Temple Mount, and, by extension, between the Jewish people and the land of Israel/Palestine. "What Temple?" he asks. The Jews are simply robbers who came from Europe and decided, for some unfathomable reason, to steal Palestine and displace the Palestinians. He refuses to recognise the history and reality of the 3,000-year-old Jewish connection to the land of Israel.
I never knew that about the Temple Mount. That just seems like obstinacy on Arafat's part and for no good reason. Perhaps he thought the Jews too were another long-gone civilization in the Mideast and had no say there anymore (?).

The author's conclusion seems fairly accurate, though.
 
I never knew that about the Temple Mount. That just seems like obstinacy on Arafat's part and for no good reason. Perhaps he thought the Jews too were another long-gone civilization in the Mideast and had no say there anymore (?).
It's a thing there, Temple denial. Some diplomats at the Camp David Summit reported Arafat believed Solomon's Temple was in Nablus, and not on the Temple Mount. Abbas has made similar denials, claiming sole legitimacy.

Guterres mentioned it was, in a Holocaust remembrance speech, and Palestinian National Authority insisted on retraction. He did not, he instead reaffirmed it, which saw their feathers ruffled further.
 
Did you actually read Coates' book? I haven't, books are a money and time luxury I very rarely can indulge in. I'm interested!
Oh, I missed this. Yeah.

I could comment on it at great length, but will try to very brief so as to not make the debate about modern leftism instead of IP. That's kinda hard though, because The Message, despite ostensibly being about Israel and Palestine, and Gaza, kinda seems like it's more about Coates' own worldview of race as the engine of history more than anything specific to the conflict.

I think Coates basically took the framework of the modern left, huge on identity, very light on universal principle, and applied it to IP, glossing over much. He has endured some criticism for that, too. It was his worst thought yet, of lower quality than either of his two famous Atlantic articles, which even some supporters concede.

This is an article by Nate Silver describing fault lines between what I call modern left(he calls it SJL) and the old left/classic American liberals brought to the fore by Gaza. It was written in 2023, and I think you can see the faults evolve exactly as Silver anticipated, eerily accurate. It's pretty well known which side I sympathize with, and which side Coates sympathizes with, so you should be able to glimpse a reasonably in-depth guesstimate of how I'd criticize Coates(sparing me the task of writing as many words as he did!). Although further left economically than Silver, his other criticisms of that side I very much sympathize with.

 
I don't think it's very fair to criticize the so called SJL as being authoritarian, under principled, against free speech etc and refuse to drop the genocide assistance to gain more of their support.

It reeks of cynical triangulation and trying to position themselves just one unit on the good side of the Republicans, and no further.
 
under principled
I don't think that is the criticism. They're principled. There's just disagreement over those principles, and the worldviews resultant from them. One in particular, the emphasis on identity, and a belief it overshadows others and biases, features prominently in the dispute. Core piece on the board.
refuse to drop the genocide assistance to gain more of their support.

It reeks of cynical triangulation and trying to position themselves just one unit on the good side of the Republicans, and no further.
It's not unanimously believed that the Gaza campaign constitutes genocide, definitely not in the US. I don't believe that. Highest I've seen that poll in the US was 38%, in one AP-NORC did a few months ago. However, the overlap between what Silver calls SJL and belief that it is genocide is almost entirely complete, from anecdotal experience.

To me, and I think to many outside that stream, claims of genocide just kinda look like the focus on identities and the power disparities between them is running wildly amok, resulting in bias. I'm sure you'll disagree there, but, it was mentioned the two sides may come to believe the other is bad.

Classic liberals like Biden and Harris seemed to be of the "no genocide" view. I don't think they ever took those claims seriously either, personally. Some old leftists notably left the DSA shortly after Oct 7 in dissatisfaction with some of the ideological currents, too. I think there's a real split there. To the extent cynical triangulation did occur, I think it was Harris triangulating towards the modern left, not towards Republicans(have a hunch she's solidly pro-Israel, just reluctant to reveal that publicly).
 
I don't think that is the criticism. They're principled. There's just disagreement over those principles, and the worldviews resultant from them. One in particular, the emphasis on identity, and a belief it overshadows others and biases, features prominently in the dispute. Core piece on the board.

It's not unanimously believed that the Gaza campaign constitutes genocide, definitely not in the US. I don't believe that. Highest I've seen that poll in the US was 38%, in one AP-NORC did a few months ago. However, the overlap between what Silver calls SJL and belief that it is genocide is almost entirely complete, from anecdotal experience.

To me, and I think to many outside that stream, claims of genocide just kinda look like the focus on identities and the power disparities between them is running wildly amok, resulting in bias. I'm sure you'll disagree there, but, it was mentioned the two sides may come to believe the other is bad.

Classic liberals like Biden and Harris seemed to be of the "no genocide" view. I don't think they ever took those claims seriously either, personally. Some old leftists notably left the DSA shortly after Oct 7 in dissatisfaction with some of the ideological currents, too. I think there's a real split there. To the extent cynical triangulation did occur, I think it was Harris triangulating towards the modern left, not towards Republicans(have a hunch she's solidly pro-Israel, just reluctant to reveal that publicly).
It goes a little bit like this, from my observations:

postulate a) "It is in Israel's long-term interest to dispossess Palestinians"
b) "The IDF's actions in Gaza would be one such action which supports that"
c) "Israel is committing genocide"

of which I would add d) In fact, if you go down this rabbit hole far enough, you will conclude from such logic that the mere presence of Israel itself constitutes a form of genocide. Just as water is wet.
So, asking for evidence to support the charge is irrelevant, because the existence of the very thing itself is all-encompassing.
 
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How do you measure "worst"?
please, don't censure me.
But I really believe one is worst then other...

Because a simple issue, when Hitler kill jews, they don't fully understand what a genocide was, but, after world war 2 all humanity start to deep thinking what a genocide is and after so many meditation do it again, make it worst.
 
In 1948, yes. In 1978, less certain. In 2025, no. The sticking point, right to return, and the increasing prominence of Islamic fundamentalism in the thinking, have led to the adoption of some really baffling decisions and positions by various groups in the Palestinian side, especially Hamas, but not limited to them.

If this were a normal independence movement, it would already be over, but it's not that. It's something else.
1978 follows 1948, though. 2025 follows both of the prior points you're defining. Israel occupies - illegally (widely recognised as so, except when political inconvenient to do so) - swathes of territory. It is a permanent, occupying force. Irrespective of the fundamentalist religious angles at play (that affect most, if not all powers in the region).

Do you think constant occupation breeds moderation? Do you understand that the average age of men in Palestine is so young, because for some reason they don't get to live to be old? I would argue that it isn't because they all commit offenses for which the punishment is extrajudicial death. We're seeing this in the quality and health of the prisoners released by Israel in the current exchanges.
Though in truth, it'd be inaccurate to say any were greatly influential on my perspective. I am of the belief that a person has a certain glee in the eye when they're hateful and engaging in moralist cruelty, and this comes through much more frequently when I read the statements of Palestinian leaders. It's more or less the same moralist glee I see when the various hillbillies around me are content to degrade the trans community in whatever way possible.
So it's vibes, more than any specific branch of reading that has coloured your perspective. We have different feelings here, different vibes, but I will say it's surprising that you don't see this moralist cruelty from Israel. Whether it's in return or in advance, I'm talking simply r.e. your perspective of what's going on.

This isn't "but Israel" in response to something, it's me talking about your worldview and how you perceive the respective sides.
This is an article by Nate Silver describing fault lines between what I call modern left(he calls it SJL) and the old left/classic American liberals brought to the fore by Gaza. It was written in 2023, and I think you can see the faults evolve exactly as Silver anticipated, eerily accurate. It's pretty well known which side I sympathize with, and which side Coates sympathizes with, so you should be able to glimpse a reasonably in-depth guesstimate of how I'd criticize Coates(sparing me the task of writing as many words as he did!). Although further left economically than Silver, his other criticisms of that side I very much sympathize with.
I think this really underpins your general approach to the whole topic. And I don't say this cruelly, or to bait a response, or the like. I've taken some time to reply so I can try and feel out what to say in purely analytical terms. Which isn't to say that they can't cause offense, but I'm trying not to.

You're significantly conservative. Not by my metric, but by any general metric. You may have moderately liberal economical leanings (I don't know specifically, and economics aren't really my thing), but that doesn't really count for much (hasn't done for a long time). The cultural angle pervades. And it pervades because it affects the geopolitical lens, as we see here. Nate Silver's position on the "progressive left" is that they're too "left". Your own posts on "woke" are well-known. So it makes sense that you can't engage with Coates in anything but reductive terms. It goes back to the impact of colonialism, and how pervasive it is. Which is, weirdly, a "progressive" thing. It should be pretty objective; pretty clear. We study the impact of such efforts elsewhere. We recognise the impact of historical colonialism on modern society across a range of subjects (as humans; the "we" is generic).

So why is Coates' framing of the Israeli occupation so middling to you? I don't actually know. I can guess, but I don't know. But it seems to tie into this greater "modern left" critique. And as such, your engagement with me and other posters. We're often a part of a greater demographic to you. You have, at times, repeatedly switched between individual posts, and your impression of a greater leftist demographic, instead of the actual person. And it's a very human thing to do, don't get me wrong. To such an extent that I really try to engage with the poster specifically. Even if I can rightly determine their political orientation and possibly even predict their position on any given subject due to this (and this isn't an ironclad thing, because you can't always), it's always better to hear it from the person themselves. I interpret you as Voidwalkin, nothing less, nothing more. You are not a signifier of some greater demographic. You're you, in my eyes.

I am not "the modern left". Neither is Coates. There needs to be more nuance; less generalisations. It's not some kind of magical thinking that causes Coates to focus on the legacy of colonialism when evaluating Israel's actions. It's simply an application of cause and effect. To cut to the point, you'd have a stronger argument if you focused on what about the colonialism you disagreed with (even though it's probably a tangent), vs. trying to tie it to some greater catch-all theory about the "modern left" and how everyone in said alleged hive mind perceives any given situation.

(small aside: leftists and liberals have seen themselves as different political blocks for years, I'd argue at least a decade - despite conservatives trying to tie the two together)
 
1978 follows 1948, though. 2025 follows both of the prior points you're defining. Israel occupies - illegally (widely recognised as so, except when political inconvenient to do so) - swathes of territory. It is a permanent, occupying force. Irrespective of the fundamentalist religious angles at play (that affect most, if not all powers in the region).

Do you think constant occupation breeds moderation? Do you understand that the average age of men in Palestine is so young, because for some reason they don't get to live to be old? I would argue that it isn't because they all commit offenses for which the punishment is extrajudicial death. We're seeing this in the quality and health of the prisoners released by Israel in the current exchanges.
If these were really prime motivators, they'd have just taken the aforementioned deal, which was a real offer of peace and statehood(and an end to the occupation was offered in said deal).
You're significantly conservative. Not by my metric, but by any general metric. You may have moderately liberal economical leanings (I don't know specifically, and economics aren't really my thing), but that doesn't really count for much (hasn't done for a long time). The cultural angle pervades. And it pervades because it affects the geopolitical lens, as we see here. Nate Silver's position on the "progressive left" is that they're too "left". Your own posts on "woke" are well-known. So it makes sense that you can't engage with Coates in anything but reductive terms. It goes back to the impact of colonialism, and how pervasive it is. Which is, weirdly, a "progressive" thing. It should be pretty objective; pretty clear. We study the impact of such efforts elsewhere. We recognise the impact of historical colonialism on modern society across a range of subjects (as humans; the "we" is generic).
The problem, is that we, as humans, are biased, especially when our own identities are involved, either political ids, ethnic ids, religious ids, and that destroys accurate appraisal of what social movements are really about and their dimensions. In some evidence of this, take this debate. I posit colonialism is not the imperative motivator in 2025. You do. Somebody's bad at this, or at least more correct than the other. How do we decide the matter? We don't. We won't. There is no material quantification to be done to settle it conclusively. I will point to the polls and statements, you will fall back on other purported evidence. I don't believe there is any way that either could convince the other.

You put faith in academia to arbitrate those matters while avoiding error, and I give no such faith. There is no check in excess of thought there, no quantification to apply. Welcome to post-material politics.
So why is Coates' framing of the Israeli occupation so middling to you? I don't actually know. I can guess, but I don't know. But it seems to tie into this greater "modern left" critique. And as such, your engagement with me and other posters.
He was better when writing on the history of American race issues, and gave stronger thought there. It may surprise you to learn I didn't think terribly poorly of his argument Trump was the first white president. His sloppiness on IP? He took patterns of movements and ideologies that only fit the American context and slapped them over IP. It speaks to the difficulty of accurately describing the extremely complex and unquantifiable characteristics of social movements, I suppose.
To cut to the point, you'd have a stronger argument if you focused on what about the colonialism you disagreed with (even though it's probably a tangent), vs. trying to tie it to some greater catch-all theory about the "modern left" and how everyone in said alleged hive mind perceives any given situation.
If this were a movement truly interested in resistance to colonialism, they'd partner in partition. They've no interest in that. From the River to the Sea, standard phrase to indicate the goal of establishment of political rule over a territory they've not lived on in decades. Sounds like there's a fondness for colonialism over there.
 
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Oof, what a can of worms. Quite possibly the messiest geopolitical situation on Earth.

I'll lay out my views. I don't know what bit is "leftist", what's "right-wing", according to whom, or whatever. At this point in life and history, I find pre-packaged ideological dogma tiresome and unproductive.

Brace.

The Background
  • The modern state of Israel was created out of European guilt and a sense of debt after the Holocaust, carved out from colonial land that had been colonial land for hundreds of years. Before being British, it was Ottoman, and before that, Mamluk. That kind of defuses any claim of remotely recent preexisting independent political existence from any party. Both Jews and Muslims had and have historically lived there.

  • Dropped on a hornets' nest, Israel was beset by its Arab neighbors practically from day one. But in its victories, the Israeli were perhaps a bit greedy in their taking of land, acquiring problems for the future.

  • While there is some peaceful coexistence between Jews and Muslims within Israel, it can't be denied there's been a slow-burning oppression of Palestinians for decades, with political/diplomatic ups and downs.

  • There has always been an anti-Zionist cause on the Arab side (not to mention age-old mutual animosity), which has pretty much consistently denied Israel's very right to exist to the cheerful chant of the implicitly almost genocidal "From the River to the Sea". Along with fuel from Israeli excesses, this cause has nurtured terrorist organizations, to attempt success where conventional warfare has thoroughly failed. When tanks are blunted, callous cowards resort to flying airliners into commercial buildings or making a bloodbath of a music festival.
The Present
  • The October 7 attacks were mindblowingly abominable, something that's seldom acknowledged in Arab and pro-Palestinian media, however much Israeli screwed the pooch afterwards, and however much the authors pretend to care about Palestinian lives. It paints the lopsided picture that one day Israel woke up and sent tanks and bombs into Gazan residential neighborhoods and no Arab did anything wrong.

  • Hamas cares far more about the anti-Zionist cause than the lives of Palestinians. The Arab world by and large cares little about the actual people. They're someone else's problem at best, only a vehicle, a sacrificial lamb for the destruction of Israel at worst.

  • As such, Hamas coldly conducted the October 7 atrocities knowing full well how Israel would likely react. And that was perfectly acceptable to them, given business was slow, apparently, and the flame of "righteousness" needed to be rekindled. No amount of martyrs is too high if it serves to bring down the image and standing of Israel in the eyes of the greater world. A stepping stone towards its obliteration. From their command posts and barracks consciously planted among residences and hospitals, Hamas salivates at the rivers of innocent Palestinian blood, because they serve a higher cause.

  • Pivoting to the Israeli side, a hamfisted, kneejerk blunder from day one. A probable overcompensation for the major intelligence failure and the shame of being unable to prevent the massacre and kidnappings to begin with.

  • With the intelligence network and expertise patently lacking, Israel attempted surgery with a chainsaw. What was ostensibly a hostage rescue operation quickly devolved into an increasingly vengeful retaliation only loosely aimed at Hamas.

  • Is there a genocide going on in Gaza? If not quite de jure due to not meeting this or that pedantic requirement, de facto? Quite likely. Israeli forces have been conducting their operations with little regard for collateral damage and civilians caught in the crossfire. It's been a deliberate choice to use substantial force in a densely populated territory. And I think that to some extent, the hardliner Israeli government has implicitly taken the opportunity to at the very least displace Palestinians. Meanwhile, ostensibly horrified, supposedly commiserate Arab nations have done their best to keep their doors shut.

  • Is Hamas complicit to the Palestinian genocide? And by extension the very "Health Ministry" which insidiously balks at the casualties? Absolutely. If Hamas cared about peace and the lives of their innocent compatriots, they would've handed over the hostages long ago. But the hostages were taken in the first place to prolong military retaliation and therefore amplify Palestinian exposure to the destruction and loss of life that generates. Deliberate farmers of hate and the blood of their own, the decision-makers in Hamas are decidedly the scum of humanity, unshielded by any honestly interpreted religion on the planet. Short of perhaps Satanism.
 
FWIW I thought it was a pretty grounded view.

I would slightly disagree that genocide is occurring and on Israelis aims. Casualties are in line with other notable urban conflicts, including the US in Iraq.
 
FWIW I thought it was a pretty grounded view.

I would slightly disagree that genocide is occurring and on Israelis aims. Casualties are in line with other notable urban conflicts, including the US in Iraq.
Yeah, urban warfare is conventional warfare at its worst. The only way to avoid civilian casualties is to get the civilians out of the warzone. Egypt and other Arab nations should get far more criticism for not allowing Gazans in. Saying that the Israelis shouldn't have gone into Gaza after 10/7 just isn't a reasonable expectation. Any country would have in similar circumstances.

One has to ask why this conflict is treated so differently than others. In other conflicts, there is a concerted effort to get people out of the warzone. In this case, while they can do that to an extent, there is only so much space in Gaza.
 
If these were really prime motivators, they'd have just taken the aforementioned deal, which was a real offer of peace and statehood(and an end to the occupation was offered in said deal).
In your opinion. If the Nakba is too far ago to tie to living people, the aforementioned deals are pretty far in the past too. Neither you nor I were there.
The problem, is that we, as humans, are biased, especially when our own identities are involved, either political ids, ethnic ids, religious ids, and that destroys accurate appraisal of what social movements are really about and their dimensions. In some evidence of this, take this debate. I posit colonialism is not the imperative motivator in 2025. You do.
An imperative motivator. Not necessarily "the". I don't really dwell on weighting them beyond "relevant" or "not relevant".

Do you still disagree that it's relevant? If so, why? Israel has been very clear about retaking specific territories and re-establishing "Judea and Samaria", which they believe they have sole ownership of. Is this not very clearly the expansion of the colony, supplanted by things like project Birthright and whatever domestic policies they may have?
You put faith in academia to arbitrate those matters while avoiding error, and I give no such faith. There is no check in excess of thought there, no quantification to apply. Welcome to post-material politics.
There is no avoiding error. There is only nuance. Or should be, anyway.
He was better when writing on the history of American race issues, and gave stronger thought there. It may surprise you to learn I didn't think terribly poorly of his argument Trump was the first white president. His sloppiness on IP? He took patterns of movements and ideologies that only fit the American context and slapped them over IP.
It doesn't surprise me at all. Conservative opinion on Trump is far more split than conservative opinion on the Middle East. Again, not using it negatively. For a counter example, progressive opinion on incarceration is more split than I would say it is on Trump or the ME.

Can you explain more on the sloppiness you see Coates exhibiting? What US context is he slapping over the ME? Are their zero parallels given that Israel is a 20th century Western-driven creation?

(a good note here is treatment of Western Jews migrating to Israel vs. say, Ethiopian Jews)
If this were a movement truly interested in resistance to colonialism, they'd partner in partition. They've no interest in that. From the River to the Sea, standard phrase to indicate the goal of establishment of political rule over a territory they've not lived on in decades. Sounds like there's a fondness for colonialism over there.
"from the river to the sea" is used in a lot of ways, including purely in solidarity and / or a rejection of Israeli (and therefore Western) hegemony. It's not always the negative that is being suggested here.

This is a whole tangent in of itself to be honest, and on top of that the "modern left" isn't a hivemind with a singular static opinion.

One has to ask why this conflict is treated so differently than others. In other conflicts, there is a concerted effort to get people out of the warzone. In this case, while they can do that to an extent, there is only so much space in Gaza.
On top of that, whenever moved, Israel tends to bomb them along the way, at their destination, and then tells them to move again. Journalists, international peacekeepers, aid workers are all targeted at the same time. It creates a very unsafe environment. And Israel is doing this very much on purpose.
 
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