Capto Iugulum: 1920 - 1939

To: Brazil
From: United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland


Fine, you've convinced us that you are not responsible for any destruction caused by your planes after you sold them to the Indians because that is no longer in your hands. We will modify our offer to give India [100 EP] a year for the duration of their civil war as goodwill payment for the non-aggression pact we desire. There will be no purpose attached to the money whatsoever. They can use it as they please. They can build 100 Hindu temples a year and we will not care. And we won't be responsible for how it is used. Now you won't have to worry about Britain funding a war, because we won't be funding India anything; we're just giving annual gifts in thanks for the non-aggression pact.

Also, stop spreading slander about us. We never provided any of the funding you say we did. We have no guilt, and our offer is simply because we strongly desire a non-aggression pact with India.

Spoiler :
OOC: Lucky, stop. No one who reads this NES will want to have anything to do with you as an ally ever again if you're going to keep telling secrets to the world (some of it told OOC). We all know that just about everyone is engaged in some dirty backdoor dealing (that's part of what makes it fun), but spilling out every single thing I've done since the beginning of the NES, when at times we were cooperating so I kinda had to tell you, is not very mature or really all that IC. I don't want to have to keep lying and denying for every single thing I've ever done.

And you can sure bet I won't want to talk with you via chat anymore, not when I fear that everything I say will end up on the thread.

And to anyone else reading this, yes, I am admitting that some of what Lucky says is true (what is and what isn't, I'm not telling). But IC, Britain denies all of it, so take that into account. As it stands, Lucky has no IC proof for anything he says. (Also note that looking for the proof "knowing" that it may exist is also probably OOC).
 
Circuit said:
I don't want to have to keep lying and denying for every single thing I've ever done.

OOC: Why not? I do. I apologize if you find my use of IC information, which isn't even a secret to the world stage and never has been, as offensive.

TO: United Kingdom
FROM: Brazil


This is not about what Britain wants, it is about what India wants. That is the point we are trying to get across. India said no. Let them say no. There is nothing to be done about it and throwing money at them seems like a precursor for threats if they refuse. If anything, Britain should work to repair damages by seeking the surrender of rebel forces to the Indian government. Brazil would be willing to assist in this effort.
 
OOC: Why not? I do. I apologize if you find my use of IC information, which isn't even a secret to the world stage and never has been, as offensive.

OOC: Some of the stuff you've mentioned is, IC, only rumor (some of it not true, even if you would expect it to be); until some credible evidence is brought forward, it cannot be confirmed, and Brazil is just spouting off. But some of that stuff we were on the same side of the issue, and if Brazil can bring forward any evidence, that would severely discredit the Brazilian government, and while other powers may snicker, the would be very reluctant to work with them. I'm sure someone knows IR better than me, but I would say that one of the few rules in international politics is that you don't publicly announce secrets between two governments (save for regime changes, a la Iranian Revolution). Doing so destroys a government's international credibility and they will become isolated; no one deals with a snitch. Unless the Brazilian government is really that irrational, they would refrain from publicly announcing that information.
 
OOC: Some of the stuff you've mentioned is, IC, only rumor (some of it not true, even if you would expect it to be); until some credible evidence is brought forward, it cannot be confirmed, and Brazil is just spouting off. But some of that stuff we were on the same side of the issue, and if Brazil can bring forward any evidence, that would severely discredit the Brazilian government, and while other powers may snicker, the would be very reluctant to work with them. I'm sure someone knows IR better than me, but I would say that one of the few rules in international politics is that you don't publicly announce secrets between two governments (save for regime changes, a la Iranian Revolution). Doing so destroys a government's international credibility and they will become isolated; no one deals with a snitch. Unless the Brazilian government is really that irrational, they would refrain from publicly announcing that information.

OOC: Nothing has been mentioned that harms Brazil in any way, nor has Brazil worked with Britain in a fashion that could harm Brazil in a very long time. I'm not seeing the passages you're concerned with. But then you also have to remember the rules of diplomacy do not apply to your rivals. By definition you can't snitch on someone you're not actively protecting. :p

The United States is not a snitch on Syria, for example.
 
To: Britain
From: India


Again, we have no wish to entangle ourselves any further internationally. You claim that what you are offering is a gift, but do not think that we are so naive as to think that there will be no stings attached. The fact that you only choose to treat with us now, when the rebels are on the run, is quite telling. Whereas other nations have stood with us from the start, yourselves and the Iranians have stood back to allow bloodshed to reign in the subcontinent, and even this is a generous assessment, because it assumes that the Brazilian allegations are not true. Regardless, India has no use for such fickle friends, and ask you to stop making these offers to us, for your attempts at bribery are gravely insulting to out government.


To: Brazil
From: India


We thank you for defending our nation's honor while Britain has tried to treat us like one of their cheap Iranian prostitutes. India would like to see a blooming of relations between our two states; could Brazil perhaps begin by guaranteeing our independence? It is hard to feel comfortable being surrounded by such rapacious neighbors.
 
To: Brazil
From: India


We thank you for defending our nation's honor while Britain has tried to treat us like one of their cheap Iranian prostitutes. India would like to see a blooming of relations between our two states; could Brazil perhaps begin by guaranteeing our independence? It is hard to feel comfortable being surrounded by such rapacious neighbors.

TO: India
FROM: Brazil


We would be delighted to work with your government and agree to protect your sovereignty. We will approach the Lisbon Pact to see what further assistance we can be to your nation. Never be subject to renewed imperialism. You are free.
 
OOC: Nothing has been mentioned that harms Brazil in any way, nor has Brazil worked with Britain in a fashion that could harm Brazil in a very long time. I'm not seeing the passages you're concerned with. But then you also have to remember the rules of diplomacy do not apply to your rivals. By definition you can't snitch on someone you're not actively protecting. :p

OOC: Even Putin has told Snowden he needs to stop leaking. He knows that harboring a leaker is asking for trouble. It doesn't matter if your attitude of the regime with whom you cooperated changes; snitching is snitching, and it's very bad for a nation's credibility. I know because in CIEN, when I tried publishing a Spanish document that said they would not attack the Aztec Empire, luring the USA into a conflict with Spain and destroying the US Army, I got jumped on for publishing Milarqui's PM saying it was fine to invade. I was told that it would discourage anyone from working with the USA because a message made in confidence... is in confidence.

Ever heard of the grim strategy? It's a strategy for iterated prisoners' dilemma games where a player cooperates until the other player defects; after that, always defect. I would imagine that, in sharing information between governments along with making alliances, most nations follow the grim strategy. In other words, always cooperate until the other player defects; afterwords, always defect. Brazil dumping secrets like that would amount to a defection, and every other nation will respond by refusing to cooperate with Brazil permanently, as punishment for defecting and to send a message to anyone else speculating a similar defection. So in dumping information like that, Brazil shoots themselves in the foot; no one will ever want to cooperate with them again, lest Brazil decides they don't like them anymore then publishes every secret they have ever shared (and seriously, Lucky, there were some issues we were on the same side on).

IC:
To: Britain
From: India


Again, we have no wish to entangle ourselves any further internationally. You claim that what you are offering is a gift, but do not think that we are so naive as to think that there will be no stings attached. The fact that you only choose to treat with us now, when the rebels are on the run, is quite telling. Whereas other nations have stood with us from the start, yourselves and the Iranians have stood back to allow bloodshed to reign in the subcontinent, and even this is a generous assessment, because it assumes that the Brazilian allegations are not true. Regardless, India has no use for such fickle friends, and ask you to stop making these offers to us, for your attempts at bribery are gravely insulting to out government.

To: India
From: United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland


We were involved in a bloody conflict in China that demanded everything we could muster. Notice that when India asked for Argentina to withdraw, Britain immediately suggested that Argentina sign a non-aggression pact with India. And what we are offering is not a bribe, and we could not offer such an arrangement before; again, we were completely devoted to winning the war in China. Now that we are free, we would like to help your government because we can afford to. If we are going to have good relations, we would like the Indian government to emerge victorious. In other words, we offer what we have because we want you to win and prosper!

Since when has offering a non-aggression pact been an infringement on Indian sovereignty? Doesn't that imply that we recognize the Indian government as legitimate and has a right to exist? If what you want is a guarantee of independence, we can provide that as well! What's wrong with a non-aggression pact? Do you have deigns on Iranian or British territory? Is that why you won't sign one? That's the only reason we could imagine (and if we have a lack of imagination, then enlighten us how you are willing to sign a non-aggression pact with Argentina and get a guarantee of independence from Brazil but are not willing to accept a non-aggression pact with Britain and Iran that otherwise comes with no strings attached; seriously, all we want is a guarantee that India won't attack the United Kingdom or Iran).
 
OOC: Or maybe I'm lying. Those simple words could have saved you if you were concerned. Rule #1 is to lie, is it not?
 
OOC: Or maybe I'm lying. Those simple words could have saved you if you were concerned. Rule #1 is to lie, is it not?

OOC: On some of that stuff, you are. But it's not like this is the first time you've announced a secret (i.e. the deal with Florida and the proles), and I don't think it will be the last.
 
OOC: On some of that stuff, you are. But it's not like this is the first time you've announced a secret (i.e. the deal with Florida and the proles), and I don't think it will be the last.

OOC: To quote Abigail Adams, "He who lays with vipers should be less surprised when bitten"
 
OOC: To quote Abigail Adams, "He who lays with vipers should be less surprised when bitten"

Touché. I will admit that some of this is my fault, an error I won't make again.
 
Touché. I will admit that some of this is my fault, an error I won't make again.

OOC: If Lucky is as bad as you say, I have a feeling you will.

Don't put the blame on Lucky though, it's not really fair to him. You're trying to bend OOC perception for IC gain, he's been a very reliable ally and your evidence against him is kinda unimpressive.
 
OOC: If Lucky is as bad as you say, I have a feeling you will.

Don't put the blame on Lucky though, it's not really fair to him. You're trying to bend OOC perception for IC gain, he's been a very reliable ally and your evidence against him is kinda unimpressive.

I'll put it this way: I specifically have a problem with the final list of incidents he mentioned. I'm fine with him suggesting the UK supported Argentina; given the UK-Argentine relationship, it's not too surprising for someone to consider that possibility, and I expected that accusation. I also would have had no complaints if he cited Britain's support of Kongo rebels, since that is common knowledge, or if he had criticized Britain for attacking China unjustly. But that list of nations I specifically have a problem with; that is not common knowledge, and more importantly was a secret sometimes told OOC in casual conversation, or sometimes because we were on the same side of the issue and I felt he should know (what's worse, Lucky was very critical that I had not become militarily involved in some of those cases).

Was I foolish for being so careless to tell him things like that? Of course I was, and I'm just as mad at myself as I am at him. But still... I don't think that was appropriate.
 
OOC: Newsflash. You're Britain. You're supposed to have a problem with everyone and have a plan for everyone. I've got a plan for everyone. Simply listing off a bunch of countries you've worked against isn't a secret, it's called political maneuvering using common knowledge. If you weren't working against someone there would be a major problem. Your perception of whose or what side I'm on at any given moment is, by your own words, almost entirely unknowable. :p Don't take things personally, Circuit. It's politics.
 
On Sanctity and the Life of the Church​

~Encyclical of Pope Pius X

-​

In modern life, there is the tendency amongst some quarters of the faithful to substitute for real faith, rooted in love of God, with a mere loyalty to the Church as an organization with rules for its members. Instead of being aware of the awful privilege of assisting at Holy Mass, many Catholics go to church on Sunday just as they fulfil profane duties out of loyalty to the country or to an institution to which they belong. That is, they perform this task because they just happen to be Catholics. Here, indeed, the letter of the law has replaced the spirit. This substitution of loyalty for holy obedience and grateful love indicates the loss of a true understanding of the nature of the Church. It suggests that the Church is a merely human institution rather than the divine institution it truly is.

We recall how many say that the proletarists are not enemies of the Church so long as they do not attack it. These persons do not understand that the Church is attacked each time God is offended by an injustice. They have become blind to the universality of the Church. They have forgotten the words of the sovereign pontiffs who repeatedly over time have said that they are fathers of all, whether men wanted to accept it or not, whether they knew it or not. They had forgotten that St. Ambrose, the saintly bishop of Milan, refused to let the Emperor Theodosius into church because he had killed six thousand innocent persons in Samos. St. Ambrose did not ask whether those murdered innocents were Catholics or not.

The consideration of the Church as a state (confusing the territories of the Holy See that guarantee its sovereignty with the spiritual and divine institution of the Church) or, even worse, as a political party could indeed be called a Catholic ghetto mentality. This outlook fails to see that unlike all natural institutions, the Church has no other interests than those of God.

Still another example of dried-up religion is a phenomenon one could well call employeeism. Instead of emanating a spirit of holy unction, of loving zeal for the glorification of God and for guiding the faithful to Christ, priests have sometimes behaved as if they were employees of the Church. The way such priests say Mass suggests the performance of a professional duty. Their contact with the faithful is similar to that of an organization official dealing with clients.

In contrast to the priest who leads an immoral life or who is immersed in worldly preoccupations—a danger widespread in the Renaissance—these employee-priests who have taken the letter for the spirit do not have a bad conscience. They feel themselves to be very correct and loyal. This makes their attitude, though not sinful as the other is, very dangerous to the life of the Church. They not only tend to reduce their own religious life to correctness and loyalty; they also influence the faithful to take such an approach.

A widespread symptom of such a formalistic or legalistic religion is overestimation of organization. Full personal commitment, as well as immediate contact from person to person, is being more and more replaced by organizations. The efficiency or organizations in the life of civilization—in activities of a social, practical order—has created the illusion that this more mechanized, impersonal way of dealing with problems is just what religious life needs. And yet, in religion everything depends upon personal contact.

A typical example of this illusion is the way many have interpreted the words of our predecessor Paul VI, who repeatedly called for personal piety and sanctity in public and personal life. The Pope called for penetration of the entire life of the layman by the spirit of Christ and for a new participation of laymen in the apostolate. Yet this sublime call to full personal commitment was interpreted by many as a summons to mere organizational activity—as if the main task was to establish a headquarters for all Catholic associations instead of developing personal holiness, and personal loving piety towards Jesus Christ.

The root cause of this kind of formalism and legalism consists precisely in approaching supernatural truth through natural categories. Even though the supernatural was stressed in the abstract, those responsible for ossification in the Church retain a way of thinking and acting that is secular. The moment they left the abstract plane, their approach to religion breathes only a secular atmosphere, influenced by the regressive trends of the modern world, which could not sustain authentic Christian revelation. Absent is the breath of Christ, the epiphany of God; absent is the perfume of holiness, the splendor of the supernatural, all so gloriously present in the saints and homines religiosi to whom we have referred. This lack drains life from religion, creates a Catholic ghetto, and deprives the message of Christ of its irresistible power leading inexorably to spiritual sloth, to the grave detriment of the faithful and the Church.

It is against this background of a legalistic and formalistic conceptions of religion, then, that we must see the appeal of the Magisterium for a vivification of our Holy religion. One of the things we consider necessary is that bishops become less mere administrators, and more spiritual fathers of their dioceses and to their priests.

Furthermore, It is difficult for us to understand how the vivification of religion can be sought in a secularization of religion, as the liberals and proletarists insistently advocate in their bids to sap the Church of its divine character. If religion is to penetrate our lives, the primary requisite is that it be itself authentic religion. The first step toward vivification, therefore, is to replace mere learning with a discovery of the glory of Christian faith. The Church must be recognized as the Mystical Body of Christ and profane loyalty must be replaced with holy obedience and the ardent love of the Church. Moreover, instead of concentrating exclusively and maliciously on the narrowness and legalism that have appeared in the Church over the last centuries, one should rather call attention to the host of saints and great religious personalities which blossomed during this period. They are the pattern of true vitality, the very opposite of the inhabitants of a Catholic ghetto. Their example reveals how to overcome the arid, formalistic, legalistic tendencies that ossify religion. To think of a Don Bosco, a Lacordaire, a Phillip Neri or a Newman is to discern the path leading to true vivification.

True vivification requires that the supernatural spirit of Christ be fully thrown into relief. This means eliminating any blurring of the distinction between the natural and the supernatural. Yet those confused by the errors of the world would opt for more blurring. They believe that vivification can come to pass through secularization. They want to increase the thrust of natural categories. They thus advocate a cure that was the very cause of the formalism of religious life in the past. In calling for a full and deliberate secularization, they recommend worldly activism and bohemian freedom. They forget that what was wrong with the dried-up, formalistic approach that stressed the letter over the spirit was precisely that the Holy Spirit was screened out by abstraction and by too great a concession to purely natural methods.

They forget that victory of Christ in every domain of life is the real end. Yet buries is the Christian faith and Christian life when the attempt is made to overcome the sterility of legalistic religion by turning from the spirit of Christ to the saeculum, by substituting for the holy fire of Christ a secular enthusiasm, by forgetting the supernatural vitality of the saints and embracing the nervous, hectic, profane preoccupations of the modern world, filled as it is with the pernicious errors of liberalism, proletarism, secularism, modernism and positivism.

It is easy to feel oneself alive and free if one forgets about the unum necessarium, the one thing necessary, and directs all one’s powers toward secular endeavours. It is easy to feel oneself bursting with energy if, for example, the clearance of slums concerns one more than transformation in Christ. What the liberals and those they have confused call “leaving the Catholic ghetto” is in reality giving up the Catholic and keeping the ghetto. They would replace the universal Church with the ghetto of secularism, with imprisonment in a stifling immanentism, with isolation in a world that sits in umbra mortis, in the shadow of death. To achieve a unity of religion and life by adapting religion to the saeculum does not result in a union of religion with our daily life, but reduces religion to the pursuit of purely mundane goals.

Now It must certainly be admitted that priests have, at times, scandalized people because of their religious mediocrity. Oftentimes, they were harmless bourgeois whose personalities never breathed a religious atmosphere. Sometimes they were filled with suspicion against every sort of élan. They oversimplified all questions. They were incapable of understanding the message of God contained in great art and in other great natural works of man.

These were regrettable features, indeed, of the practical life of the Church. But the way to overcome them is certainly not to encourage priests to fall into another extreme by abandoning their former narrowness for indiscriminate ravings about secular crudities or for a taste insensitive to vulgarity. This is to flee from one mediocrity to another. The progressives and enemies of the Church tend to believe that narrowness is the only kind of mediocrity. They forget that being blind to those things which are antagonistic to true greatness and true culture and lavishing enthusiasm on shallow worldliness are expressions of a more blatant mediocrity and are even more incompatible with religion.

The fallacy in the progressivist approach is obvious. If we assert that religion should permeate our lives, the implication is that we should break through to the realization of the primary vocation, the very meaning of our lives, which is our re-creation in Christ. We should then no longer be exclusively absorbed by the immanent logic of our professional lives or by everyday preoccupations, but should see them and all things in the light of Christ. Indeed, the echo of our self-donation to Christ should resound through all the scenes of our lives.

It is the very opposite of uniting true religion with everyday life to believe that all that is demanded from a Christian is to fulfill the duties prescribed by the logic of his secular life. This would mean the absorption of religion by secular activities, so that we would be satisfied that in fulfilling the requirements of these we were doing everything that God could ask of us. In reality this is to avoid the confrontation with Christ. Those who act in this way are Christians in name only. The decisive question for the vivification of religion today is whether through the light of Christ our everyday lives will become deeply changed and adapted to Him, or whether the Christian religion is to be adapted to the immanent logic of mundane concerns.

This mistaken approach to uniting the Christian religion with the whole of our life promotes efficiency over holiness. This error, which marks the proposals of the so-called "Old Catholic Church" in Argentina, and the mentalities of those protestant sects which have bowed to the proletarist zeitgeist in their countries of origin, betrays the loss of the sensus supranaturalis. The quality of holiness and the self-revelation of God in Christ are simply not seen or, if seen, misunderstood and downgraded. The ideal of these progressive reformers seems to be that instead of aiming at a transformation in Christ and being a witness to the Christian revelation, a Catholic should be as little as possible distinguishable from a humanitarian philanthropist.

This absurd proposition is diametrically opposed to the command of Our Lord that the primary good is to Love the Lord Our God with all our being, and that the second is only "like" it, in that it is a logical progression of interior sanctity, that is, love of neighbour. The Church, and all the faithful must in the light of the errors we have mentioned renew themselves in conformity with this divine decree, rejecting pharisaic secularising institutionalism that masquerades as faith, and immersing themselves deeply of the stream of real faith, that is found in the cultivation of the interior life and in personal sanctity, witnessed through the heroic example of the saints. Through this, a true spring-time of the Church can be achieved, and the vivification of the Church and society at large can proceed in earnest.

We impart the apostolic benediction.

Pope Pius X
 
To: Brazil
From: High Shahansha Naser al-Din II of the Shahdom of Iran

As much as Brazil feels the need to constantly intervene in other nation's matters, this is none of their business. The disagreement here is between India and the nations attempting to reach agreements with it. Brazil has no need to be involved, especially divulging information it has no basis of fact on. Or would you like us to reveal your plans to one day war against our nation to "avenge the Arabs" to the world?
 
To: Brazil
From: High Shahansha Naser al-Din II of the Shahdom of Iran

As much as Brazil feels the need to constantly intervene in other nation's matters, this is none of their business. The disagreement here is between India and the nations attempting to reach agreements with it. Brazil has no need to be involved, especially divulging information it has no basis of fact on. Or would you like us to reveal your plans to one day war against our nation to "avenge the Arabs" to the world?

TO: Persia
FROM: Brazil


Reveal them all you like, usurpers. We have nothing to fear from noting our disapproval of your rule of Arabian Iraq. It is no secret of ours that you have hold on. We seek peace and moderation, and the Indian government requested our protection in this matter, so we obliged.
 
To: India
From: High Shahansha Naser al-Din II of the Shahdom of Iran

You hurt us with your insults and speak of cheap whores. We had kind friendship for years, friendship that collapsed when your civil war began. You question our integrity, because we had only offrr the pact now that your victory is in sight, questioning why we did not join the war sooner if we cared so greatly. There was a private reason for this. The last time Iran mobilozed its armies Russia grew suspicious and fu of threats. We simply wished to prevent an escalation of tension. We apologize for not showing support sooner.
 
From the Confederation
To the World
CC the Netherlands


The Confederation proudly announces the conclusion of bilateral trade negotiations with the Netherlands; we look forward to a prosperous future:

Confederation-Netherlands Free Trade Agreement

The Confederation of Continental States and the United Republic of the Netherlands hereby agree:

1. To eliminate all tariffs on goods and services originating in each others' respective states.

2. To eliminate existing import quotas and not implement new import quotas, on goods and services originating in each others' respective states.

Spoiler :
Signed, the Plenipotentiaries of the Confederation of Continental States
Signed, Stadtholder Hans Sterk
 
Confederation-Netherlands Free Trade Agreement

The Confederation of Continental States and the United Republic of the Netherlands hereby agree:

1. To eliminate all tariffs on goods and services originating in each others' respective states.

2. To eliminate existing import quotas and not implement new import quotas, on goods and services originating in each others' respective states.

Signed, Stadtholder Hans Sterk
 
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