JSNES03: Déjà Vu, Jamais Vu, Presque Vu

My power was out last night (check weather channel archives if you have too :p ), it made me miss das orders too -_-

Sending right now, give mercy good sir.
 
lurker's comment: Avast! Start the update anyway without the slackers!...please.
 
I sent hours ago! I woke up early to see if my power was on because I feared Josef so much :mischief:
 
Azale said:
I sent hours ago! I woke up early to see if my power was on because I feared Josef so much :mischief:
Click to expand...

Comrade Azale, do you plan to get on AIM soon, I have some diplomacy Id like to talk to you about but I dont see you on anymore.
 
Still missing Arecomicia. But, you know, what you said. ;)
 
Good progress was made today, expect the update completed tomorrow. I'm trying to give all of you a bit of attention, if possible.

I haven't done the new world, though, so Spain, if you get the chance, send some bloody orders.
 
Alright, all but the new world (including stats, except new world stats) is done. I was hoping for some orders from Spain, but seeing how it hasn't come, I shall begin without him. Expect the update either late tonight, or early tomorrow.
 
Update #3; 1822-1823 A.D. “So you say you want a revolution…”

“The time to stop a revolution is at the beginning, not the end.” -Anonymous
​

You know it‘s gonna be alright

“A liberal is a person whose interests aren't at stake at the moment” -King Louis XVII

For those who had reveled in the ushering in of this new, continental revolution, few realized exactly what was going to come of it. Sure, the economic implications were obvious; all would benefit from the increasing number of cheap, manufactured goods available to the populace at large. But, these were not the only things disseminating amongst the populations of Europe in the 1820’s, for alongside them came some very dangerous ideas.

In many areas across Europe, the attitudes of the people are changing. Cities like Amsterdam, Madrid, and London have become havens for intellectuals, liberals, and radicals espousing dangerous ideas of full participatory democracy, and in some cases, orbanism. This does not bode well for the conservative monarchies of Europe; especially in France and Belgium, a sizable expatriate community has developed advocating the violent political and social reform of their mother countries. France has, thus far, done a fairly effective job on carting off rebels (more on that later) and throwing paltry appeasements to the masses, utilizing the media to create an ideology of “Popular Monarchism”, a sort of deeply engrained support of benevolent rulers based on faith and tradition. Though this has seen much success, and Belgium has for its part attempted to imitate it, this has done little to appeal to the increasingly numerous working classes who find themselves mostly disenfranchised and frustrated due to the lack of representation in the Parlement. The Holy Roman Empire, too, has seen a considerable number of agitated workers in its Rhineland provinces, those who break considerably from the traditional leanings of the vast majority of the rest of the German holdings, and some in Germany fear a breakdown of the increasingly centralized empire due to geographically diverse political and social desires for reform.

Even the democracies are not immune to these changes. Holland, increasingly wealthy due to an influx of intellectuals, industrialists, and a banking and industrial boom, has found itself becoming one of the most radical of democracies in Europe. Though the banking elite remains very powerful (and solidly classically liberal) there is considerable tension with the working class, led by the Amsterdam intellectuals, to institute certain aspects of government intervention to better the lives of all the citizens of the Netherlands. Needless to say, some of the conservatives call this bordering on Orbanism, but the proponents insist it is instead a form of “Socialism”, a form of government that can coexist with democracy. The working classes have securely attached themselves to it, but many of the more conservative farmers, classically liberal banking, capitalist, and middle classes have stood staunchly opposed. Thus far, socialist efforts to gain majorities in the Dutch Parliament have failed, but as time goes on their support only grows, and many conservatives are beginning to reconsider their populist, full participatory democracy…

In Italy, these ideas have not fallen on deaf ears. Though nations like Venice remain solidly conservative and supportive of their dictators, in an ironic twist of events, the Kingdom of Two Sicilies has become one of the more liberal of Italian states. Having poured considerable amounts of its treasury into educating its people, the two Sicilies has removed many of the regional leanings (especially in Sicily itself) and unified its people behind a sort of Spanish model of government. This is still causing considerable tension; though Southern Italy has attracted some intellectuals and industrialists, it remains one of the most agrarian parts of Italy, and the conservative farmers and traditionalists have only become more and more reactionary as a result of Naples’ liberal reforms. Expressing their discontent in both the Parliament (More similar to the Spanish Cortes) and with sabotage to the reaching of government into the more remote inland areas, the reactionaries of the Two Sicilies have become a serious impediment to the King’s extension of his power across his lands. Piedmont has had more success in this area, being slightly better suited for industrialization than the agrarian south. Still, like Sicily, the reactionaries of Piedmont have separated themselves from the King, and decry the distancing of relations between Piedmont and France in recent times.

Last, but not least, is the increasingly enlightened region of Scandinavia. The Scandinavian government, having become one of the first European nations to guarantee compulsory education to its citizens (to be fair, it has very few of them compared to some other European countries), may just be shooting itself in the foot. As the people of Scandinavia have become more educated, too have they realized the follies of Monarchy, and calls for the Senat to ascend to superiority over the king have become louder and, in some areas, more violent. These ideals have a significant geographical trend; those of Denmark especially still support the King and find themselves the more conservative traditionalists of the Empire, while those in Sweden have seen their opportunity to undermine Danish authority through use of the Senat. The Danes, seeing that the Swedish population will give them an edge over them, have been forced to make use of the army to crush considerable protests in Stockholm and the capital itself, and talk of a Swedish rebellion (or, more accurately, an anti-monarchist rebellion) have become widespread and gone out of the King’s control. It is likely that very soon the Empire will find itself in a regional crisis.

(+A third dose of ominous feelings. You guys need to bloody do something to instigate them :p)

Le Jaunissement

Note: The British parties are as follows: moderate (conservatives), reform (moderate), and radical (liberal). Blame Das for the confusing names.

In Britain, the time had finally come for the long lived Prime Minister, John Cartwright, to retire. Having been in poor health for more than a few months, Cartwright resigned as Prime Minister in early 1824 and new elections were called for the British Parliament. Cartwright hand picked his successor, a fellow reformer by the name of Lord Palmerston. As predicted, the reform party held on to its power in parliament, but what was unexpected was the considerable showing of both the moderate and radical parties. The moderate party, calling on Britain to intervene in North America on the anglo’s behalf, gained considerable seats to challenge Reform authority. In fact, with radicals stealing a couple of seats from the reform, reform actually found itself the second largest party in parliament rather than the first. However, quickly forming a coalition government with the radicals (as had been done before) reform managed to hold on to its power, but was now completely dependent on the radicals to undermine the moderate party’s plurality.

Reform’s first actions were to create a landmark cabinet for the Prime Minister. Comprised of Scots, Britons, and Irishmen, the cabinet became the first to incorporate a catholic member, much to the chagrin of some of the remaining Anglican fanatics. Still, Anglican power had been severely weakened with the exile of the King to Georgia, and with Ireland increasingly friendly to the British government, Catholic-Protestant tensions (at least in Britain itself) had all but disappeared.

The next action taken by the new government would be, by far, its most controversial. It would not be fair to say that the reform party was anti-imperialist, nearly all favored Britain’s position as a powerful colonial power. However, reform doctrine had increasingly moved Britain back into Europe’s affairs, and with radical influence (and many radicals were, indeed, somewhat isolationist in terms of empire) a tremendous overhaul of colonial security was enacted. Using a sizable portion of the treasury, more than 400,000 (mostly Japanese) colonial soldiers were trained and equipped, British style, to enforce British rule over its holdings. The moderate party’s members were not pleased; they saw this move as a way for Britain’s more liberal parties to rule by proxy that which Britain should be dealing with directly. The British East Asia company, too, decried this move, especially in Japan, where they found themselves increasingly frightened by potential for Japanese rebellion. Those on the left, however, argued that this only strengthened Britain’s position, allowing it to solidify the loyalty of a large number of Japanese soldiers, and show as an example to the people of the Islands as a whole. Still, many in the military leadership fear this move could do more harm than good, citing that, even though most of the hardcore traditionalists and Samurai refused to abandon their traditional ways, the colonial soldiers are still considerably more conservative than the rest of Japan, and, some fear, still more loyal to the Emperor than the King.

Britain:
(-1 confidence)

A Risky Venture

“Industry is a better horse to ride than genius.” -Imperator Viktor I

As Russian forces returned from the bloody victory of the Turkish war, Viktor made use of his soldiers for propaganda purposes, and many soon forgot the horrors of the war, being swept up in the nationalistic fervor. Russia had regained its former territories in Georgia, defended the faith, and now, Viktor had an even better surprise. A railroad was to be built, stretching from Moscow and St. Petersburg in the West to the Pacific Ocean in the east. Quite a few eyebrows were raised at this announcement, and Viktor’s own finance minister protested loudly. Siberia remained mostly undeveloped; a veritable wasteland, with few citizens and few resources. The military was one of the few supporters of the plan, hoping to cement Russian control which had still not totally recovered since the civil war. Despite protests from most of the Russian leadership, Viktor’s word was law, and the Russian nation set forth constructing what, if completed, would become the longest railroad in the world.

As soon as the construction was officially announced, Industrialists across Russia cheered. The efforts caught the eye of British and German steel manufactories, as well as those interested in exploiting the Southern Russian coal and Iron reserves. Very quickly, the budding industries of Russia were given considerable stimuli, and many hope that Russia may be on the road to competing with the rest of Europe Industrially.

Russia:
(+1 confidence, +1 EC)

No Rest For the Weary

“Sometimes I wonder… were the Turks not given a reprieve from the hell of our Earth?” -Anonymous Greek in Anatolia

For the Greek people, the past decades have been nothing but hardship. Finally, with the Turks decisively crushed, the Greeks thought that, finally, their troubles were over. Alas, they were wrong.

It is no secret that the Greek people had long been frustrated by their inefficient, corrupt, and nespotic government. However, the greater threat of Turkish resurgence, HRE or Russian conquest, had kept the people united behind Constantinople. This frustration had been further amplified by the disastrous Montenegrin invasion, which dealt a blow to one of the Byzantine’s most vital loyalty base; the military. Though victory would be won against the Turks, it was obvious that had the Russians not intervened, chances of success would have been extremely low. The military was unhappy, and, when they got their orders to begin killing fellow Christians in Syria, they had had enough. The people, too, were disillusioned by Konstantinos XIII’s extravagance, paranoia, and seeming madness. Raised in relative opulence in Constantinople, he was not viewed as a well meaning old man like that of his father.

On the night of April 17th, the coup began. The military had secured considerable funding from outside sources, and with it had ensured the loyalty (or turning of a blind eye) by much of the potential opposition to their actions. Military personnel awaited Konstantin’s retirement to bed, and shortly thereafter stormed his palace with the intent of capturing him. The royal guards put up more opposition than expected, and Konstantin was able to awaken and prepare himself for an early departure while the coup de etat were forced into a prolonged shootout with royal guards. Unfortunately for Konstantin, however, an informant had revealed to the dissidents the various exits of the royal palace, and just as Konstantin (and, as the coupers would later make well known, his mistress) attempted to escape the palace, he was apprehended by the rebellious officers.

From here it was downhill for Konstantinos’ former monarchy. With the Emperor captured, the military, led by General Daxios Pellopimios (Change it damn it, I just made something out of Dachspmg :p) declared an end to the inefficient monarchy, promising a new government of efficient, effective rule. Many were very skeptical of this call, noting that the military had been one of, if not the most, inefficient facets of the former Byzantine government. Popular support was mixed, but overall those Greeks in Europe were more content (or hopeful for change) under Pellopimios’ rule than that of Konstantinos, and Catholics, Druze, and other Christian minorities across the Empire rejoiced. The least happy were the Greeks who had fought the Turks and lived in Anatolia near the formerly threatened lands, who were far more appreciative of Konstantinos (and his father’s) work to crush the Turks. These lands entered open rebellion against the military, fed by those of the military who refused to jump on board with the coup. Clashes ensued, but as order was firmly established across the Bosphorous, coup forces landed on the coasts and secured the cities from the royalist opposition. Sensing that all out civil war might give way to a second Turkish rebellion (though most Turks were now dead or displaced), many put down their arms after the initial show of force. Still, royalists camp out in some areas, and Turks have rejoined the fight (especially along the Persian border) against the oppressive Greeks. General Daxios Pellopimios has yet to make any significant changes under his rule, much to the chagrin of the hopeful people, and may find himself in a precarious position of total order, and reform, does not come soon. The fate of Konstantinos also remains in question; the royalists have continued to fight knowing that he still lives somewhere in a military prison.

Byzantines:
(-1 confidence, -11 Infantry (rabble, defections and resistors), -7 Infantry (Untrained, defections and resistors), -2 Infantry (Green, defections and resistors), -1 Guard-art (Dead loyalists))

Reefer Madness

“In the course of history many more people have died for their drink and their dope than have died for their religion or their country.” -Catholic Missionary Jean Lestouvre

The problem of opium, a severe headache for the Chinese Imperial government, has reached an all-time high in causing trouble for the government. Smuggled in under increasingly less stringent trade laws by Dutch, Scandinavian, and British merchants (as well as some smuggling across from India itself), opium is being increasingly used by the male population of China. Addiction is widespread, especially in areas of China where European influence ensures a steady supply. It is becoming increasingly common for Europeans to extort the Chinese, through the control of the opium supplies, to meet the ever increasing demand for tea and other Chinese goods. The government has tried to curb these trends, but for the most part is unable due to inefficiency and the sheer scale of addiction. European missionaries, though banned, have done their part to help treat the addicts, replacing their opium with, conveniently, a belief in God and Jesus.

Of course, opium has not been confined to China. Especially as British soldiers become increasingly bored and in need of other forms of recreation, opium has begin to penetrate Japan. Though not nearly as widespread, the Japanese populace has increasingly been introduced to the drug, which can enter the country in virtually unlimited numbers with no control over legality. This has jaded the yet angrier conservative populace, who see opium as yet another symbol of Western corruption of their society, and has turned many of the more moderate Japanese, tolerant of Western influence, into hatred and contempt. The British are mostly unable to curb the import of the drug, especially as the British East Asia company has profited from its trafficking and thus opposed any drives to prevent it from being banned. However, as more and more British soldiers return to Britain suffering from the withdrawal symptoms of former (and continuing) addiction, movement to crack down on this problem in Japan is enjoying wider support. Regardless, it is yet another thorn in the side of British authorities, who find Japan as a whole increasingly dangerous in its potential for revolt.

(+Many angry anti-Westerners in Japan)

Allahu Akbar

The Mughal empire has seen a flurry of increased activity, as the Shah has had a bit of a religious epiphany. The Mughals had long been a rallying point, a bastion of Islamic virtue in Hindu India, and as such the Shah took it upon himself to aggressively begin converting the populace of Northern India to Islam by any means necessary. This, of course, did not make the mostly Hindu population terribly happy, and as Islamic soldiers began coming down upon their farms and confiscating their lands for refusing to convert, more than a few began open rebellion against the Islamic state. This was most pronounced in the western areas, where Muslims are in fact a minority among the Hindu majority. Dehli became the center of the Hindu resistance, but was quickly crushed by the Islamic army which increasingly found itself with European weaponry, and advisors sent from Britain and France to aid it in its endeavors. The main focus of the Shah, however, was the invasion of the innocent Nepalese to the North.

Nepal never honestly thought it could defeat the Mughals; its paltry army was only powerful enough to at best delay the invaders, making use of the terrain to inflict disproportionate casualties upon them. Already angered due to the mistreatment of Buddhists and Hindus within their lands, the Nepalese called on the other Indian states to aid them against the Mughals. Fearing European intervention, however, none heeded the call, but collaboration between the Mughal’s neighbors did indicate future agreements may have been struck in light of the Nepalese invasion. Still, with the odds stacked against it, Nepal fell to the Islamic forces, who quickly ransacked its ancient cities and destroyed valuable remnants of its Buddhist traditions.

Word of the Mughal invasion did eventually reached European ears, and they were not pleased. Europe (especially France) had painstakingly organized the Indian states into a solid balance of power, ensuring the stability which fostered European trade and exploitation. Now the Mughals threatened this, and it remains to be seen how the Europeans deal with the potential spark point of India.

Nepal:
(-1 Nepal, -1 useless stat for God to ignore)

Mughals:
(-3 Dragoons , -1 Infantry (Untrained) -2 Infantry (Rabble), -1 Confidence)

The White Man‘s Burden

Sudafrika, the only “civilized” nation in Africa, has seen its share of hardships. Ever since the abandonment of the Europeans, the whites of Sudafrika have been on their own, forced to adapt and oppress in creative ways to maintain their power. Tensions between Dutch and Anglos, between the coastal population and the Voortrekker or Frontiersmen of the interior, galvanized the complex political and social situation of the unique nation.

It was only a matter of time before conflict arose between these groups. The Anglos and coastal Dutch, mostly concentrated around the capital and southern coastal regions (much smaller than OTL, with Britain never having solid control over the region for very long), opposed many of the Dutch-led efforts to continue expanding northward. This, they stipulated, only brought yet more blacks under their dominion, with minimal benefits for resource exploitation due to a severe shortage of capital and manpower to begin with. The inland Dutch favored this expansion, mostly because, as frontiersmen, they were almost always the first to arrive, and yet more expansion yet more land on which to settle. The issue came to a head in the South African parliament, where the Dutch president Jan Der Sloots was forced to juggle his own Dutch loyalties as well as coastal identification. His knowledge of both English and Afrikaans, as the Dutch language in Africa is increasingly known, helped quell the tensions between the two groups, as well as pointing out that any white disunity would only empower the black population and give them opportunity to exact revenge against their often oppressive white overseers. Still, some frontiersmen resisted the President and attempted to organize a Voortrekker revolt in the North, advocating a jingoist expansionism and dutch nationalism, as well as all out war with the neighboring Mthewa, led by Andries Retief. The army has thus far kept the city and potential capital of revolt, Copesburg, under control, but as the situation gets increasingly out of hand, the mercantile southern areas may soon find themselves overwhelmed by the militaristic, and fiercely independent, north. And the blacks will be stuck right in the middle.

Sudafrika:
(-1 Confidence, -1 Government efficiency, -2 Dragoon (Green), -1 Infantry (Rabble))

A Holey Land

The French efforts in the Holy Land have finally paid off (and not even entirely complete); their mass project, exporting loyal catholics of French, Italian, and Spanish origin has ensured that Christians are now a solid majority in the French controlled areas of the Levant, living alongside the Muslims and Jews who have occupied the same land for centuries. Needless to say, this has created considerable tension, and as Muslim refugees and rebel groups continue to disrupt the Byzantine-French border, many of the Muslim minority are fearing a repeat of the Turkish genocide within their own lands. For now, it has been mostly foreigners who have disrupted French catholic settlements and garrisons, but a notable increase in the number of weapons (many, ironically, French made) and Turks in the Levant has both offset the Catholic immigration, and created the potential for more unrest in the future.

The Princes and the Paupers

“We treat our people like royalty. If you honor and serve the people who work for you, they will honor and serve you.” -Emperor Franz of the Holy Roman Empire
The Holy Roman Empire... the center of both Europe and the attention of many throughout the world, is beginning to see some opposition to the various reforms enacted by the Emperor, Franz. The various Princes, loyal first and foremost to their principalities, have seen the increasing militarization and centralization as a very severe threat to their power. Now, opposition in the national legislature (not a parliament, more of an advisory council to the Emperor) has reached an all time high, as the conservatives and Princes are adamantly opposing some of the government's centralization and modernization policies. The Krupp incident in particular is a sticking point for many of the conservatives and regionalists, citing it as an irresponsible use of national funds to favor one particular region, the Ruhr, over any other. So far the Emperor has merely ignored the other royal members, noting that they were weak and rarely put up any opposition, but as they unite (and some opportunists in Brandenburg and other Prussian regions join them) their opposition has become tangible. The railroads system, a tremendous attempt by Erfurt to unite the Empire, had been quagmired by bureacracy and regional squabbles, and with the united opposition to the modernization, intentional sabotage in many local areas. The Erfurt government made many pay the price by merely skipping their lands, but this proved impossible in many parts of the empire, if not terribly unprofitable. As it stands, it looks as though the process many never be completed.

Adding to this complexity, is the growing worker class in the Rhineland, Prague, and Vienna regions. A combination of miners and factory workers, these liberal groups have decried the very conservative national government and called for democratic reform and aggressive dismantling of the outdated royal titles. For now their voice is mostly muted and concentrated in specific areas, but as their numbers grow, they will be sure to add to the worries of the Emperor as he attempts to move his nation in the proper direction.

(-1 Government Efficiency, -1 Confidence)
 
You know that you can count me out

“A liberal is a man who is right most of the time, but he's right too soon” -Ricardo de Alava, on his death bed

Many had said, at the onset of the Peruvian wars of Independence, that things could have gone far worse for Spain. Spain still remained strong, centralized, and with a pragmatic and effective ruler. Those who resisted did so with knowledge that the odds of success were fairly low, but also that their interests were sincerely at stake. It was under these circumstances that Ricardo De Alava, only 54 years old, was shot and killed by an assassin’s bullet in the streets of Madrid.

Alava had already chosen his successor years past, and had made it known to King Fernando that in his stead, he desired Francisco de Paula Martinez de la Rosa to continue his policies. Fernando initially mourned the death of Alava, and it was a severe blow to the King’s efforts to keep his empire under control, but with the wars weighing on his mind, little time could be spared in extensive memorial services for the former Prime Minister. The reactionary Carlist who had killed him, José Manuel Vazquez, was executed in due course, but his death only seemed to galvanize the Castilian surroundings behind him as a martyr. Francisco de Paula assumed control in these increasingly unstable times, but set about dealing with the rebel threat as best he could. The transition looked as though it would be smooth, and it was back to business as usual.

All eyes were upon Peru; King Carlos represented both the symbolic and most tangible threat to Spanish authority, and it was upon him that Spain’s military focused its efforts. Spanish forces immediately, without waiting for reinforcements (as they trickled in from other parts of the empire) marched northward toward the temporary rebel capital of Trujillo, now a hotbed for reactionary and conservative Criollo resistance, under the command of General Jorge Zapatero. A ferocious battle ensued, as some 15,000 rebel soldiers squared off with 7,500 of Spain’s most elite forces who had been fighting the Carlist revolt well before it began in earnest. The rebels were not unprepared; surprisingly well informed about the specific battle plan of the enemy and its movements, and reinforced behind an extensive series of hastily constructed fortifications, the rebels were able to hold off the elite forces for quite some time, dealing casualties at a rate that the non-reinforced army could not afford to take. Despite all odds, the army was forced to retreat, having taken 1,500 casualties and inflicted 3,500 upon the enemy, but with negligible gain towards the capital city.

The rebels celebrated, and a native Argentinean (very rare, but not unheard of among the freedom fighters) led a contingent of the victorious forces northward to capture the yet untouched city of Quito. Many were unhappy with this forced march, still weary from a week of battle in the capital, but were relieved to find Quito mostly undefended by Spanish forces. Mostly. The Spanish still had preparations for an attack, and even when ten thousand rebels streamed against the city, held their own for a good two weeks before being forced to surrender, having killed nearly a fifth of the attackers. Still, the fall of Quito was yet another serious blow to the Spanish Empire, which had now lost the entirety of the coast from Trujillo to Bogotá.

The Spanish were not sitting idly by as all this occurred. Forces from the Carribean, Brazil, and La Plata were streaming toward the Carlist (and Asuncion) rebel areas, ready to overwhelm the outnumbered rebels with superior arms and training. La Paz saw the first surge of Spanish soldiers, as rebel forces in the surrounding areas were crushed and brutally tortured by the Spanish, embittered by their defeat at Trujillo. Still, Bolivia was brought securely under the Spanish yoke, and as the forces marched northward to Lima, King Carlos I could only bide his time and prepare further fortifications for what was to come.

The real staging ground of this initial phase of the war (Divided into roughly, February-June, for reasons later to be explained) would be in Venezuela, where both Spain and Simon Bolivar himself would focus the majority of their efforts. Bolivar himself a native Venezuelan, he and his forces fought with a vigor that matched the Spaniard’s training and expertise, and with considerable outside help in the area of intelligence, Bolivar seemed to be able to predict Spain’s moved before they made them. It would be at the city of Maracay that the combined Northern Armies of Bolivar’s forces, numbering over 20,000, would meet the Spanish reinforced forces from the Caracas garrison of nearly 17,000 forces under command of General Jaime Rodriguez, with some of the lesser trained men trickling in from the Carribean throughout. Bolivar had the home field advantage; his men knew the terrain, and fought for their independence under the most charismatic of the revolution’s leaders. Spain fought with superior weapons and training, eclipsing the rabble of the mobilized Criollo militia with considerable organization. Therefore, it was little surprise that almost from the get go, the Spanish forces seemed to have the upper hand on the rebels. Bolivar, having very little past military experience, had trouble initially adapting to the realities of modern warfare outside of that which he had read in theory, not establishing as effective a command corps with adequate communications. The rebels lost the initial battle, forced to flee to Valencia (in Venezuela), where Bolivar once again attempted to put up a serious fight. The plains of the surrounding region, however, only seemed to put Bolivar at a further disadvantage, as he now had an inferior number of men to the Spaniards, and once again, with morale steadily dropping, Bolivar decided to fall back to the mountainous village of San Felipe to make his last stand.

The Spanish, sensing victory, marched incensed toward the rebel positions, disregarding the mountainous terrain and its disadvantageous effect upon their forces. Bolivar was quick to realize that his past defeats may have been more of a blessing, lulling the Spaniards into a false sense of security. As the Spaniards charged against the formidable rebel positions, it quickly became apparent that greater numbers would be necessary to uproot them from their position on high. Rather than fall back and allow time to gather his forces (which were somewhat stretched back, due to the quick retreat of the slightly more mobile Bolivarians) General Rodriguez instead ordered a continued assault of the fortifications, citing that attrition would wear them down and allow a speedy victory. Perhaps a tad vaingloriously and impatiently, Rodriguez desired a quick victory (especially as rival Spanish leaders gathered strength in Northern Columbia, and at the behest of the King) over one of prolonged maneuver and siege, a desire which would prove disastrous for both himself and his nation. Very quickly, the losses mounted on the Spanish attackers, and, despite their superior number and training, they found themselves plagued by an overabundance of wounded and an increasingly disgruntled and hastily assembled army. It should be noted that much of Spain’s forces fighting the rebels, were in fact of New World origin, and seeing that they were now dying in an attempt to restore Spanish honor, many were very displeased. Dissent grew in the ranks, and Rodriguez’s officers pushed him to call for a retreat, even if it meant allowing the rebels a key victory on Venezuelan soil. Rodriguez would not relent, for that very reason that it would become symbolic of the rebel resistance to the crown, and demanded an all out assault on their fortifications (that would make OTL Pickett blush). As predicted, Spanish forces were cut down, but surprising numbers of casualties were dealt as Carlist forces ran low on ammunition and were forced into hand to hand combat to beat the Spaniards back down the mountain passes. Sensing that a complete rout of his own forces may be imminent, Rodriguez finally took his officer’s advice and retreated back to Caracas. The rebels had won a key victory, a complete one, (unlike the somewhat abortive attack on Trujillo) and Bolivar had personally overseen it on his own native soil.

(See the end for effects)

An Epidemic of Disaster

The ripple effect of the consequences of the battle of San Felipe were felt as far north as the duchy of Lawrance. The new Prime Minister, during this time had been distraught by the increasing tensions between the Cortes and the King, tensions which Ricardo de Alava’s charisma had managed to keep in thorough balance. Beset by military defeats in the Americas, and the increasingly unruly reactionary populace of Castile, and infighting in the Cortes over which he now found himself responsible and accountable toward, Francisco de Paula Martinez de la Rosa resigned as Prime Minister in June of 1824. His mediocrity had dashed Fernando’s expectations, and Fernando was at a loss for with whom to replace him. For nearly a month, Fernando ruled without a Prime Minister, taking a hands on approach to focus his attentions at home while building forces into the key strongholds (Caracas, Lima) which Spain still held on to in the Americas. It was at this time that a certain general, a bright young man by the name of Baldomero Espartero distinguished himself in campaigns against the Carlists of Castile, effectively crushing the bandits and establishing order in the troublesome lands. A very charismatic and patriotic figure, he quickly caught Fernando’s eye. In late July of 1824, perhaps somewhat rashly, Fernando chose the General to serve as his new Prime Minister. Though despised in the countryside for crushing their Carlist hopes, Espartero quickly proved to be an able statesman, taking up the banner of liberalism and using his military experience to begin organizing the forces of the New World against the Carlist resistors.

It was about this time that the efforts of the Carlists, and the victory at San Felipe, began having greater implications across Spain’s holdings. In the Carribean in particular, where Spanish forces were quickly vacating to fight in Venezuela and Columbia, the whites had finally had enough of the radical Spanish policies. Cuba became the center of this sentiment, and declared its independence in August of 1824. The rebel leader, a man by the name of Ramón Artigas Flores de Santiago de Cuba, declared a conservative revolt in Havana, citing Spain’s radical racial policies, the empowerment of the black race (which was also in their eyes ‘equal’ to whites) and the continued use of its people to fight its own battles (ineffectively) in the other possessions of South America. The Cubans managed to establish control by wresting it from the local Spanish garrisons (which had been severely depleted) in Havana, but in the wealthier (and more important) city of Santaigo de Cuba, Spanish forces were able to resist the somewhat disorganized and not nearly as motivated forces of the Cuban independence movement. Already, the movement seems to be faltering, much along the lines of the Asuncion rebels in the south. Still, riding on the coattails of the Carlist successes, and scaring its people with the threat of black insurrection or resurgence under Spanish rule, the Cubans are a force not to be ignored nor underestimated by the Spanish authorities.

In the Spanish possessions of Louisiana, the conflicts have grown even worse. The Kingdom of Georgia and Republic of Washington, having considerably rebuilt and re-stabilized after their bloody conflict, have still thus far resisted all out war with the Spaniards, mostly due to a fear of betrayal by the English (for Washington) or Washington (For Georgia). After the Spanish defeat at San Felipe, however, the Georgian King was forced to place considerable military forces on the border as a show of force, under the war Hero Andrew Jackson. Border clashes were almost immediate; Spanish and Anglo forces fought small skirmishes along the border, as refugees flooded from both sides, caught up in the middle of the struggle. The black population had been increasingly beset by violence; considerable portions of their property were seized by angry Anglo settlers and slave owners, and lynching had become common practice. Many blacks simply left Louisiana, and soon the influx of settlers from freed slaves (combined with the Cuban independence) simply stopped coming. The Anglos celebrated their victory, but did so under the “hell of Spanish oppression”, and yet their calls to their comrades to liberate them fell on deaf ears. Riots continued in the region, unabated due to a severe lack of Spanish soldiers as they piled southward and into Mexico to keep the more important colony under control.

The Duchy of Lawrence, clearly, has gained much from all of this. The disruption of trade in the lower Mississippi had redirected much of it Northward through such cities as Quebec, as refugees from the Ohio valley also enter the stable Duchy. Some have noted that the Duchy serves as a safe haven for Anglo and French settlers from the Ohio to launch raids on Spanish garrisons and people, and has been a sticking point in Lawrence-Spanish relations.

(See end for effects)

The Home Fronts

“The heart of the beast has ceased beating… now is our time” -Simón Bolivar

Espartero did not sit idly by as all this happened. Instead, he focused on consolidating that which was already firmly under control, especially the territories of Mexico, which, if brought to rebellion, would serve as the largest impediment to Spanish authority. Taking things somewhat slowly, yet effectively, the cities of Caracas and Lima were made into virtual fortresses and command centers, and loyalist forces from all across the empire were brought in, trained, integrated, and prepared for a push from both sides against Trujillo and Columbia. This did not please the King, who saw Espartero as far too patient, and different from his days as quick and effective pacifier of the Castille. The King repeatedly demanded more action from Espartero, insisting that quick and brutal force was the best way to crush the budding rebellion. Espartero disagreed, citing that time was on their side, as well as numbers, and that a haphazard campaign without full preparedness would only create a repeat of the San Felipe incident. Still, Fernando remained in control of the armies as a whole, something which frustrated Espartero to no end. It was in September and October of 1824 that Espartero’s true colors were revealed, and it became apparent to Fernando that he had made a huge mistake.

Though a military man at heart, Espartero was still a fairly effective politician and patriot. As Prime Minister, his ties to the Cortes were readily tapped, and his political leanings not as a liberal monarchist, but a republican (and, some say, a radical), were made readily apparent. Galvanizing the Cortes behind him, Espartero approached the King with demands of considerable devolving of Monarchial power, citing that the principles of liberalism could not actively coexist with a King who had such final say and power over the true will of the people. Fernando was personally offended; at such a time that the Empire and Spanish Nation was at stake, with reactionaries close to victory, his closest advisor, a radical, would dare approach him and demand that he give up power to the mostly ineffective cortes? Fernando saw through the simple power grab, and gained the support of the conservatives in the Cortes to oppose Espartero’s attempts to wrest control from the King. Espartero continued his political jockeying, mobilizing the radicals and intellectuals of Madrid to support him in his effort to move Spain away from its antiquated past toward effective, modern government. Fernando was incensed, but with his empire at stake, civilly accepted some of the demands of Espartero, quickly dismissing the demands that the military be put under joint control of the Monarchy and the Prime Minister. Confusion reigned, as Esperatero still was not done attempting to wrest military control from the King, and conflicting orders were issued to Spanish soldiers throughout the Americas from Fernando and Espartero, and soon the situation resulted in a complete stagnation of movement from the Spanish armies. Paralyzed by this internal quagmire, some commanders took the situation into their own hands, and a sizable force of men who had failed to take Trujillo earlier in the year, now reinforced, marched northward toward the city, attacking his southern breaches and laying siege to it.

The overall ineffectiveness of the military, and word of the radical attempt to seize power, reached many in the New world near the end of the year, and conservative support for rebellion burgeoned even more than before. In Mexico, rebel forces began acting openly, but could only do so as bandits and guerillas outside of the solidly Spanish held cities. Californians increasingly look upon their government in Madrid with a raised eyebrow, and some feel Terencio Hidalgo should just formally remove California from the fight, at least as a neutral party, until the Spaniards can get the situation under control. The paralysis of the military had the greatest effect in Louisiana, where the Georgian armies officially crossed the border and began slowly encroaching upon Spanish territory, bit by bit, testing their defenses and gaining more breathing space from which to allow the Anglo insurgents to operate against the Spanish authorities.

Brazil became one of the most volatile of regions; as Spanish soldiers flooded out, the already somewhat pressured Portuguese found themselves in dire need of more manpower, as the rebellious Brazilians saw their chance to revolt. The previous revolt a decade past had failed mostly due to the Spanish intervention, and now, carrying on where it had left off, the elites of Brazil jumped at the opportunity to finally cast off Lisbon’s control forever. Success was mixed; the Portuguese situation at home had improved considerably from the past, and the rebels were unable to seize control of Rio De Janiero, or the key North Eastern regions from the Portuguese armies. Still, decisive blows were dealt in the south and east, and the momentum has definitively shifted in their favor. Disunity among the rebels it their greatest weakness, as no single personality has yet to distinguish himself from amongst them, but if trends continue, the Portuguese may be in for another long fought out guerilla war with their rebellious rivals.

As it stands now, Spain looks set for a civil war. The conservatives and clergy, long discontent with some of Fernando’s liberal policies, now look to be his greatest allies, while the liberals and radicals are looking increasingly toward Espartero to liberate them from the antiquated way of government. The military’s loyalties are equally mixed; but, were it not for the defeat at San Felipe, Fernando would in all likelihood command the loyalties of nearly all of them. Espartero is being increasingly viewed as an opportunist by his rivals, and as a liberator and pacifier by his allies, with those in the middle increasingly annoyed that their leaders cannot find ample solution to dealing with the American situation (Though Fernando looks to have an edge with them). Though both men’s priority is the crushing of the reactionaries, their personal rivalries are increasingly becoming the rebellion‘s greatest strength. Spain stands at a crossroads; liberals and conservatives, ultramontes and secularists, whites and mestizos battle for control of the nation, both at home and abroad. The vice royals and peninsulares of the colonies must also make the decision to stick with their homeland or separate, with Mexico being the largest indecisive factor of all of them. Civil war would likely mean the end of Empire as a whole, and, even though neither side desires it, more are increasingly seeing it as inevitable.

Spain:
(-2 Government efficiency, -1 Economy, -2 Confidence, -4 Infantry (Disciplined), -10 Infantry (Rabble), -2 Guards (Regular), -3 Infantry (Regular), -4 Dragoons (Green), -1 Dragoon (Rabble))

Georgia:
(-3 Infantry (Green), -1 Infantry (Untrained) +5 Infantry (Rabble, Anglo resistors)

Lawrence
(+1 Economy, +Quebec ( I think, the map is seriously messed up) EC

Peru:
(-8 Infantry (Rabble), -3 Infantry (Untrained), -1 Dragoon (Disciplined))
 
Spoiler Map, 1824 :
dejamap4ef7.png
 
TO: Byzantine Empire
FROM: Russian Empire

In light of the successful deposition of Konstantinos XIII and the thusfar relatively stable assumption of power by the Bellopimios government, the Russian Empire acknowledges it as the current steward of the Byzantine Empire's reins of power, and seeks assurance that it will not alter the current mutually beneficial relationship with Russia given recent good friendship and cooperation.

Should such assurances be given, the Russian government will hold to a reciprocal agreement and will also be willing to lend assistance to ensure that the hard-won stability of Byzantine lands remains in check.

TO: British Commonwealth
CC: Byzantine Empire
FROM: Russian Empire

Given Konstantinos XIII no longer holds power in Byzantium, the Russian Empire finds good cause and occasion to broach the subject of restoring diplomatic contact with Byzantium to its friend Britain as such strong diplomacy is no longer much warranted, in our estimation. We hope that the Parliament will consider this matter at its earliest possible convenience for the sake of easing any diplomatic tensions in the region.
 
this has done little to appeal to the increasingly numerous working classes who find themselves mostly disenfranchised and frustrated due to the lack of representation in the Parlement
Click to expand...

Hmph. Give workers cheap houses and food, and they turn into powerhungry, backstabbing bastards. ;)

Rhineland provinces
Click to expand...

Do note that the dynastic jockeying and territorial exchanges that created this world's Belgium have made it so that a fair chunk of OTL Rhineland ended up within Belgium. So you probably want Westphalia or somesuch. ;)

You guys need to bloody do something to instigate them
Click to expand...

Bloody hell, what do I have a secret police for? It's supposed to investigate this stuff before it even gets into an update! :p

Blame Das for the confusing names.
Click to expand...

As if the OTL American parties don't have confusing names. :p

Good update (I love the way you are handling early 19th century politics), but I'm curious as to how the New World unfolds.

EDIT:

Btw, the English never did really conquer Sudafrika, and though there are some British settlers on the coast the division isn't really an ethnic one - just the Dutch coast versus the Dutch frontier.
 
@josef, a few things...

1. The PM is Palmerston...LORD PALMERSTON!!!
2. Don't forget Thunder Bay in the New World section ;)
3. Bloody opium...


From: The British Commonwealth
To: Russian Empire

We are deliberating this move, but we would first like a public renouncement of the former Emperor so that the new Byzantine regime may wash its hands of him and we may reopen friendly relations.
 
w00t! All right, the name of the military leader of the coup is Theodoros Kolokotronis - Pellopimios is a funny name, though. Good try. :p Story to come soonly.

To: Russian Empire
From: Byzantine Empire

Pending receipt of your reply to our inquiries via other channels, we are prepared to give assurances as to the intention of our government to maintain the diplomatic ties and agreements that the deposed tyrant had put into place.

To: Global Community
From: Byzantine Empire

Now that the vile tyrant has been overthrown, the people of the world may rest, safe in the knowledge that his influence is gone forever. The filth of Konstantinos and his son will be washed from the institutions of our state. We will establish a proper Empire in their wake, so that tyrants of their kind may never rise again.
 
Gah bastard.....

Well I suppose the Byzantines are better off in your hands anyway....meh...

The Royalists surrender.
 
I work for three turns to overthrow the Byzantium and fail miserably... now they're overthrown in 1 turn...

Now I'm depressed.
 
Yay, good update! I'm curious about the New World though. Oh well. I'm glad I bothered to stay up until 1:00 or so just to read it. :p

Wow, a mention. That's amazing.
 
das said:
Hmph. Give workers cheap houses and food, and they turn into powerhungry, backstabbing bastards. ;)
Click to expand...

Those silly literate masses, sometimes you wonder if they can see through your schemes :p

Do note that the dynastic jockeying and territorial exchanges that created this world's Belgium have made it so that a fair chunk of OTL Rhineland ended up within Belgium. So you probably want Westphalia or somesuch. ;)
Click to expand...

Yeah, I really should specify that... but the Belgian Rhineland is not nearly as successful as the German one, especially after the whole King Leopold incident.

As if the OTL American parties don't have confusing names. :p
Click to expand...

Republicans and Democrats? It's liberal (silly populists, democrats) and conservative (republicans; elitists). Pretty self explanatory if you ask me. As for the whigs and Democratic republicans... I can agree there :p.


Btw, the English never did really conquer Sudafrika, and though there are some British settlers on the coast the division isn't really an ethnic one - just the Dutch coast versus the Dutch frontier.
Click to expand...

I sort of realized that, and really played down the role of the English in the struggle. Still, they are important mostly because they are whites, so they shouldn't be ignored.
 
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