Capto Iugulum: 1920 - 1939

Finland was a co-belligerent during the Continuation War, but Mannerheim didn't have much of a choice with that. The Finns weren't exactly happy to be lumped in with the Nazis; see the Lapland War. If you prefer the comparison to the United States and France in 1812, then use that.
 
CLASSIC FILM REVIEW: "La Amistad" (UPRA Bureau of Culture: 1922)

It is nearly impossible for today's audience to approach "La Amistad" as it was meant to be seen. To a modern viewer, the film is composed solely of scenes quoted, referenced and parodied so often that they have lost their ability to surprise--that like "Ode to Joy" or the Book of Ecclesiastes, it has become a piece so familiar that we forget their power. Indeed, "La Amistad" was recognized by its contemporaries as one of the most effective propaganda films ever made.

Commissioned by the Proletarist Party of the United Republic to commemorate the ten-year anniversary of the Great Revolution, director Gordon Parks used the film to test his theory that effective use of cinema came from the juxtaposition of images in order to evoke emotional responses. Instead of filming recent events, Parks chose as the subject of the film one of the seminal slave revolts in American history.

The film begins by showing La Amistad, a ship packed with slaves bound for Cuba. The horrors of the Middle Passage are fully documented, with famous closeups of brutal beatings and of rice crawling with maggots. Amidst this terror, Joseph Cinqué finds a file forgotten in the hold, which he uses to free himself and several companions. As a full-blown slave revolt takes over the ship, the slaves throw their captors overboard, sparing only the navigator, who they demand through gestures to turn the ship around and return to Africa.

The navigator instead secretly turns the ship towards American waters, where the Amistad is intercepted by an American cutter, and forced to land in a US port. While Northerners, including former president John Quincy Adams, are sympathetic; the attitude of the South is unrelentingly hostile. When the case of the Amistad is brought before the United States Supreme Court, Adams argues brilliantly, and the unanimous verdict comes down from the court--the Amistad slaves are to be released.

Then, in one of the most famous sequences ever filmed, a white militia marches up the steps of the United States Capitol Building, opening fire on the crowd gathered awaiting the verdict. Countless civilians, both black and white, are killed; the massacre is summarized in the iconic image of a black nursemaid shot dead protecting her charge in a baby carriage, which bounces down the steps.

While the scene at the Steps of the Capital was purely an invention of Parks, it is to his credit--and a testament to the power of the scene--that it is still referenced today as a real event, and an example of American oppression.

The film ends with a montage, showing the fates of the primary actors--Cinque is shown praying in a prison cell, with gallows in the background; Adams and the Supreme Court justices are savagely beaten, tarred and feathered by an angry mob; and the survivors of the Amistad are shown lynched, hanging from trees.

While "La Amistad" can only stand within the context of its own culture--the high modernism of the early 20th century--it is required viewing for any serious student of film, and any viewer with a desire to understand proletarist thinking should give "La Amistad" serious thought.
 
Great story ChiefDesigner! I've got some material of my own coming along, it should be ready for posting soon. :D
 
Vinlandic Election Preview, 1923

Socialproletärpartiet

Leader:
Ole Gudrunsson

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Ole Gudrunsson, born in Nya Stockholm in 1871, was a well-known intellectual in Vinlandic social proletarist circles who rose to relative prominence around the turn of the century. Gudrunsson was first elected to the Riksdag under the flag of the Socialdemokratiskapartiet in the 1899 elections as one of Nya Sverige's riksdagsdelamoter, becoming well-known as a firm and eloquent critic of then-Statsminister Axel Gyllentstjerna's 'colonial mindset' and western resource development policies. Gudrunsson quickly rose to prominence within the SDP, but his relationship with the party began to sour with the first election of Grim Magnusson in 1903. Defying all expectations, Gudrunsson was denied a cabinet position, in what was viewed by many as an attempt to limit the influence of the SDP's more radical left wing. Magnusson would go on to lose the 1907 election to the Konservativ Industripartiet of Anders Kristiansen. Frustration with Magnusson's persistent centrist compromises, which both failed to win the election and were widely perceived as selling out the party's working class base, the charismatic Gudrunsson led a caucus revolt against Magnusson, establishing the Socialproletärpartiet in early 1910, the first self-avowed social proletarist political party in Vinland since the merger of the Socialistikapartiet into the Demokratiskapartiet (forming the Socialdemokratiskapartiet) in 1896. Gutted, the SDP shifted further towards the political center, at the expense of the collapsing Ordningspartiet, but it was not enough to stop the ascendant SPP from pulling off a surprising victory in their first ever election in 1911. Gudrunsson's first term in the Statsministry was marked by a continuation and enhancement of the social policies set in place by Magnusson, alongside significant upgrades to the nation's military, which had seen little use in nearly a century. However, despite a generally successful term, Magnusson's SDP managed to firmly entrench itself as a moderate alternative to Gudrunsson's more radical policies. In the 1915 election, the Konservativ Industripartiet, who had also made significant gains from the collapse of the Ordningspartiet, won a plurality in the Riksdag, one which could only be defeated by a coalition of the SDP and SPP. Magnusson outmaneuvered Gudrunsson, and offered his erstwhile ally a choice between supporting the SDP in the formation of a new centre-left coalition government, or handing the nation over to the right-wing KIP for four years. Defeated, Gudrunsson accepted, and settled into the cabinet position that he'd been denied over a decade before. However, the alliance was fragile, often held together only by Magnusson's sheer force of personality, and the danger posed by the American collapse to the south. As the 1919 election year approached, the SPP and SDP fell once again into fierce rivalry. Gudrunsson managed to out-debate the incumbent Statsminister in Vinland's first ever radio debates, managing to paint Magnusson as a good leader in times of crisis, but Gudrunsson as a leader of far grander ideals. The ever-charismatic and loquacious SPP leader was able to run verbal circles around the gruff and testy Magnusson, and when coupled with the defection of some of the last remnants of the SDP's radical wing, the election was all but decided. Gudrunsson became Statsminister for a second time, continuing his ambitious social policies with ever-greater vigour. In this 1923 election, the leader of the Socialproletärpartiet, promises a continuing upward trend in the quality of life for the Vinlandic people, vowing to work for the maintenance and further expansion of the gains made by the common folk of the nation.

Policy Highlights:
-Continued establishment of national healthcare insurance, accident insurance and retirement pensions.
-Increased educational funding.
-International democratic advocacy.



Konservativ Industripartiet

Leader:
Anders Kristiansen

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Anders Kristiansen became both the first non-Swede to be elected Statsminister of Vinland (a position which he held from 1907 to 1911), and the first to hail from the landsdel of Dammark, having been born in the city of Sjostad in 1859 to Norwegian parents. Following an unassuming middle-class upbringing, Kristiansen flirted with several reactionary monarchist movements in his youth, though he has long since distanced himself from this past. A man of several contradictions, Kristiansen is a staunch traditionalist and Evangelical Lutheran, but also an unflinching nationalist. During his first term as Statsminister, he constantly fought to guide his country through a transformation from an economically dependent resource colony into a respectable and self-sufficient industrial power in its own right. Kristiansen also began to extend diplomatic feelers to nations other than Vinland's historical (and only) ally, Scandinavia, initiating what would later become a thriving, if often tempestuous relationship with Brazil. Though he successfully steered Vinland down a tricky path which distanced it from both the Scandinavian fatherland and the dictatorial American behemoth to the south, Kristiansen's agenda as Statsminister was consistently undermined by the fact that he lacked a majority in the Riksdag, and was thus frequently stymied by ersatz alliances between the left-wing Social Democrats and the centrist, pro-Scandinavia Ordnings. The Rape of Poland and the Purging of Prussia, at the end of the Atlantic War, led to a huge wave of refugees arriving, in spite of Kristiansen's plans to reduce immigration, and non-cooperation from the opposition in the Riksdag delayed Kristiansen's promised military overhaul to the very end of his term, allowing his successor to later take much of the credit. Frustration with Kristiansen's perceived inability to break the deadlock in the Riksdag gradually sapped away his initially broad support throughout his term, leading to his resounding defeat by Ole Gudrunsson and the Social Proletarists. Quickly cast down from the party's leadership after his failed bid at re-election, Kristiansen nonetheless remained a prominent voice amongst the riksdagsdelamoter, while the Conservative Industrialist Party shuffled through a quick succession of leaders. As years passed after Kristiansen's term, however, opinions of his term began to improve, as hindsight proved the wisdom of his independent foreign policy, the American crisis pushed his views on tightened immigration policy into the mainstream, and as his economic reforms saw Vinland begin to take off as a significant manufacturing economy. Now, a dozen years after his defeat, Anders Kristiansen, aging but still as sharp and adroit as ever, leads the Konservative Industripartiet into an election filled with optimism and a sense of purpose. He campaigns against what he characterizes as Social Proletarist excesses, and promises a return to a strong focus on improving Vinland's growth as a rising industrial power. The Kon-Inds also decry Vinland's interventionist escapades with PADA, stating that Vinland's forces could be better used in 'real' conflicts, rather than invented struggles in distant countries- or better yet, that their forces could remain at home.

Policy Highlights:
-Reduced PADA-based interventionism.
-Limited rollback of some of the more expensive Social Proletarist programs.
-Increased promotion of Vinlandic economic development.



Socialdemokratiskapartiet

Leader:
Rudolf Bloch

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Rudolf Bloch came upon his position as the leader of the Socialdemokratiskapartiet in an unenviable position, as the successor to the inimitable Grim Magnusson, and as the leader of a party struggling to find its identity, with the Ordnings resurgent in the political center and the Social Proletarists lapping away at the party's left-wing, working class base. Four years later, it is clear that Bloch has proven himself equal to the challenge, firmly establishing the Social Democrats as a party of firm, pragmatic liberal centrism. Hailing from Vidalen, Nya Sverige, near the border with Dammark, where he was born into a Swedo-German family in 1877, Bloch is a lawyer by trade, though he became involved in politics young. Gradually working his way up the SDP’s ranks, Bloch would ultimately grow to become a close friend and protégé of Grim Magnusson. Remaining loyal to Magnusson during Ole Gudrunsson’s 1910 caucus revolt, Bloch would soon find himself as the party’s deputy leader, and during Magnusson’s second government he would serve a prestigious and highly important role as the Minister of Foreign Affairs. Following Magnusson’s resignation from Vinlandic politics after the end of his second term, Bloch was the clear successor, and was selected as the new party leader by popular acclamation. In this coming election, the Social Democrats will appeal to what they believe to be the sizeable middle ground of Vinlanders who dislike both the increasing grandiosity of Social Proletarist projects, and the stark austerity and potential elimination of beloved social programs promised by the Conservative Industrialists.

Policy Highlights:
-A centrist compromise on domestic issues.
-An actively pro-democratic foreign policy.



Ordningspartiet

Leader:
Lars Solberg

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Leader of the Ordningspartiet, the proud political legacy of Axel Gyllenstjerna, Lars Solberg has lifted Vinland's proud old party back into prominence, after a series of disastrous collapses nearly erased it from political significance. Born in 1870 to a humble farming family living near the American border, south of Nya Sverige’s fortified city of Södraborg, the young Lars Solberg would prove to be a prodigious learner. His parents, seeing the potential in their child, scraped together what money they could to send their son to the prestigious Vasa Internatskola, a boarding school near the isolated town of Storaskog. The tragic death of his parents in a fire several years thereafter cut his education short, but he was still able to find menial work as an ‘ink monkey’ working for the Vinlandska Dagbladet newspaper, cleaning and re-inking the presses for fourteen hours a day. Two years of work would see him earn enough money on his own to complete his education, and Solberg was accepted to the Nya Göteborg Institutet, where he would go on to earn a doctorate. Here, Solberg may have settled down into an academic life, had it not been for a fateful meeting with Statsminister Axel Gyllenstjerna, then in his third of four terms, in 1898. Though he had previously been apolitical, Solberg found himself strongly agreeing with Gyllenstjerna’s plans for the nation, and was to run for a position in the Riksdag. While he failed on his first attempt in 1899, he was successfully elected in the 1903 election which, ironically, saw Gyllenstjerna at long last unseated from his 16-year stay in the Statsministry, which at that point represented nearly half of Vinland’s independent history. Solberg would go on to become a mainstay amongst the Ordnings, ultimately becoming one of only two remaining riksdagsdelamoter (alongside the famed explorer-turned-politician and Scandinavian expatriate Fridtjof Nansen) in the party after its disastrous collapse in 1911. Solberg maintained the party’s presence throughout the 1910s, and led the party’s second major reconstruction of the 20th century. Today, the Ordningspartiet is at long beginning to reclaim its position as one of the dominant parties of Vinland. Ordnings remain proud members of the 'Old Guard' and stand out as Vinland's only party who takes a strong stand on the Scandinavian situation, remaining staunchly pro-Monarchy, and in favour of the restoration of the Exiled Scandinavian Monarchy to its rightful place in Stockholm. Solberg’s campaign has promised to tread a hard line against proletarism, and favours a return to a more Europe-focused foreign policy, seeing Vinland as having much more in common with Europe than it does with the Iberian or Anglophone nations of the new world, seeing abundant developed markets in the European sphere, all desiring greater access to Vinland's abundant goods and resources.

Policy Highlights:
-Support for the Scandinavian Monarchy.
-Reduction of transatlantic tariffs.
 
Orders sent. No excuse for the lateness, but uh would be nice if Japan didn't declare war so close to the deadline next time.
 
OOC: Iggy, as always, I'm amazed at the depth and breadth of your stories and how much more real it makes Vinland and the entire NES
 
Spryllino said:
Otherwise Japan is getting a pretty unfair advantage based on an excessively late declaration of war.

Orders sent. No excuse for the lateness, but uh would be nice if Japan didn't declare war so close to the deadline next time.

OOC: I do apologize for the inconvenience to all of your orders, and I also would hope that all of you would rather I announce late then not at all.

The timing was not entirely of my choosing. It was when the first opportunity after 1) I'd decided with any reasonable degree of certainty (>75+/-7.5%) to invade, and 2) had an opportunity to declare war (I was working, in class, or moving between the two during the 12-13 hours prior to my announcement, and I made my decision while taking the train to work, about 7 hours before my announcement). In the future, if I find myself within 18 hours of the deadline and making a decision about a major military action, I'm more than willing to not announce it, but something tells me that would be more aggravating and unfair then an announcement close to the deadline. :rolleyes: That said, I do take your concerns seriously, and in the future I will try to make announce this sort of thing at least 24 hrs. in advance.
 
ooc: Don't sweat it - at least not for me. Technically, you did nothing wrong. That's not to say it was a little ill timed for the rest of us - all the more power to you.
 
OOC: At least it was better than my specific post-deadline timing of my DOW in the Burgundy-Orleans War.

EDIT: Wow, Spry got shafted three times in this NES from late/undeclared conflicts that I can count. Me, Italy and Japan.
 
OOC: Iggy, as always, I'm amazed at the depth and breadth of your stories and how much more real it makes Vinland and the entire NES
Thanks! Your compliments mean a lot to me.

OOC: Your post makes me ashamed of myself. :p

EDIT: This is meant as an extreme compliment. :D
I quite liked your Ferguson vs. Johnston story. :D
 
In my opinion, declaring late is perfectly inexcusable, and if I were modding such a NES I'd just block any declarations that weren't made before the 48 hours. In any case, any sort of dichotomy between declaring and attacking unannounced is entirely false: people just shouldn't go to war if they aren't going to declare it properly. Going to war in this way, amounts, at very least, to not playing in an entirely gentlemanly fashion. I think it's like playing cards, failing to notice that the card you've played is a trump, and then trying to wind back the game so that you can take the advantage of the trick that you might have won, ignoring all the protests of your opponent: you just shouldn't be able to do it. I'm not honestly irritated with Quisani in case of point, though; I just find this sort of behaviour rather contemptible in general terms. If I won a war by issuing a late declaration, I could never stomach the notion that I personally had won it fair and square.
 
In my opinion, declaring late is perfectly inexcusable, and if I were modding such a NES I'd just block any declarations that weren't made before the 48 hours. In any case, any sort of dichotomy between declaring and attacking unannounced is entirely false: people just shouldn't go to war if they aren't going to declare it. Going to war in this way, amounts, at very least, to not playing in an entirely gentlemanly fashion. I think it's like playing cards, failing to notice that the card you've played is a trump, and then trying to wind back the game so that you can take the advantage of the trick that you might have won, ignoring all the protests of your opponent: you just shouldn't be able to do it. I'm not honestly irritated with Quisani in case of point, though; I just find this sort of behaviour rather contemptible in general terms.

Um, you never declared war when you went to war with Germany over Spain. Both you and TLK just simultaneously attacked eachother without a formal declaration. :p

In all seriousness though, I think undeclared attacks on each other are underhanded, but a perfectly acceptable method of warfare. Did the Japanese formally declare war when the attacked Pearl Harbour? Did the United States formally declare war on Afghanistan? No, they just went for it and took them by surprise.

Its a perfectly valid simulation of a surprise attack, which weren't exactly uncommon during this period of time; see Nazi Germany's assault on the USSR, Japan's attack on Pearl Harbour, Operation Torch, etc.
 
Um, you never declared war when you went to war with Germany over Spain. Both you and TLK just simultaneously attacked eachother without a formal declaration. :p

In all seriousness though, I think undeclared attacks on each other are underhanded, but a perfectly acceptable method of warfare. Did the Japanese formally declare war when the attacked Pearl Harbour? Did the United States formally declare war on Afghanistan? No, they just went for it and took them by surprise.

Its a perfectly valid simulation of a surprise attack, which weren't exactly uncommon during this period of time; see Nazi Germany's assault on the USSR, Japan's attack on Pearl Harbour, Operation Torch, etc.

We are still in the 1920s, DoWs were much more common then.
 
More so, yes. It was considered contemptible not to declare, and generally used either when in complete contempt for your enemy or when you feel any sort of warning to them would cost you the whole shebang. Either seems perfectly serviceable, at least when IC.
 
Actually, the Japanese were going to remove their diplomats an hour (or something) before the attack on Pearl Harbor, but they messed up the time zones/international date line, and delivered it an hour AFTER. Thus, they looked like douchebags.
 
GK: I had no intention of directly attacking Germany whatsoever. I did, however, declare war on Monarchist Spain, causing TLK to attack me without declaring. I didn't order a single soldier to cross the German border, though.

And it's an issue of OOC fairness, not anything IC. If the attacking player's actions risk causing the defender to find themselves entirely incapable of taking any IC, non-NPCed, action for an entire year, that's a really unfair disadvantage that is totally out of proportion to the advantage that ought to be attached to an surprise attack.

Also, OOC actions should not have IC consequences. Surely this is an important principle; IC timing should be entirely independent of OOC timing. If a defender has to rush his orders because of some OOC factor - i.e. a declaration that doesn't leave enough time to write orders - then this is quite obviously bad.
 
Aye, I'd agree with that. While I've got quite a few sets of contingency plans, it doesn't have quite the same feel, since those plans can quickly fall apart, not because they aren't well written (most of mine aren't, but are written to make changes more easily), but because they make certain geopolitical assumptions that might be true turn and misguided the next. If you write three contingency plans for three different scenarios, and circumstances arise that force contradicts onto those plans, then I would think defeat is much more likely.
 
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