AFSNES I The New Dawn
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Regeneration In Process
Update III - Years 711-715 AD
Foreword:
Eternal battle! We but dream of peace/through blood and dust.
- unknown contemporary Greek poet [1].
The decade began hopefully, as some of the wars or at least theatres of war died down, and other conflicts apparently failed to materialise. However, those wars that remained raged on in full strength, and little more than a year passed before new brutal conflicts arose, with new lands being thrown into the furnace. In the Andes, great armies maneuvered in the intricate labyrinth of mountain passes, vying for their prizes in a complex dance of war. In Europe, deceit, betrayal and confusion reigned supreme, with leaders both ambitious and vigilant striving to enact their plans amidst increasing chaos. And in Asia, rich in manpower and zeal, some of the most epic clashes took place, while great rulers, irritated by escalating quagmires, began to resort to a brutal pharnacian strategy [2] of ruthless subjugation.
Domestic Events:
Tepehuani efforts to revitalise Izapa as a trade centre bore fruit (+1 Trade); likewise, the rebuilt city became a strong forward base for further campaigns (see military events).
Years of neglect and growing decadence (-1 Bureaucracy, Confidence) resulted in several of the less significant Coban puppet-city-states effectively moving away without much difficulty.
The rivalry between the Zapotec city-states had been slowly intensifying, with a naval race between the key port cities and a colonial great game in Cuba between Dainzu and Huijazoo, both northern port cities founding new colonies there.
In spite of his old age, Adajuph of Tiahuanaco remained very active, even personally visiting the city of Ocucaje to consecrate a new temple to Inti there and help sacrifice some captured rebels. Slowly, but surely, the region is being integrated into the main Tiahuanacan culture as well as state. Back in Tiahuanaco itself, the great temple complex the City of the Sun is finished, increasing the capitals religious influence further and also serving to revitalise local craftsmanship.
A minor royal vengeance trip aside (see Lord_Iggys stories), Eldsland continued to grow in peace, braving the hardships and slowly climbing to relative prosperity. A new major settlement was established at Akureyri to the northeast; in the south, the settlement of Hafur was founded, chiefly by later refugees from Scandinavia.
The work on the Kosmotigrano Caeri is finally finished, not only strengthening the church but also increasing Caerixian cultural influence even further, causing a fresh influx of trade (or rather assisting the general northwest European tendency) and generally impressing the population (+1 Caerixian Trade, Confidence).
In a somewhat controversial act of assertion, the Gothic king declared himself to be the supreme owner of all the property in Gothland, though generously allowing it to remain also the property of his subjects when relevant.
The Latgallian empire-building continued, with the integration of numerous additional Slavic lands; it was easier said than done, seeing as the Slavs were not particularily pro-Baltic. Nevertheless, the succesful expansion did allow for an agricultural boom of sorts, while the conquered Slavs have started to intermix with the Balts.
The Nubians began to gradually integrate and rebuild their northern gains, in spite of raids and banditry disrupting those efforts somewhat. There also remained some formalities that had to be settled with Gyat, the Ankhader ruler of northern Karung.
The Mahapuran efforts to gather together specialists from all over the western Indic world bore some fruit, largely inasmuch as they brought about a cultural renaissance but also due to helping spread advances from elsewhere and creating a prominent and advanced (al)chemical school in Mahapura.
In the wake of Colchis end and under the Akkadian influences, the Agade Dag Turkic tribes of the Caucasus formed the Kipchak Empire. Attempts to bring other Turkic tribes into the empire had thus far been unsuccessful, but the empire itself had started out surprisingly well, with little internal strife.
Under Melech David ben-Yoav, Saba saw a loosening of various restrictions, and at the same time a greater religious and cultural renaissance as the education system created under Yoav ben-Asur began to give fruit.
A combination of benevolent and ruthless measures (and, ofcourse, Akkadian support) allowed for a gradual stabilisation in Magan.
The end of the war with Ayutamradvipa combined with major financial relief allowed for an economic boom in the Republic of Guangling; in the meantime, the Lord-Protector focused on the reformist part of his agenda in the post-war period, reorganising the local justice system and organising a committee to review the war-time performance of the Guanglingese military. Due attention was also given by the Republic to the reconstruction, colonisation and integration of Fujian (+1 Confidence).
International Events:
Rumours spread of Dainzus prince seeking greater ties with the powerful, though declining, Mayan city-state of Coba.
The Gothic prince Emrach was sent to Caerix for further education and to strengthen the diplomatic ties between Gothland and Caerix; the traditional-minded populace of Gothland is not happy with this and other (see Domestic Events) evidence of the monarchys Celtic corruption (-1 Confidence). On the brighter side, closer contact with Caerix allowed for commercial growth, focused on the port of Stade.
Continued Tarekid and Ligurian efforts at spreading their respective faiths into Gallien have born fruit threatening to tear Burgundsrich apart in the process, as religious disagreements between the increasingly-Ashaist court and the Belenist eastern magnates had further fueled regional strife. King Karloman II was yet to take any definite position officially, but his Ashaist sympathies were widely known, seeing as he had conducted a consistent policy of inviting Tarekid scholars and specialists into the country; this couldnt but further fuel strife (+1 Education, -1 Confidence).
In a courteous move, the Akkadian DagUru Ibradarham allowed the remaining Colchians to migrate west, leaving the land to the Turks (-Colchis as an independent nation); needless to say, this only really applied to the nobility and the warriors, as well as the court and some random commoners, but the remaining population was in no position to fight back against the Kipchak conquerors either way. Vologases III and the warriors that followed him soon joined the Miletean military (+2 Miletean regiments, +6 Miletean levy regiments).
Amidst the ruins of war and with the assistance of Akkadian and Odrysan missionaries, Hellas entered an Agade Dag renaissance, even though the Ashaists remained in the majority.
Agade Dag missionaries in Central Asia had also reached the neo-Khitan Empire, establishing a presence at the fascinated court.
With trade taking a major hit and both sides still far from any decisive victory, Ayutamradvipa and Guangling settled on a peace treaty. While the Republic was allowed to annex the former Hokkien colony, it had to make various concessions, paying out reparations, accepting a naval limit that kept the Guanglingese navy at less than 50% of the Ayutamradvipan equivalent and forcing the Guanglingese merchants to travel via the Ayutamradvipan ports while trading south of Nam (not that Guangling was all that involved in commerce in that region). Despite some limited grumbling on both sides of the kind that usually follows any diplomatic compromise on the whole it was hard to deny that, as the war ended, the blockades were removed, the Nam embargo ceased and the pirates were rooted out (see military events for that last one), the entire East Asian region saw a great upturn of commerce.
Military Events:
Having rebuilt his forces, Emperor Atlacatl decided to press on against the Mayan city-states; in part this was precisely because he knew of their defensive preparations, and wanted to strike before they get too entrenched. The casus belli was the failure of the Mayan city of Chinkultic to hand over or even expel Kawiil, former king of Izapa and the most prominent of Atlacatls previous victims; Atlacatl mobilised vast armies and marched on Chinkultic. Chinkultics king, Aguabalam, proved to be a far more succesful and adroit leader than Kawiil; having formed up a coalition of southern Mayan city-states, he refused to give the Tepehuani a proper battle, and instead skillfully harassed Atlacatls army in the jungles. In the meantime, Chinkultic was largely evacuated, most of its population plus the treasury moving to Lubaantin, ruled by Aguabalams relatives. The garrison continued to defend the empty city; this combined with constant pestering raids greatly delayed Tepehuani progress and weakened the army. Atlacatl only captured the city in 713, to discover that there was nearly nothing of use left, except for various traps that further weakened his army. In the meantime, Aguabalam pulled back to Lubaantin, where he managed to rally a larger Mayan force, reinforced by mercenaries and troops from the concerned western Zapotec cities. Having learned of Aguabalams destination but not of his plans or numbers, Atlacatl had already commenced a westwards march, but was delayed at the city of Seibal; it was there that Aguabalams grand army engaged the Tepehuani, striking from the jungles in a multi-pronged attack. By this point, previous Tepehuani casualties and Aguabalams reinforcements resulted in the balance of numbers being tilted towards the Mayans; furthermore, the Mayans had key strategic advantages over the Tepehuani. Therefore the latter were conclusively routed, and Atlacatl himself was almost captured. The follow-up chase also managed to thin the Tepehuani numbers further. Logistical difficulties and disagreements within Aguabalams coalition prevented the Mayans from taking advantage of this victory, however; and in the meantime, Atlacatl managed to regroup his forces at Chinkultic. Having successfully fortified and repopulated it, he then fought off some initial attempts to reclaim it, while levying additional forces and conquering the remnants Mayan southern coast despite Zapotec meddling there. Plans for an attack on the Zapotec city-states had to be delayed when the Tepehuani fleet suffered a major defeat at the hands of the southern port cities at the delta of the river Lempa in late 715.
(-12 Tepehuani regiments, -7 Tepehuani levy regiments, -10 Tepehuani ships, -2 Zapotec regiments, -3 Zapotec ships)
After the conquest of Pachacamac, the Huarpan Empire was left greatly expanded but also severely overstretched, especially as it had to face a series of peasant revolts due to the strain of war and fight off raids from their fellow Pirincar tribes to the north. In the context of the struggle for Andean dominance between the two key powers Tiahuanaco and Pacatnamu Huarpas fate was obvious enough; it was to become the battlefield for the ultimate showdown. In a way, this was already true for the central Andes from the beginning of this century; the Sun-Emperor Adajuph of Tiahuanaco had persuaded the Huarpans to conquer Pachacamac both in order to distract them and, in all the probability, to pave the way to his ultimate triumph by destroying Pacatnamus ally. This much was explicitly obvious to Emperor Pacapaiec of Pacatnamu, who, in all the probability, had greatly assisted the Moche resistance. By a twist of fate, in 712 both empires attacked Huarpa; Tiahuanaco seeked to reap what it had sown, and Pacatnamu seeked to restore Moche dominance in the region. Conceivably both sides also wished to preempt or thwart each other.
Be that as it may, the Huarpans were taken utterly aback by this. With naval assistance, the Pacatnamu were able to secure most of the coast in spite of the nearby Tiahuanacan advance; in one of the earliest battles between the two, the less professional and outnumbered Tiahuanacan fleet was repulsed, ensuring Pacatnamus naval superiority for the following few years at least. While this went on, the Tiahuanacans quickly advanced through the mountain passes to attack the fortress-city of Huarpa itself. After the dismal failure of early breakout attempts and the defection of his sons army to the Tiahuanacans (4 Huarpan regiments to Tiahuanaco), Emperor Kuelap and his troops holed up in there with lots of supplies. The fortress appeared impregnable, and so, after the failure of the first few assault attempts, the Tiahuanacans left a siege force and focused on taking over the rest of the country, especially as the Pacatnamu too began to advance in the inland regions. A series of bloody battles in the countrys northern valleys dominated 714; ultimately the Pacatnamu were denied most of the inlands, but their coastal positions remained unassailable; furthermore, they used their strategic advantage to land some of their reserves in Ocucaje itself, raising a limited rebellion there (+2 Pacatnamu levy regiments). Hasty redeployments kept the Pacatnamu from taking the city of Ocucaje itself, but the main purpose of the invasion to overstretch the Tiahuanacan forces further was achieved, effectively immobilising the Tiahuanacans. The situation changed again in late 715, however; after the suspicious death of Kuelap, his defected son, Atalay, managed to negotiate the final surrender of Huarpa, freeing up considerable Tiahuanacan forces and granting the mostly-intact fortress to them as a strong forward base, rectifying the logistical situation. The tides may turn soon.
(-Huarpa as an independent nation, -12 Tiahuanacan regiments, -6 Tiahuanacan ships, -8 Pacatnamu regiments, -4 Pacatnamu levy regiments, -3 Pacatnamu ships)
With Nord-Frisia itself in mortal peril, King Egil decreed for the Caledonian colony to be evacuated; while a fair amount of the administrator-nobles, merchants, new-arrivals and ofcourse warriors deployed there by Egil himself abided without hesitation, most of the colonists refused to abandon their land. Learning of this weakness, the Picts quickly mobilised a large amount of their restless warriors particularily those with grudges against the colonists and overwhelmed the mainland colony, taking advantage of the fierce yet poorly-coordinated nature of Viking defenses. Most of the islands remained out of Pictish reach as the main royal fleet was busy supporting the main campaign in Scandinavia, and the local Pictish feudals proved incapable of mounting anything bigger than a disjointed series of raids.
(-9 Pictish levy regiments)
The great war that grew out of Olaf IIs petty raid escalated further still. Playing on the outrage that grew out of the sack of the holy city of Bjorgvin, the Nord-Frisians rallied the warriors of both of King Egils realms to their banners (+20 levy regiments); furthermore, volunteers came in from Vendelia, Danelaw and Sund-Frisia (+5 levy regiments). A vigorous diplomatic campaign was also waged; while Danelaw was not stirred to action, the Vendel king Ohtar I led the royal army to assist the Nord-Frisians in 714. The Telamondesos was not inactive either; additional troops and Celtic colonists were constantly being brought in from the British Isles, and succesful diplomacy won Suesus an unexpected, but useful ally. In a sudden and unpopular move (-1 Confidence), King Raegenhere of Sund-Frisia sent his entire fleet to assist the Caerixians.
While apparent lack of coordination prevented the Sund-Frisian surprise effect from being put to maximum use the Caerixians being busy with their northern campaign for much of the decades first quarter the Nord-Frisians, who were very wary of separating their numerically-inferior fleet, proved quite easy to take by surprise once located. In the Battle of Stafangr, the Sund-Frisians used trickery to disrupt a major Nord-Frisian raid, and promptly seized several of the Nord-Frisian ships (8 Nord-Frisian ships to Sund-Frisia), sinking or heavily damaging many others before the Nord-Frisians managed to get their act together and retreat westwards. Between the Caerixian-held west coast and the fast Sund-Frisian fleet, the Nord-Frisians had no realistic choice but to flee towards the northern port city of Molde. Alas, they ran straight into the neo-Tigranist armada assisting the citys siege. The emphasis on the fleets unity doomed the Nord-Frisians, for it made them easy for the Sund-Frisians to follow; therefore, in the 713 Battle of Sula, the Nord-Frisians were caught between two numerically-superior fleets. Escape, however, was no longer an option the ships were dreadfully undersupplied, and the storms that damaged the Caerixian armada in late 712 took an even stronger toll on the battered Nord-Frisian navy. Therefore, the Nord-Frisian commander decided on a desperate last charge; he attacked the armada with all he had, and ordered the mass use of fire arrows and torches. Though the Nord-Frisian ships themselves often caught flame, the effect was immediate and noticeable, the Celts being definitely taken aback and parts of the armada pulling back in disarray. But the glimmer of hope was brief. The allies soon recovered, regrouped and encircled the Nord-Frisians, gradually crushing them. Some of the breakout attempts had limited success, and a few ships managed to survive the battle, hide out in the north and return to the Vik in a daring odyssey in 715, but the rest of the royal Nord-Frisian fleet simply ceased to exist during that battle. For all the purposes, the sea war was lost.
This last blow had put Nord-Frisia firmly on the defensive. Fortunately for Egil, the Celtic advance for much of this period was forcedly cautious due to constant hindrances, such as raids, uprisings, local feudal attacks and ofcourse the powerful and well-prepared Nord-Frisian fortifications. The Siege of Molde was a particularily drawn-out affair, the Nord-Frisian defenders holding out fanatically and repulsing assault after assault. Well-stocked, the fortress-port held for over two years, during which the neo-Tigranists were constantly harassed by other Nord-Frisian forces. However, the naval defeat at Sula put an end to all hopes of the fortress defenders, as the blockade finally began to take its toll with the last supplies beginning to run out. Choosing a quick and brave death, most of the Nord-Frisian men sallied out soon after the news of Sula reached them and attacked the enemy siege camp. Ultimately they were all slaughtered; the city itself then surrendered, a fair amount of women and children accepting Tigranus and the rest, along with the elders, committing suicide. The ultimate victories at Sula and Molde paved the way for the neo-Tigranist naval-supported conquest of the northern coast. When these news reached Egils provisional Viksborg court, he was heavily criticised by many of his jarls for failing to commit his forces to a decisive battle; though this allowed the Nord-Frisians to conserve most of their forces, it also made the neo-Tigranist victories much easier. With Ohtar now at his side, Egil acceded to the demands of his court and marched north in early 714 to attack the main Celtic army. In the meantime, said army headed southeastwards, hoping to seize Viksborg and put an end to this war. Alarmed by his scouts of the Celtic movement, Egil saw a wonderful opportunity to score a decisive victory; having attained overwhelming numerical superiority with his levies and his Vendels (at the price of ruining his countrys economy further still), Egil confronted the Celts in a straightforward battle on the Lagan River with the core of the royal army and half of the feudal levies and volunteers. Eager for battle and reasonably confident in their general superiority, the Celts soon seized the initiative and cut into Egils forces. At this point, the trap was sprung; Ohtars army struck at the eastern flank of the Celts with a devastating cavalry charge followed up by the infantry. Lapses in coordination allowed the Celts to fall back and regroup, but at this point a feudal Nord-Frisian army arrived from the west with some delay, and the armys doom was sealed; the main neo-Tigranist offensive force was wiped out, and Nord-Frisias morale was restored. However, this was far from the end; the Celts remained dominant in the western coastal regions, where they still had considerable (and growing) forces perfectly ready to defend their new strongholds. Although some of the inlands and northernmost regions were reconquered in 715, the rest was thus far kept out of Nord-Frisias reach.
(-2 Hibernian regiments, -1 Hibernian Seoltoireacht ship, -11 Caerixian regiments, -3 Caerixian DeiwoKenget regiments, -3 Caerixian levy regiments, -12 Caerixian ships, -4 Sund-Frisian ships, - 8 Nord-Frisian regiments, -22 Nord-Frisian levy regiments, -37 Nord-Frisian ships, -4 Pictish regiments, -2 Pictish ships, -6 Vendel regiments)
Anti-Teuton Berber raids generally died down, but border skirmishes continued on a smaller scale. Some of the Teutonic commanders petitioned the Kadjorix to launch a campaign against the Tarekids, but no action was taken as of 715 (-1 Teutonic Confidence).
A 712 peasant rebellion at the outskirts of Nont fully revealed the rotten and unstable state of Germano-Celtic kingdom of Ligania; having gained the support of the increasingly restless and arrogant royal warriors, the eccentric but highly-charismatic rebel leader known under the decidedly weird [3] name of Tobias managed to break into the capital and force the Kadjorix Gallenmach to grant him effective dictatorial powers. Fearful for his life, Gallenmach accepted, and allowed Tobias to purge the restive court that bitterly refused to recognise the takeover (-1 Bureaucracy). Attempts at sweeping populist reform including the curtailing of taxes and internal tariffs backfired badly, as the already-outraged nobles were pushed into outright rebellion in the Liga Valley. This moment was also used by the northern Celtic separatists to rise up as well, fed up with the perceived utter incompetence of Nont (parts of the largely Celtic fleet defected to the rebels as well (-10 Kratonian ships)); and lastly, the Germanic tribes on the eastern border likewise refused to recognise the takeover and the slaughter of the largely-Germanic court (-3 Liganian Confidence). The bizarre act of renaming the state into the Kratonian Empire did not help Tobias case much. Nonetheless, the peasant rebels remained loyal to their leader, and the royal warriors were traditionally opposed to many of the more conservative and powerful landed nobles, therefore also taking Tobias side in the escalating civil war. The main loyalist rebel army was crushed at Andecav [4], enabling Tobias men to go on a retributive rampage (further damaging the economy as things went completely out of anybodys control). This lapse in discipline and other difficulties prevented any effective operations against the Celtic and Germanic tribal rebellions, and hostilities died down along the present lines until early 713, when, alarmed by rumours of impending Thuringian intervention, the Sund-Frisians preemptively moved into eastern Ligania and crushed the Germanic tribes by themselves. This, however, brought them into conflict with the bloodthirsty Kratonian warriors; the conflict amounted to little more than constant skirmishing and raiding, but was to have grave and immediate consequences for Sund-Frisia, or at least one of its allies.
(-Old Ligania, -2 Kratonian regiments, -7 Kratonian levy regiments, -1 Sund-Frisian regiment)
For Wideph IIs military reforms and political consolidation efforts in Thuringia itself were complete, and the king could now turn towards military expansion. Sachsland not Ligania had inevitably caught his eye; the militarily-weak, but prosperous state was an ideal target. Ofcourse, it was also a known ally of Sund-Frisia, but the Sund-Frisians were apparently engaged elsewhere, at least for now; if anything, it made it all the more important to strike quickly. And therefore, in 713, Prince Radulfs elite Royal Thuringian Army attacked Sachsland and decisively routed the Saxon levies and western forces at Bingen. Before King Richomer could take any decisive measures in the wake of this disaster, the Thuringians secured one of the key bridges over the Rhine and laid siege to Schwartzburg. While the siege bogged down, all attempts to raise it were nipped in the bud with decisive attacks by the superior Thuringian forces. In 714, the Sund-Frisians invaded Thuringia from the Liganian territories secured previously; though commanding superior numbers initially, they soon were tied down by the Thuringian strongholds, while Wideph raised the levies, achieving numerical parity, and fought an effective holding action. Later in the year, however, rebellious feudals (+3 Sund-Frisian levy regiments) allowed the invaders to capture two key northwestern fortresses and put Widephs strategy off balance. Though warfare soon bogged down into indecisive skirmishes again, this necessitated a quick resolution of the Saxon campaign; therefore, in early 715 the exhausted defenders of Schwartzburg faced a major assault facilitated by effective sapping. The Thuringians overwhelmed the city and proclaimed Sachsland fallen, having captured Richomer himself; although there actually still was some resistance in the countryside, much of it was crushed by 715 and the rest was very uncoordinated and disorganised. Thus far the Thuringian plan paid off wonderfully (+1 banked eco. point to Thuringia), but the Sund-Frisians may get their act together soon, in which case all of Widephs successes may yet be undone.
(-Sachsland as a cohesive political entity, -2 Sund-Frisian regiments, -1 Sund-Frisian levy regiment, -5 Thuringian regiments, -1 Thuringian Royal Archer regiment, -2 Thuringian levy regiments)
Small-scale but extensive Gothic punitive expeditions secured a forward military frontier against the Slavic tribes, symbolically turning the tide in the old struggle that drove the old Germanic tribes west.
Having been embarrassed in their attempts to seize Pisa at the outset of the century, the Ligurians dedicated much of their time since then and up to 712 to reforming and strengthening their military in preparations for another go at the northern Italian city. The preparations were extensive and impressive; the old formation of the Sons of Belenu was revived from mere ceremoniality and greatly expanded into an elite fanatical assault force, advanced siege weapons were procured and the fleet was readied. The 712 attack caught the Pisans made careless by their easy 701 victory entirely by surprise; the Ligurians won the hard-fought naval battle at the delta of river Arno, cutting the city off from the vital maritime commerce and supplies, while a large Ligurian force easily crushed the Pisan troops and mercenaries in the open field, besieging the city. Constantly harassed by levies, the defenders barely held their own on the walls just as these walls were undermined with the help from foreign siege specialists, allowing for a general breakthrough that effortlessly overran the citys defenders. Some initial looting aside, the occupation was mostly merciful, as the Priest-King wanted to retain the citys wealth. Emboldened by this stunning victory, the Ligurians pressed on further; though they naturally lost their surprise effect now, most other Latin cities werent quite as heavily fortified as Pisa, and towards 714 the northern third of Greater Latium [5] was in Ligurian hands. Further advance was prevented by uprisings behind the enemy lines and mounting resistance, as the surviving Latin city-states formed a loose coalition and hired a large amount of mercenaries, fighting the Ligurians to a bloody standstill at Urbs Vetus. After that, the Ligurians pulled back to consolidate their gains, while the Latins, their coffers quite drained, began besieging Capua with pleas for assistance.
(-2 Ligurian regiments, -3 Ligurian Sons of Belenu regiments, -11 Ligurian levy regiments, -3 Ligurian ships)
Foreword:
Eternal battle! We but dream of peace/through blood and dust.
- unknown contemporary Greek poet [1].
The decade began hopefully, as some of the wars or at least theatres of war died down, and other conflicts apparently failed to materialise. However, those wars that remained raged on in full strength, and little more than a year passed before new brutal conflicts arose, with new lands being thrown into the furnace. In the Andes, great armies maneuvered in the intricate labyrinth of mountain passes, vying for their prizes in a complex dance of war. In Europe, deceit, betrayal and confusion reigned supreme, with leaders both ambitious and vigilant striving to enact their plans amidst increasing chaos. And in Asia, rich in manpower and zeal, some of the most epic clashes took place, while great rulers, irritated by escalating quagmires, began to resort to a brutal pharnacian strategy [2] of ruthless subjugation.
Domestic Events:
Tepehuani efforts to revitalise Izapa as a trade centre bore fruit (+1 Trade); likewise, the rebuilt city became a strong forward base for further campaigns (see military events).
Years of neglect and growing decadence (-1 Bureaucracy, Confidence) resulted in several of the less significant Coban puppet-city-states effectively moving away without much difficulty.
The rivalry between the Zapotec city-states had been slowly intensifying, with a naval race between the key port cities and a colonial great game in Cuba between Dainzu and Huijazoo, both northern port cities founding new colonies there.
In spite of his old age, Adajuph of Tiahuanaco remained very active, even personally visiting the city of Ocucaje to consecrate a new temple to Inti there and help sacrifice some captured rebels. Slowly, but surely, the region is being integrated into the main Tiahuanacan culture as well as state. Back in Tiahuanaco itself, the great temple complex the City of the Sun is finished, increasing the capitals religious influence further and also serving to revitalise local craftsmanship.
A minor royal vengeance trip aside (see Lord_Iggys stories), Eldsland continued to grow in peace, braving the hardships and slowly climbing to relative prosperity. A new major settlement was established at Akureyri to the northeast; in the south, the settlement of Hafur was founded, chiefly by later refugees from Scandinavia.
The work on the Kosmotigrano Caeri is finally finished, not only strengthening the church but also increasing Caerixian cultural influence even further, causing a fresh influx of trade (or rather assisting the general northwest European tendency) and generally impressing the population (+1 Caerixian Trade, Confidence).
In a somewhat controversial act of assertion, the Gothic king declared himself to be the supreme owner of all the property in Gothland, though generously allowing it to remain also the property of his subjects when relevant.
The Latgallian empire-building continued, with the integration of numerous additional Slavic lands; it was easier said than done, seeing as the Slavs were not particularily pro-Baltic. Nevertheless, the succesful expansion did allow for an agricultural boom of sorts, while the conquered Slavs have started to intermix with the Balts.
The Nubians began to gradually integrate and rebuild their northern gains, in spite of raids and banditry disrupting those efforts somewhat. There also remained some formalities that had to be settled with Gyat, the Ankhader ruler of northern Karung.
The Mahapuran efforts to gather together specialists from all over the western Indic world bore some fruit, largely inasmuch as they brought about a cultural renaissance but also due to helping spread advances from elsewhere and creating a prominent and advanced (al)chemical school in Mahapura.
In the wake of Colchis end and under the Akkadian influences, the Agade Dag Turkic tribes of the Caucasus formed the Kipchak Empire. Attempts to bring other Turkic tribes into the empire had thus far been unsuccessful, but the empire itself had started out surprisingly well, with little internal strife.
Under Melech David ben-Yoav, Saba saw a loosening of various restrictions, and at the same time a greater religious and cultural renaissance as the education system created under Yoav ben-Asur began to give fruit.
A combination of benevolent and ruthless measures (and, ofcourse, Akkadian support) allowed for a gradual stabilisation in Magan.
The end of the war with Ayutamradvipa combined with major financial relief allowed for an economic boom in the Republic of Guangling; in the meantime, the Lord-Protector focused on the reformist part of his agenda in the post-war period, reorganising the local justice system and organising a committee to review the war-time performance of the Guanglingese military. Due attention was also given by the Republic to the reconstruction, colonisation and integration of Fujian (+1 Confidence).
International Events:
Rumours spread of Dainzus prince seeking greater ties with the powerful, though declining, Mayan city-state of Coba.
The Gothic prince Emrach was sent to Caerix for further education and to strengthen the diplomatic ties between Gothland and Caerix; the traditional-minded populace of Gothland is not happy with this and other (see Domestic Events) evidence of the monarchys Celtic corruption (-1 Confidence). On the brighter side, closer contact with Caerix allowed for commercial growth, focused on the port of Stade.
Continued Tarekid and Ligurian efforts at spreading their respective faiths into Gallien have born fruit threatening to tear Burgundsrich apart in the process, as religious disagreements between the increasingly-Ashaist court and the Belenist eastern magnates had further fueled regional strife. King Karloman II was yet to take any definite position officially, but his Ashaist sympathies were widely known, seeing as he had conducted a consistent policy of inviting Tarekid scholars and specialists into the country; this couldnt but further fuel strife (+1 Education, -1 Confidence).
In a courteous move, the Akkadian DagUru Ibradarham allowed the remaining Colchians to migrate west, leaving the land to the Turks (-Colchis as an independent nation); needless to say, this only really applied to the nobility and the warriors, as well as the court and some random commoners, but the remaining population was in no position to fight back against the Kipchak conquerors either way. Vologases III and the warriors that followed him soon joined the Miletean military (+2 Miletean regiments, +6 Miletean levy regiments).
Amidst the ruins of war and with the assistance of Akkadian and Odrysan missionaries, Hellas entered an Agade Dag renaissance, even though the Ashaists remained in the majority.
Agade Dag missionaries in Central Asia had also reached the neo-Khitan Empire, establishing a presence at the fascinated court.
With trade taking a major hit and both sides still far from any decisive victory, Ayutamradvipa and Guangling settled on a peace treaty. While the Republic was allowed to annex the former Hokkien colony, it had to make various concessions, paying out reparations, accepting a naval limit that kept the Guanglingese navy at less than 50% of the Ayutamradvipan equivalent and forcing the Guanglingese merchants to travel via the Ayutamradvipan ports while trading south of Nam (not that Guangling was all that involved in commerce in that region). Despite some limited grumbling on both sides of the kind that usually follows any diplomatic compromise on the whole it was hard to deny that, as the war ended, the blockades were removed, the Nam embargo ceased and the pirates were rooted out (see military events for that last one), the entire East Asian region saw a great upturn of commerce.
Military Events:
Having rebuilt his forces, Emperor Atlacatl decided to press on against the Mayan city-states; in part this was precisely because he knew of their defensive preparations, and wanted to strike before they get too entrenched. The casus belli was the failure of the Mayan city of Chinkultic to hand over or even expel Kawiil, former king of Izapa and the most prominent of Atlacatls previous victims; Atlacatl mobilised vast armies and marched on Chinkultic. Chinkultics king, Aguabalam, proved to be a far more succesful and adroit leader than Kawiil; having formed up a coalition of southern Mayan city-states, he refused to give the Tepehuani a proper battle, and instead skillfully harassed Atlacatls army in the jungles. In the meantime, Chinkultic was largely evacuated, most of its population plus the treasury moving to Lubaantin, ruled by Aguabalams relatives. The garrison continued to defend the empty city; this combined with constant pestering raids greatly delayed Tepehuani progress and weakened the army. Atlacatl only captured the city in 713, to discover that there was nearly nothing of use left, except for various traps that further weakened his army. In the meantime, Aguabalam pulled back to Lubaantin, where he managed to rally a larger Mayan force, reinforced by mercenaries and troops from the concerned western Zapotec cities. Having learned of Aguabalams destination but not of his plans or numbers, Atlacatl had already commenced a westwards march, but was delayed at the city of Seibal; it was there that Aguabalams grand army engaged the Tepehuani, striking from the jungles in a multi-pronged attack. By this point, previous Tepehuani casualties and Aguabalams reinforcements resulted in the balance of numbers being tilted towards the Mayans; furthermore, the Mayans had key strategic advantages over the Tepehuani. Therefore the latter were conclusively routed, and Atlacatl himself was almost captured. The follow-up chase also managed to thin the Tepehuani numbers further. Logistical difficulties and disagreements within Aguabalams coalition prevented the Mayans from taking advantage of this victory, however; and in the meantime, Atlacatl managed to regroup his forces at Chinkultic. Having successfully fortified and repopulated it, he then fought off some initial attempts to reclaim it, while levying additional forces and conquering the remnants Mayan southern coast despite Zapotec meddling there. Plans for an attack on the Zapotec city-states had to be delayed when the Tepehuani fleet suffered a major defeat at the hands of the southern port cities at the delta of the river Lempa in late 715.
(-12 Tepehuani regiments, -7 Tepehuani levy regiments, -10 Tepehuani ships, -2 Zapotec regiments, -3 Zapotec ships)
After the conquest of Pachacamac, the Huarpan Empire was left greatly expanded but also severely overstretched, especially as it had to face a series of peasant revolts due to the strain of war and fight off raids from their fellow Pirincar tribes to the north. In the context of the struggle for Andean dominance between the two key powers Tiahuanaco and Pacatnamu Huarpas fate was obvious enough; it was to become the battlefield for the ultimate showdown. In a way, this was already true for the central Andes from the beginning of this century; the Sun-Emperor Adajuph of Tiahuanaco had persuaded the Huarpans to conquer Pachacamac both in order to distract them and, in all the probability, to pave the way to his ultimate triumph by destroying Pacatnamus ally. This much was explicitly obvious to Emperor Pacapaiec of Pacatnamu, who, in all the probability, had greatly assisted the Moche resistance. By a twist of fate, in 712 both empires attacked Huarpa; Tiahuanaco seeked to reap what it had sown, and Pacatnamu seeked to restore Moche dominance in the region. Conceivably both sides also wished to preempt or thwart each other.
Be that as it may, the Huarpans were taken utterly aback by this. With naval assistance, the Pacatnamu were able to secure most of the coast in spite of the nearby Tiahuanacan advance; in one of the earliest battles between the two, the less professional and outnumbered Tiahuanacan fleet was repulsed, ensuring Pacatnamus naval superiority for the following few years at least. While this went on, the Tiahuanacans quickly advanced through the mountain passes to attack the fortress-city of Huarpa itself. After the dismal failure of early breakout attempts and the defection of his sons army to the Tiahuanacans (4 Huarpan regiments to Tiahuanaco), Emperor Kuelap and his troops holed up in there with lots of supplies. The fortress appeared impregnable, and so, after the failure of the first few assault attempts, the Tiahuanacans left a siege force and focused on taking over the rest of the country, especially as the Pacatnamu too began to advance in the inland regions. A series of bloody battles in the countrys northern valleys dominated 714; ultimately the Pacatnamu were denied most of the inlands, but their coastal positions remained unassailable; furthermore, they used their strategic advantage to land some of their reserves in Ocucaje itself, raising a limited rebellion there (+2 Pacatnamu levy regiments). Hasty redeployments kept the Pacatnamu from taking the city of Ocucaje itself, but the main purpose of the invasion to overstretch the Tiahuanacan forces further was achieved, effectively immobilising the Tiahuanacans. The situation changed again in late 715, however; after the suspicious death of Kuelap, his defected son, Atalay, managed to negotiate the final surrender of Huarpa, freeing up considerable Tiahuanacan forces and granting the mostly-intact fortress to them as a strong forward base, rectifying the logistical situation. The tides may turn soon.
(-Huarpa as an independent nation, -12 Tiahuanacan regiments, -6 Tiahuanacan ships, -8 Pacatnamu regiments, -4 Pacatnamu levy regiments, -3 Pacatnamu ships)
With Nord-Frisia itself in mortal peril, King Egil decreed for the Caledonian colony to be evacuated; while a fair amount of the administrator-nobles, merchants, new-arrivals and ofcourse warriors deployed there by Egil himself abided without hesitation, most of the colonists refused to abandon their land. Learning of this weakness, the Picts quickly mobilised a large amount of their restless warriors particularily those with grudges against the colonists and overwhelmed the mainland colony, taking advantage of the fierce yet poorly-coordinated nature of Viking defenses. Most of the islands remained out of Pictish reach as the main royal fleet was busy supporting the main campaign in Scandinavia, and the local Pictish feudals proved incapable of mounting anything bigger than a disjointed series of raids.
(-9 Pictish levy regiments)
The great war that grew out of Olaf IIs petty raid escalated further still. Playing on the outrage that grew out of the sack of the holy city of Bjorgvin, the Nord-Frisians rallied the warriors of both of King Egils realms to their banners (+20 levy regiments); furthermore, volunteers came in from Vendelia, Danelaw and Sund-Frisia (+5 levy regiments). A vigorous diplomatic campaign was also waged; while Danelaw was not stirred to action, the Vendel king Ohtar I led the royal army to assist the Nord-Frisians in 714. The Telamondesos was not inactive either; additional troops and Celtic colonists were constantly being brought in from the British Isles, and succesful diplomacy won Suesus an unexpected, but useful ally. In a sudden and unpopular move (-1 Confidence), King Raegenhere of Sund-Frisia sent his entire fleet to assist the Caerixians.
While apparent lack of coordination prevented the Sund-Frisian surprise effect from being put to maximum use the Caerixians being busy with their northern campaign for much of the decades first quarter the Nord-Frisians, who were very wary of separating their numerically-inferior fleet, proved quite easy to take by surprise once located. In the Battle of Stafangr, the Sund-Frisians used trickery to disrupt a major Nord-Frisian raid, and promptly seized several of the Nord-Frisian ships (8 Nord-Frisian ships to Sund-Frisia), sinking or heavily damaging many others before the Nord-Frisians managed to get their act together and retreat westwards. Between the Caerixian-held west coast and the fast Sund-Frisian fleet, the Nord-Frisians had no realistic choice but to flee towards the northern port city of Molde. Alas, they ran straight into the neo-Tigranist armada assisting the citys siege. The emphasis on the fleets unity doomed the Nord-Frisians, for it made them easy for the Sund-Frisians to follow; therefore, in the 713 Battle of Sula, the Nord-Frisians were caught between two numerically-superior fleets. Escape, however, was no longer an option the ships were dreadfully undersupplied, and the storms that damaged the Caerixian armada in late 712 took an even stronger toll on the battered Nord-Frisian navy. Therefore, the Nord-Frisian commander decided on a desperate last charge; he attacked the armada with all he had, and ordered the mass use of fire arrows and torches. Though the Nord-Frisian ships themselves often caught flame, the effect was immediate and noticeable, the Celts being definitely taken aback and parts of the armada pulling back in disarray. But the glimmer of hope was brief. The allies soon recovered, regrouped and encircled the Nord-Frisians, gradually crushing them. Some of the breakout attempts had limited success, and a few ships managed to survive the battle, hide out in the north and return to the Vik in a daring odyssey in 715, but the rest of the royal Nord-Frisian fleet simply ceased to exist during that battle. For all the purposes, the sea war was lost.
This last blow had put Nord-Frisia firmly on the defensive. Fortunately for Egil, the Celtic advance for much of this period was forcedly cautious due to constant hindrances, such as raids, uprisings, local feudal attacks and ofcourse the powerful and well-prepared Nord-Frisian fortifications. The Siege of Molde was a particularily drawn-out affair, the Nord-Frisian defenders holding out fanatically and repulsing assault after assault. Well-stocked, the fortress-port held for over two years, during which the neo-Tigranists were constantly harassed by other Nord-Frisian forces. However, the naval defeat at Sula put an end to all hopes of the fortress defenders, as the blockade finally began to take its toll with the last supplies beginning to run out. Choosing a quick and brave death, most of the Nord-Frisian men sallied out soon after the news of Sula reached them and attacked the enemy siege camp. Ultimately they were all slaughtered; the city itself then surrendered, a fair amount of women and children accepting Tigranus and the rest, along with the elders, committing suicide. The ultimate victories at Sula and Molde paved the way for the neo-Tigranist naval-supported conquest of the northern coast. When these news reached Egils provisional Viksborg court, he was heavily criticised by many of his jarls for failing to commit his forces to a decisive battle; though this allowed the Nord-Frisians to conserve most of their forces, it also made the neo-Tigranist victories much easier. With Ohtar now at his side, Egil acceded to the demands of his court and marched north in early 714 to attack the main Celtic army. In the meantime, said army headed southeastwards, hoping to seize Viksborg and put an end to this war. Alarmed by his scouts of the Celtic movement, Egil saw a wonderful opportunity to score a decisive victory; having attained overwhelming numerical superiority with his levies and his Vendels (at the price of ruining his countrys economy further still), Egil confronted the Celts in a straightforward battle on the Lagan River with the core of the royal army and half of the feudal levies and volunteers. Eager for battle and reasonably confident in their general superiority, the Celts soon seized the initiative and cut into Egils forces. At this point, the trap was sprung; Ohtars army struck at the eastern flank of the Celts with a devastating cavalry charge followed up by the infantry. Lapses in coordination allowed the Celts to fall back and regroup, but at this point a feudal Nord-Frisian army arrived from the west with some delay, and the armys doom was sealed; the main neo-Tigranist offensive force was wiped out, and Nord-Frisias morale was restored. However, this was far from the end; the Celts remained dominant in the western coastal regions, where they still had considerable (and growing) forces perfectly ready to defend their new strongholds. Although some of the inlands and northernmost regions were reconquered in 715, the rest was thus far kept out of Nord-Frisias reach.
(-2 Hibernian regiments, -1 Hibernian Seoltoireacht ship, -11 Caerixian regiments, -3 Caerixian DeiwoKenget regiments, -3 Caerixian levy regiments, -12 Caerixian ships, -4 Sund-Frisian ships, - 8 Nord-Frisian regiments, -22 Nord-Frisian levy regiments, -37 Nord-Frisian ships, -4 Pictish regiments, -2 Pictish ships, -6 Vendel regiments)
Anti-Teuton Berber raids generally died down, but border skirmishes continued on a smaller scale. Some of the Teutonic commanders petitioned the Kadjorix to launch a campaign against the Tarekids, but no action was taken as of 715 (-1 Teutonic Confidence).
A 712 peasant rebellion at the outskirts of Nont fully revealed the rotten and unstable state of Germano-Celtic kingdom of Ligania; having gained the support of the increasingly restless and arrogant royal warriors, the eccentric but highly-charismatic rebel leader known under the decidedly weird [3] name of Tobias managed to break into the capital and force the Kadjorix Gallenmach to grant him effective dictatorial powers. Fearful for his life, Gallenmach accepted, and allowed Tobias to purge the restive court that bitterly refused to recognise the takeover (-1 Bureaucracy). Attempts at sweeping populist reform including the curtailing of taxes and internal tariffs backfired badly, as the already-outraged nobles were pushed into outright rebellion in the Liga Valley. This moment was also used by the northern Celtic separatists to rise up as well, fed up with the perceived utter incompetence of Nont (parts of the largely Celtic fleet defected to the rebels as well (-10 Kratonian ships)); and lastly, the Germanic tribes on the eastern border likewise refused to recognise the takeover and the slaughter of the largely-Germanic court (-3 Liganian Confidence). The bizarre act of renaming the state into the Kratonian Empire did not help Tobias case much. Nonetheless, the peasant rebels remained loyal to their leader, and the royal warriors were traditionally opposed to many of the more conservative and powerful landed nobles, therefore also taking Tobias side in the escalating civil war. The main loyalist rebel army was crushed at Andecav [4], enabling Tobias men to go on a retributive rampage (further damaging the economy as things went completely out of anybodys control). This lapse in discipline and other difficulties prevented any effective operations against the Celtic and Germanic tribal rebellions, and hostilities died down along the present lines until early 713, when, alarmed by rumours of impending Thuringian intervention, the Sund-Frisians preemptively moved into eastern Ligania and crushed the Germanic tribes by themselves. This, however, brought them into conflict with the bloodthirsty Kratonian warriors; the conflict amounted to little more than constant skirmishing and raiding, but was to have grave and immediate consequences for Sund-Frisia, or at least one of its allies.
(-Old Ligania, -2 Kratonian regiments, -7 Kratonian levy regiments, -1 Sund-Frisian regiment)
For Wideph IIs military reforms and political consolidation efforts in Thuringia itself were complete, and the king could now turn towards military expansion. Sachsland not Ligania had inevitably caught his eye; the militarily-weak, but prosperous state was an ideal target. Ofcourse, it was also a known ally of Sund-Frisia, but the Sund-Frisians were apparently engaged elsewhere, at least for now; if anything, it made it all the more important to strike quickly. And therefore, in 713, Prince Radulfs elite Royal Thuringian Army attacked Sachsland and decisively routed the Saxon levies and western forces at Bingen. Before King Richomer could take any decisive measures in the wake of this disaster, the Thuringians secured one of the key bridges over the Rhine and laid siege to Schwartzburg. While the siege bogged down, all attempts to raise it were nipped in the bud with decisive attacks by the superior Thuringian forces. In 714, the Sund-Frisians invaded Thuringia from the Liganian territories secured previously; though commanding superior numbers initially, they soon were tied down by the Thuringian strongholds, while Wideph raised the levies, achieving numerical parity, and fought an effective holding action. Later in the year, however, rebellious feudals (+3 Sund-Frisian levy regiments) allowed the invaders to capture two key northwestern fortresses and put Widephs strategy off balance. Though warfare soon bogged down into indecisive skirmishes again, this necessitated a quick resolution of the Saxon campaign; therefore, in early 715 the exhausted defenders of Schwartzburg faced a major assault facilitated by effective sapping. The Thuringians overwhelmed the city and proclaimed Sachsland fallen, having captured Richomer himself; although there actually still was some resistance in the countryside, much of it was crushed by 715 and the rest was very uncoordinated and disorganised. Thus far the Thuringian plan paid off wonderfully (+1 banked eco. point to Thuringia), but the Sund-Frisians may get their act together soon, in which case all of Widephs successes may yet be undone.
(-Sachsland as a cohesive political entity, -2 Sund-Frisian regiments, -1 Sund-Frisian levy regiment, -5 Thuringian regiments, -1 Thuringian Royal Archer regiment, -2 Thuringian levy regiments)
Small-scale but extensive Gothic punitive expeditions secured a forward military frontier against the Slavic tribes, symbolically turning the tide in the old struggle that drove the old Germanic tribes west.
Having been embarrassed in their attempts to seize Pisa at the outset of the century, the Ligurians dedicated much of their time since then and up to 712 to reforming and strengthening their military in preparations for another go at the northern Italian city. The preparations were extensive and impressive; the old formation of the Sons of Belenu was revived from mere ceremoniality and greatly expanded into an elite fanatical assault force, advanced siege weapons were procured and the fleet was readied. The 712 attack caught the Pisans made careless by their easy 701 victory entirely by surprise; the Ligurians won the hard-fought naval battle at the delta of river Arno, cutting the city off from the vital maritime commerce and supplies, while a large Ligurian force easily crushed the Pisan troops and mercenaries in the open field, besieging the city. Constantly harassed by levies, the defenders barely held their own on the walls just as these walls were undermined with the help from foreign siege specialists, allowing for a general breakthrough that effortlessly overran the citys defenders. Some initial looting aside, the occupation was mostly merciful, as the Priest-King wanted to retain the citys wealth. Emboldened by this stunning victory, the Ligurians pressed on further; though they naturally lost their surprise effect now, most other Latin cities werent quite as heavily fortified as Pisa, and towards 714 the northern third of Greater Latium [5] was in Ligurian hands. Further advance was prevented by uprisings behind the enemy lines and mounting resistance, as the surviving Latin city-states formed a loose coalition and hired a large amount of mercenaries, fighting the Ligurians to a bloody standstill at Urbs Vetus. After that, the Ligurians pulled back to consolidate their gains, while the Latins, their coffers quite drained, began besieging Capua with pleas for assistance.
(-2 Ligurian regiments, -3 Ligurian Sons of Belenu regiments, -11 Ligurian levy regiments, -3 Ligurian ships)
das
Regeneration In Process
Continued Latgallian expansion into the Slavic lands ran into two significant centres of resistance: Malatij and Czernin. Malatij, to the southeast, was the capital of knes (prince, but also with religious significance) Wolin, who had previously defied Latgallian expansion efforts and rallied the other local tribes to coordinate defenses, as well as retaliative raids. This made Malatij a key target for the Latgallians; in 711-712, a grand campaign was mounted against the city. Ultimately, the sheer numbers of the Latgallians (who were for once matched in ferocity and zeal) carried the day, but the final battle for Malatij was very costly, driving the warriors to ignore King Eduards’ instructions and simply burn the city and massacre the survivors. A similar policy was adapted to crush the remaining “Wolinian” tribes, though a fair amount of these actually migrated eastwards before the Latgallians could do anything about that. The war in the south was even more difficult, as the Rzekan tribal confederacy reformed into a more centralised and militarised society around the great religious centre of Czernin; an overambitious attack on Czernin itself was repulsed with heavy casualties as knes Siemowit rallied a large tribal army and used it to pin the Latgallians down at the city walls, forcing them to fight their way out back north. Some gains were still made in the northeast, but aside from that the Latgallians were thwarted in their plans for the conquest of the Vistula, bogging down in a renewed war of raids and skirmishes, with an emerging threat of serious Slavic counterattacks.
(-7 Latgallian regiments, -2 Rzekan regiments, -6 Rzekan levy regiments)
In an effort to secure a safe northern frontier, the Singidunians launched a series of campaigns to pacify the Slavic tribes. Despite occasional setbacks, the effort has, as whole, succeeded.
(-2 Singidunian regiments)
The Mediterranean holy wars raged on and escalated further, as both the Ashaist and Agade Dag camps closed some fronts while opening up new ones, mobilising more of their resources and bringing in fresh allies.
711 saw the Ashaists rebuild and regroup their battered fleet at Arecomos, while also bringing in additional reinforcements; once more, an armada was gathering, and this time it was joined by the Capuans, whose new king, Numa III, was decidedly pro-Tarekid. The Numidian failure to send any naval forces whatsoever this time was balanced out by a similar failure on the behalf of the Paphlagonians, and with the separate, but highly active Miletean naval forces taken into consideration, the balance of naval power in the Mediterranean had subtly, but decisively shifted in the favour of the Ashaists. However, that was a numerical adjustment first and foremost; as always in war, strategy was more important, at least for the duration of the maneuver phase, which was very intense indeed, with action on numerous theatres.
Perhaps mindful of their numerical inferiority, the Hellenes – whose leader, Basil Romanos, commanded the Agade Dag main fleet – decided to split up their naval forces, sending the largest segment south for operations that would be described later. Therefore, only pitiful forces were left to defend the Agade Dag naval superiority in the Mediterranean; on one hand, this pretty much assured a strategic Ashaist naval victory, and on the other hand it pretty much ruined Amsur Raet’s plans for a decisive sea battle. Be that as it may, however: the main naval campaigns of 711-712 saw the Ashaist armada eliminate a smaller Hellenic naval detachment in the Ionian Sea and deliver a Tarekid-Capuan Ankhade to Crete. The resistance of the local militias was courageous, but ineffective against the large and proficient invading army; Heraklion fell to a quick assault; Basil Romanos had the foresight to go with the southern fleet, but the already-ramshackle Hellenic Empire took another blow (-1 Bureaucracy, Confidence). The Aegean war was rather less straightforward; the Hellenic fleet there was outnumbered by the Mileteans, but far superior in quality and blessed with inspired leadership; even though it was unable to stop the Miletean amphibious invasion of Euboea, the Hellenic detachment managed to meet up with the Odrysan fleet (as Odrysa joined in on the Agade Dag side) at the undefended Hellespont and landed a shocking defeat on the Mileteans at Tinos after some intricate maneuvering. However, the Mileteans managed to pull back and regroup at the Hellespont, trapping the Odrysan fleet in the Aegean Sea; as the Ashaists consolidated their control over Crete, it was decided to assist the Mileteans in putting an end to the Hellenic presence in Europe and the Aegean. In a sweeping naval campaign, the Ashaists secured island after island in the Aegean (eventually forcing the remaining Agade Dag naval forces in the region to flee towards Phoenicia, many of them being intercepted and eliminated but some ultimately linking up with Romanos), while also landing forces in the Peloponnesus to assist the Ashaist rebels there. By then, the Mileteans – who had from the start of 712 been on a grand overland offensive, gradually sweeping aside the outnumbered Agade Dag forces – had bogged down around Corinth, where a strong Hellenic garrison still held out. In 713, despite fighting off an assault, the city surrendered – the supplies had ran out, diseases ran rampant and the garrison was thoroughly reduced.
The end of the Hellenic presence in Greece did not, however, mean the total defeat of Agade Dag in the region; since 712, the Odrysans were attacking not just on the sea but also on the land. Stretched thin (with the best of their troops dead or in Greece) and thoroughly exhausted, the Mileteans were unable to prevent most of Racadonia from falling into Odrysan hands with minimal resistance; a later (714) attempt to reclaim the town of Uskadama [6] resulted in a horrific massacre of massed, but poorly-armed, poorly-organised and demoralised Miletean levies at the hands of a much smaller Odrysan force. Apart from this and lesser incidents, the Mileteans in the northeast mostly just hid behind the fortifications of Kratopolis and the Hellespont, which the Odrysans made no attempt to assault. Instead, they moved into Macedonia, quickly overwhelming the area with the help from local Agade Dag rebels (+5 Odrysan levy regiments). They were only stopped in 714, when, after the collapse of the Hellenic resistance, the Mileteans were finally able to commit their best forces against the Odrysans. A series of skirmishes pushed the Odrysans out of Boeotia, but the rest of their gains were secure and the Mileteans, with their logistics in shambles and their armies badly damaged, were incapable of mounting any serious counteroffensives.
With Greece left in stalemate, we could move on to the next theatre: Anatolia. There, Paphlagonia was wholly preoccupied by the rebel quagmire. Gradually, the Miletean rebels were rooted out, but it was a slow and costly process that was still not finished by 713, with considerable rebel forces still holding out in the southwest. Their survival was to have grave consequences for the entire Akkadian world soon enough; in early 713, the Tarekid-Capuan elite forces landed at Miletos, inspiring a popular rebellion within the city that easily overwhelmed the puny Hellenic garrison. Soon, the rebels were able to link up with their allies (+10 Tarekid levy regiments) and together this force had no problem overwhelming southwestern Anatolia. Outnumbered and taken by surprise, the Paphlagonians suffered a major defeat at Sfard, causing the collapse of their hard-won control over western Anatolia. Correctly understanding their enemy’s intention, the Paphlagonians had no choice but to pull back northwards, while levying as many forces as they could without destroying what remained of Paphlagonia’s economy. Ultimately, the effort, plus constant Hakkari harassment of the advancing Ashaists, paid off; the Paphlagonians were able to fight the army marching on Sinope to a draw at Lagania in 714. Having abandoned that direction as cost-inefficient, the Ankhaders instead turned towards the Akkadian vassal state of Ghatafania, which had bravely and foolishly committed most of its warriors to the Akkadian campaign in the Levant (see below). 715 saw a two-pronged invasion of Ghatafania, with an overland attack towards the capital Nahitiya and an amphibious invasion at Myriandrus in the south. Both attacks succeeded, and even as the Arabic clans haphazardly mobilised to try and repulse the invasion Ghatafania fell apart entirely, its remaining forces joining the Najjarian military. Ultimately, the Akkadians did sent in forces to secure the eastern regions, linking up with the resistant tribes (+10 Akkadian levy regiments), but this victory nonetheless meant that in spite of all the effort expended, the war in the Levant still was far from over.
This is not to say that there wasn’t a great many of redeeming Akkadian victories in the southern theatre. Letting the war in the Levant degenerate into (admittedly very intense and drawn-out) skirmishing, the Akkadians and the Hellenes focused on the peripheral actions first. The Akkadians established their control over northern Arabia and granted the title of Dag’Urusi of Arabia to the prominent Agade Dag Arab leader Khamenem, whose Arabs provided invaluable assistance to the Akkadians in the terms of desert warfare and reconnaissance. This proved key in the 711 campaigns, when a series of major Khalidid raids/counterattacks had been repulsed and an Akkadian force secured the key trade centre of Bair, from where it marched to the Red Sea. This disrupted the Khalidid supply routes somewhat, ultimately forcing the Khalidids to retreat southeastwards with most of their forces. Albeit in 714 (after several past unsuccessful attempts) Bair was recaptured and the Akkadian forces at the port city of Duba routed, by then the Akkadians had already achieved their main goal in the Levant, and also managed to secure some additional gains in eastern Arabia. While all this went on, Basil Romanos commanded the Akkadian naval campaign, causing great havoc in Gyat’s Karung forward base in particular. A Cyrenean rebellion was kicked off with some success, allowing the Hellenes to reclaim all of Cyrene by 712; Cyrenean-incited Libyan raids into Karung forced Gyat to keep a fair amount of the local levies old and new (+20 Tarekid levy regiments) in the key cities. Some additional raids were carried out by Romanos’ joint fleet itself, after which a daring landing was made in northwestern Sinai. The city of Sile and several other key fortresses in the region were secured, theoretically severing the Ankhader supply routes. This and the early Arabic campaign paved the way for the main Akkadian action in 713-714; reinforced by hordes of zealous Turks (+20 Akkadian Turk Cavalry regiments) and other fanatics (+10 Akkadian levy regiments), the Akkadians and the leftover Najjarians launched a multi-pronged counteroffensive all over Najjaria. In spite of Gyat’s inspired leadership, his forces were soon exposed to be far inferior to the enemy in most regards, and considerably deteriorated since the initial conquest of most of Najjaria. While the capital, Ariha, saw the campaign bog down, Gyat successfully harassing the siege forces with hit-and-run attacks and general sabotage, in the end the Ankhaders were forced to fight their way out of the siege and regroup in the southwest. A grand popular uprising (+10 Najjarian levy regiments) pretty much doomed what chances of holding on to the Levant remained, and so Gyat led a desperate breakthrough in the Sinai, overwhelming the Hellenic forces sent to intercept him with sheer numbers (plus a maneuverability advantage), moving between the captured fortresses and, upon arrival in Karung, reasserting the slipping control over the holy land itself. Despite seemingly salvaging his situation, Gyat had as a matter of fact lost most of his army during the retreat, and the Akkadians were able to celebrate their victory – at least until the news came from Nahitiya.
(-Ghatafania, -1 Najjarian Living Standards, Infrastructure, -45 Tarekid levy regiments, -4 Tarekid Ankhed regiments, -3 Tarekid ships, -5 Odrysan regiments, -2 Odrysan levy regiments, -9 Odrysan ships, -3 Miletean regiments, -3 Miletean Cataphract regiments, -27 Miletean levy regiments, -17 Miletean ships, -4 Hellenic regiments, -2 Hellenic levy regiments, -4 Hellenic ships, -13 Hellenic Catadromii ships, -3 Paphlagonian regiments, -4 Paphlagonian Hakkari regiments, -11 Paphlagonian levy regiments, -9 Akkadian regiments, -5 Akkadian Turk Cavalry regiments, -13 Akkadian levy regiments, -1 Akkadian ship, -3 Capuan regiments, -2 Capuan ships, -3 Arecoman ships, -4 Najjarian regiments, -10 Najjarian levy regiments, -2 Najjarian ships, -7 Khalidid regiments, -10 Khalidid levy regiments)
After the initial intense fighting, the Nubian-Kohaitan war seemingly died down, or rather degenerated into skirmishing with occasional flurries of brutal activity. In the north, the Nubians chiefly focused on destroying or pushing north the remaining Harbic warlords; for the most part this was succesful, however the gains in southeastern Karung came under a continued Kohaitan assault, joined by the forces of one of the last Harbic warlords (+6 Kohaitan levy regiments) as well as their own fleet. Unprepared for the Kohaitan onslaught, the Nubians were pushed back from the coastal regions; fortunately, the Kohaitans were in no position to mount any significant westwards offensives yet. Further south, the Nubians raised a large army for an attack towards Kohaita itself; though the Kohaitans raised their own feudal levies in the region (+10 Kohaitan levy regiments), these and the somewhat meager regular forces left guarding that direction were beaten at Barentu, allowing the Nubians to besiege Kohaita itself. Needless to say, this caused quite a panic, with additional forces being hastily mobilised and redeployed from elsewhere; ultimately, the Nubians were forced to pull back after a pyrrhic victory over numerically-superior relief forces, but did so in good order and maintained the presence in the northwestern Kohaitan lands to 716. Lastly, the Blue Nile theatre saw the outnumbered (though gradually reinforced) Nubian forces fight a skilled holding action against a new Kohaitan offensive. While the daring raid on the key strategic city of Guba (seized by the Kohaitans at the outset of the war) ended in disaster and the capture of a Nubian prince, it and lesser raids delayed the Kohaitan advance, allowing Prince Maome – the commander of the Nubian forces at Soba itself – to prepare a proper defense on the Blue Nile, repulsing several Kohaitan attacks on the city of Naqa. While the war thus remained very much undecided, there are reasons to believe that this decade’s second half will see a culmination.
(-7 Nubian regiments, -4 Nubian levy regiments, -7 Kohaitan regiments, -7 Kohaitan levy regiments)
After the bandit-induced deaths of some reckless relatives of influential merchants, the Mahapurans decided to bring law to the “dump of Andana” [7], which had over the centuries become home for dangerous bandits and other outcasts. In spite of terrain difficulty, the Mahapuran mercenaries easily crushed what little actual resistance was mounted, and formally occupied the entire inland area by 714; actual control over the entire region was pretty much impossible, however, due to the sheer size of the area, and the bandits began to bunch together into larger “armies”, carrying out hit-and-run attacks on the invaders. It might take much more time and effort to truly rein in this territory.
(-1 Mahapuran regiment)
The war in Central India took upon new aspects as Varsabhava, the leader of the Zubhrabhanu Rebellion, was granted the position of Master-of-the-Armies and the full support of the Shadow Parliament. Perhaps even more significant than the organising of the rebels was their diplomacy; while failing to win over any significant sea powers for an attack on Prasanna, the Zubhrabhanu managed to secure a tentative agreement with Bangha (receiving recognition and protection of trade routes), inspire the Girnaris to continue their fight with the Purvayamyans and most significantly, bring the Sitivasas High Kingdom into the war with Purvayamya. Eager to reassert Sitivasas hegemony, High King Jagannagth was not about to miss an opportunity to hit the Purvayamyans when they were down. His 712 invasion came when High King Bhagu III of Purvayamya was busy campaigning in Orissa; the cunning and steadfast, but still very much outnumbered rebel defenders were barely holding the attackers at bay. The news forced Bhagu to pull back northwards with many of his forces, enabling the Zubhrabhanu to regroup and rout the rest, following up with a major counteroffensive in the Mahanadi basin; it also allowed a major Kaitarpuri feudal uprising and a new Girnari attack on Surat, which was assisted by a rebellion within and this time succeeded. All of those events were naturally overshadowed by the 713 epic Battle of the High Kings, near the Purvayamyan capital of Amravati. A culmination of a drawn-out campaign of maneuvers and skirmishes, it saw Bhagu successfully outmaneuver the Sitivasas early on to link up with the fresh feudal levies. However, during the operation he left his original, exhausted army’s flanks dangerously unguarded, and the Huna cavalry rushed to take advantage of this situation. As additional attacks were launched on the Purvayamyans and the main Sitivasas force caught up with the elite cavalry, the Purvayamyans were put in a very precarious situation. Bhagu III attempted to salvage the situation with a desperate all-or-nothing charge; in the end, he got nothing, as his charge was absorbed by the disciplined Nyarnan infantry of Jagannagth and subsequently turned back in a huge counteroffensive supported with additional cavalry flank attacks that resulted in the annihilation of the main Purvayamyan army, the death of Bhagu and the collapse of the Purvayamyan state, Jagannagth entering Amravati in a triumphant procession and forcing the surviving Purvayamyan nobles to submit and recognise him as their new High King.
Initially, there was some fear that Jagannagth would now appease his new subjects by marching against the Zubhrabhanu; although the Sitivasas did crush the uprising in Kaitarpur, however, no efforts to reconquer either Girnar or the east coast were made thus far, Jagannagth instead focusing on a quick integration of his present gains. In the meantime, the remaining feudal resistance in the Zubhrabhanu-claimed territory was rooted out; more significantly, the rebels were able to focus on the main threat – the Prasannan Empire, which was clearly not to be toppled so easily. Over the course of 711-713, large Prasannan forces methodically isolated and rooted out pockets of pro-Zubhrabhanu resistance, having imposed martial law in the northern provinces. Though suffering from constant raids and hit-and-run warfare, the Prasannans were clearly superior on the battlefield, repulsing all major counterattacks easily enough. By 714 the campaign moved into the Krishna Valley, and in particular into the delta, where the key rebel stronghold of Vidardhapuri was besieged and the rebel fleet was forced to rebase northwards as the Prasannans established control over the nearby waters. Supplying their forces by the land and the sea, the Prasannans were, in spite of all the cunning stratagems deployed to hinder them, able to capture Vidardhapuri before the year ended in a major assault. Further campaigning saw the rest of the Krishna Valley fall, although considerable rebel forces continued resisting in the countryside. At the sea, the Zubhrabhanu privateers attacked Prasannan trade and supply routes, with very limited success thus far. The unconventional rebel tactics did prevent the Prasannans from advancing further north, but the near-complete collapse of the rebellion in Prasanna had certainly made the situation seem this much grimmer after the easy triumphs of the north.
(-Purvayamya as a separate High Kingdom, -3 Zubhrabhanu regiments, -12 Zubhrabhanu levy regiments, -1 Zubhrabhanu Duhkhatita regiment, -2 Zubhrabhanu ships, -3 Zubhrabhanu privateer ships, -9 Sitivasas regiments, -8 Sitivasas levy regiments, -2 Girnari regiments, -8 Prasannan regiments, -3 Prasannan ships)
(-7 Latgallian regiments, -2 Rzekan regiments, -6 Rzekan levy regiments)
In an effort to secure a safe northern frontier, the Singidunians launched a series of campaigns to pacify the Slavic tribes. Despite occasional setbacks, the effort has, as whole, succeeded.
(-2 Singidunian regiments)
The Mediterranean holy wars raged on and escalated further, as both the Ashaist and Agade Dag camps closed some fronts while opening up new ones, mobilising more of their resources and bringing in fresh allies.
711 saw the Ashaists rebuild and regroup their battered fleet at Arecomos, while also bringing in additional reinforcements; once more, an armada was gathering, and this time it was joined by the Capuans, whose new king, Numa III, was decidedly pro-Tarekid. The Numidian failure to send any naval forces whatsoever this time was balanced out by a similar failure on the behalf of the Paphlagonians, and with the separate, but highly active Miletean naval forces taken into consideration, the balance of naval power in the Mediterranean had subtly, but decisively shifted in the favour of the Ashaists. However, that was a numerical adjustment first and foremost; as always in war, strategy was more important, at least for the duration of the maneuver phase, which was very intense indeed, with action on numerous theatres.
Perhaps mindful of their numerical inferiority, the Hellenes – whose leader, Basil Romanos, commanded the Agade Dag main fleet – decided to split up their naval forces, sending the largest segment south for operations that would be described later. Therefore, only pitiful forces were left to defend the Agade Dag naval superiority in the Mediterranean; on one hand, this pretty much assured a strategic Ashaist naval victory, and on the other hand it pretty much ruined Amsur Raet’s plans for a decisive sea battle. Be that as it may, however: the main naval campaigns of 711-712 saw the Ashaist armada eliminate a smaller Hellenic naval detachment in the Ionian Sea and deliver a Tarekid-Capuan Ankhade to Crete. The resistance of the local militias was courageous, but ineffective against the large and proficient invading army; Heraklion fell to a quick assault; Basil Romanos had the foresight to go with the southern fleet, but the already-ramshackle Hellenic Empire took another blow (-1 Bureaucracy, Confidence). The Aegean war was rather less straightforward; the Hellenic fleet there was outnumbered by the Mileteans, but far superior in quality and blessed with inspired leadership; even though it was unable to stop the Miletean amphibious invasion of Euboea, the Hellenic detachment managed to meet up with the Odrysan fleet (as Odrysa joined in on the Agade Dag side) at the undefended Hellespont and landed a shocking defeat on the Mileteans at Tinos after some intricate maneuvering. However, the Mileteans managed to pull back and regroup at the Hellespont, trapping the Odrysan fleet in the Aegean Sea; as the Ashaists consolidated their control over Crete, it was decided to assist the Mileteans in putting an end to the Hellenic presence in Europe and the Aegean. In a sweeping naval campaign, the Ashaists secured island after island in the Aegean (eventually forcing the remaining Agade Dag naval forces in the region to flee towards Phoenicia, many of them being intercepted and eliminated but some ultimately linking up with Romanos), while also landing forces in the Peloponnesus to assist the Ashaist rebels there. By then, the Mileteans – who had from the start of 712 been on a grand overland offensive, gradually sweeping aside the outnumbered Agade Dag forces – had bogged down around Corinth, where a strong Hellenic garrison still held out. In 713, despite fighting off an assault, the city surrendered – the supplies had ran out, diseases ran rampant and the garrison was thoroughly reduced.
The end of the Hellenic presence in Greece did not, however, mean the total defeat of Agade Dag in the region; since 712, the Odrysans were attacking not just on the sea but also on the land. Stretched thin (with the best of their troops dead or in Greece) and thoroughly exhausted, the Mileteans were unable to prevent most of Racadonia from falling into Odrysan hands with minimal resistance; a later (714) attempt to reclaim the town of Uskadama [6] resulted in a horrific massacre of massed, but poorly-armed, poorly-organised and demoralised Miletean levies at the hands of a much smaller Odrysan force. Apart from this and lesser incidents, the Mileteans in the northeast mostly just hid behind the fortifications of Kratopolis and the Hellespont, which the Odrysans made no attempt to assault. Instead, they moved into Macedonia, quickly overwhelming the area with the help from local Agade Dag rebels (+5 Odrysan levy regiments). They were only stopped in 714, when, after the collapse of the Hellenic resistance, the Mileteans were finally able to commit their best forces against the Odrysans. A series of skirmishes pushed the Odrysans out of Boeotia, but the rest of their gains were secure and the Mileteans, with their logistics in shambles and their armies badly damaged, were incapable of mounting any serious counteroffensives.
With Greece left in stalemate, we could move on to the next theatre: Anatolia. There, Paphlagonia was wholly preoccupied by the rebel quagmire. Gradually, the Miletean rebels were rooted out, but it was a slow and costly process that was still not finished by 713, with considerable rebel forces still holding out in the southwest. Their survival was to have grave consequences for the entire Akkadian world soon enough; in early 713, the Tarekid-Capuan elite forces landed at Miletos, inspiring a popular rebellion within the city that easily overwhelmed the puny Hellenic garrison. Soon, the rebels were able to link up with their allies (+10 Tarekid levy regiments) and together this force had no problem overwhelming southwestern Anatolia. Outnumbered and taken by surprise, the Paphlagonians suffered a major defeat at Sfard, causing the collapse of their hard-won control over western Anatolia. Correctly understanding their enemy’s intention, the Paphlagonians had no choice but to pull back northwards, while levying as many forces as they could without destroying what remained of Paphlagonia’s economy. Ultimately, the effort, plus constant Hakkari harassment of the advancing Ashaists, paid off; the Paphlagonians were able to fight the army marching on Sinope to a draw at Lagania in 714. Having abandoned that direction as cost-inefficient, the Ankhaders instead turned towards the Akkadian vassal state of Ghatafania, which had bravely and foolishly committed most of its warriors to the Akkadian campaign in the Levant (see below). 715 saw a two-pronged invasion of Ghatafania, with an overland attack towards the capital Nahitiya and an amphibious invasion at Myriandrus in the south. Both attacks succeeded, and even as the Arabic clans haphazardly mobilised to try and repulse the invasion Ghatafania fell apart entirely, its remaining forces joining the Najjarian military. Ultimately, the Akkadians did sent in forces to secure the eastern regions, linking up with the resistant tribes (+10 Akkadian levy regiments), but this victory nonetheless meant that in spite of all the effort expended, the war in the Levant still was far from over.
This is not to say that there wasn’t a great many of redeeming Akkadian victories in the southern theatre. Letting the war in the Levant degenerate into (admittedly very intense and drawn-out) skirmishing, the Akkadians and the Hellenes focused on the peripheral actions first. The Akkadians established their control over northern Arabia and granted the title of Dag’Urusi of Arabia to the prominent Agade Dag Arab leader Khamenem, whose Arabs provided invaluable assistance to the Akkadians in the terms of desert warfare and reconnaissance. This proved key in the 711 campaigns, when a series of major Khalidid raids/counterattacks had been repulsed and an Akkadian force secured the key trade centre of Bair, from where it marched to the Red Sea. This disrupted the Khalidid supply routes somewhat, ultimately forcing the Khalidids to retreat southeastwards with most of their forces. Albeit in 714 (after several past unsuccessful attempts) Bair was recaptured and the Akkadian forces at the port city of Duba routed, by then the Akkadians had already achieved their main goal in the Levant, and also managed to secure some additional gains in eastern Arabia. While all this went on, Basil Romanos commanded the Akkadian naval campaign, causing great havoc in Gyat’s Karung forward base in particular. A Cyrenean rebellion was kicked off with some success, allowing the Hellenes to reclaim all of Cyrene by 712; Cyrenean-incited Libyan raids into Karung forced Gyat to keep a fair amount of the local levies old and new (+20 Tarekid levy regiments) in the key cities. Some additional raids were carried out by Romanos’ joint fleet itself, after which a daring landing was made in northwestern Sinai. The city of Sile and several other key fortresses in the region were secured, theoretically severing the Ankhader supply routes. This and the early Arabic campaign paved the way for the main Akkadian action in 713-714; reinforced by hordes of zealous Turks (+20 Akkadian Turk Cavalry regiments) and other fanatics (+10 Akkadian levy regiments), the Akkadians and the leftover Najjarians launched a multi-pronged counteroffensive all over Najjaria. In spite of Gyat’s inspired leadership, his forces were soon exposed to be far inferior to the enemy in most regards, and considerably deteriorated since the initial conquest of most of Najjaria. While the capital, Ariha, saw the campaign bog down, Gyat successfully harassing the siege forces with hit-and-run attacks and general sabotage, in the end the Ankhaders were forced to fight their way out of the siege and regroup in the southwest. A grand popular uprising (+10 Najjarian levy regiments) pretty much doomed what chances of holding on to the Levant remained, and so Gyat led a desperate breakthrough in the Sinai, overwhelming the Hellenic forces sent to intercept him with sheer numbers (plus a maneuverability advantage), moving between the captured fortresses and, upon arrival in Karung, reasserting the slipping control over the holy land itself. Despite seemingly salvaging his situation, Gyat had as a matter of fact lost most of his army during the retreat, and the Akkadians were able to celebrate their victory – at least until the news came from Nahitiya.
(-Ghatafania, -1 Najjarian Living Standards, Infrastructure, -45 Tarekid levy regiments, -4 Tarekid Ankhed regiments, -3 Tarekid ships, -5 Odrysan regiments, -2 Odrysan levy regiments, -9 Odrysan ships, -3 Miletean regiments, -3 Miletean Cataphract regiments, -27 Miletean levy regiments, -17 Miletean ships, -4 Hellenic regiments, -2 Hellenic levy regiments, -4 Hellenic ships, -13 Hellenic Catadromii ships, -3 Paphlagonian regiments, -4 Paphlagonian Hakkari regiments, -11 Paphlagonian levy regiments, -9 Akkadian regiments, -5 Akkadian Turk Cavalry regiments, -13 Akkadian levy regiments, -1 Akkadian ship, -3 Capuan regiments, -2 Capuan ships, -3 Arecoman ships, -4 Najjarian regiments, -10 Najjarian levy regiments, -2 Najjarian ships, -7 Khalidid regiments, -10 Khalidid levy regiments)
After the initial intense fighting, the Nubian-Kohaitan war seemingly died down, or rather degenerated into skirmishing with occasional flurries of brutal activity. In the north, the Nubians chiefly focused on destroying or pushing north the remaining Harbic warlords; for the most part this was succesful, however the gains in southeastern Karung came under a continued Kohaitan assault, joined by the forces of one of the last Harbic warlords (+6 Kohaitan levy regiments) as well as their own fleet. Unprepared for the Kohaitan onslaught, the Nubians were pushed back from the coastal regions; fortunately, the Kohaitans were in no position to mount any significant westwards offensives yet. Further south, the Nubians raised a large army for an attack towards Kohaita itself; though the Kohaitans raised their own feudal levies in the region (+10 Kohaitan levy regiments), these and the somewhat meager regular forces left guarding that direction were beaten at Barentu, allowing the Nubians to besiege Kohaita itself. Needless to say, this caused quite a panic, with additional forces being hastily mobilised and redeployed from elsewhere; ultimately, the Nubians were forced to pull back after a pyrrhic victory over numerically-superior relief forces, but did so in good order and maintained the presence in the northwestern Kohaitan lands to 716. Lastly, the Blue Nile theatre saw the outnumbered (though gradually reinforced) Nubian forces fight a skilled holding action against a new Kohaitan offensive. While the daring raid on the key strategic city of Guba (seized by the Kohaitans at the outset of the war) ended in disaster and the capture of a Nubian prince, it and lesser raids delayed the Kohaitan advance, allowing Prince Maome – the commander of the Nubian forces at Soba itself – to prepare a proper defense on the Blue Nile, repulsing several Kohaitan attacks on the city of Naqa. While the war thus remained very much undecided, there are reasons to believe that this decade’s second half will see a culmination.
(-7 Nubian regiments, -4 Nubian levy regiments, -7 Kohaitan regiments, -7 Kohaitan levy regiments)
After the bandit-induced deaths of some reckless relatives of influential merchants, the Mahapurans decided to bring law to the “dump of Andana” [7], which had over the centuries become home for dangerous bandits and other outcasts. In spite of terrain difficulty, the Mahapuran mercenaries easily crushed what little actual resistance was mounted, and formally occupied the entire inland area by 714; actual control over the entire region was pretty much impossible, however, due to the sheer size of the area, and the bandits began to bunch together into larger “armies”, carrying out hit-and-run attacks on the invaders. It might take much more time and effort to truly rein in this territory.
(-1 Mahapuran regiment)
The war in Central India took upon new aspects as Varsabhava, the leader of the Zubhrabhanu Rebellion, was granted the position of Master-of-the-Armies and the full support of the Shadow Parliament. Perhaps even more significant than the organising of the rebels was their diplomacy; while failing to win over any significant sea powers for an attack on Prasanna, the Zubhrabhanu managed to secure a tentative agreement with Bangha (receiving recognition and protection of trade routes), inspire the Girnaris to continue their fight with the Purvayamyans and most significantly, bring the Sitivasas High Kingdom into the war with Purvayamya. Eager to reassert Sitivasas hegemony, High King Jagannagth was not about to miss an opportunity to hit the Purvayamyans when they were down. His 712 invasion came when High King Bhagu III of Purvayamya was busy campaigning in Orissa; the cunning and steadfast, but still very much outnumbered rebel defenders were barely holding the attackers at bay. The news forced Bhagu to pull back northwards with many of his forces, enabling the Zubhrabhanu to regroup and rout the rest, following up with a major counteroffensive in the Mahanadi basin; it also allowed a major Kaitarpuri feudal uprising and a new Girnari attack on Surat, which was assisted by a rebellion within and this time succeeded. All of those events were naturally overshadowed by the 713 epic Battle of the High Kings, near the Purvayamyan capital of Amravati. A culmination of a drawn-out campaign of maneuvers and skirmishes, it saw Bhagu successfully outmaneuver the Sitivasas early on to link up with the fresh feudal levies. However, during the operation he left his original, exhausted army’s flanks dangerously unguarded, and the Huna cavalry rushed to take advantage of this situation. As additional attacks were launched on the Purvayamyans and the main Sitivasas force caught up with the elite cavalry, the Purvayamyans were put in a very precarious situation. Bhagu III attempted to salvage the situation with a desperate all-or-nothing charge; in the end, he got nothing, as his charge was absorbed by the disciplined Nyarnan infantry of Jagannagth and subsequently turned back in a huge counteroffensive supported with additional cavalry flank attacks that resulted in the annihilation of the main Purvayamyan army, the death of Bhagu and the collapse of the Purvayamyan state, Jagannagth entering Amravati in a triumphant procession and forcing the surviving Purvayamyan nobles to submit and recognise him as their new High King.
Initially, there was some fear that Jagannagth would now appease his new subjects by marching against the Zubhrabhanu; although the Sitivasas did crush the uprising in Kaitarpur, however, no efforts to reconquer either Girnar or the east coast were made thus far, Jagannagth instead focusing on a quick integration of his present gains. In the meantime, the remaining feudal resistance in the Zubhrabhanu-claimed territory was rooted out; more significantly, the rebels were able to focus on the main threat – the Prasannan Empire, which was clearly not to be toppled so easily. Over the course of 711-713, large Prasannan forces methodically isolated and rooted out pockets of pro-Zubhrabhanu resistance, having imposed martial law in the northern provinces. Though suffering from constant raids and hit-and-run warfare, the Prasannans were clearly superior on the battlefield, repulsing all major counterattacks easily enough. By 714 the campaign moved into the Krishna Valley, and in particular into the delta, where the key rebel stronghold of Vidardhapuri was besieged and the rebel fleet was forced to rebase northwards as the Prasannans established control over the nearby waters. Supplying their forces by the land and the sea, the Prasannans were, in spite of all the cunning stratagems deployed to hinder them, able to capture Vidardhapuri before the year ended in a major assault. Further campaigning saw the rest of the Krishna Valley fall, although considerable rebel forces continued resisting in the countryside. At the sea, the Zubhrabhanu privateers attacked Prasannan trade and supply routes, with very limited success thus far. The unconventional rebel tactics did prevent the Prasannans from advancing further north, but the near-complete collapse of the rebellion in Prasanna had certainly made the situation seem this much grimmer after the easy triumphs of the north.
(-Purvayamya as a separate High Kingdom, -3 Zubhrabhanu regiments, -12 Zubhrabhanu levy regiments, -1 Zubhrabhanu Duhkhatita regiment, -2 Zubhrabhanu ships, -3 Zubhrabhanu privateer ships, -9 Sitivasas regiments, -8 Sitivasas levy regiments, -2 Girnari regiments, -8 Prasannan regiments, -3 Prasannan ships)
das
Regeneration In Process
The fighting in the Mekong Valley had been surprisingly quiet, or rather static, as there still was the usual skirmishing. After some early Prasannan offensives, most of the forces were pulled out to reconquer the Krishna Valley, while the remainder focused on holding Chaphra’s forces at bay. They mostly succeeded in that, although in 714 the rebels had managed to organise a resurgence after some power struggles and gained ground along the Mekong. There are rumours of growing Sharmathai involvement in the rebellion.
(-1 Prasannan regiment, -1 Mekong Delta militia regiment)
Exasperated by apparent Khitan incompetence and/or unreliability, the Tibetans pulled out of the war with the Dinghisic Xanate, not even bothering to annex the lands they seized previously. It was at this very point that the Khitans finally focused their attention on the war, mobilising the feudal levies and attacking towards the large Dinghisic city of Erdemu. The sheer numbers of the Khitans proved enough to beat the Dinghisic forces just outside of the city, but after that a long siege set in. Towards 713, much of the northern front deteriorated into siege warfare with occasional skirmishing, the Dinghisic forces gathered further south being insufficient to actually push the Khitans away but still hindering the siege efforts considerably. An attempted Khitan flank offensive in 712 was defeated by the timely arrival of Dinghisic reinforcements freed up by the definitive Tibetan withdrawal, and it was only in late 713 that a new active phase set in. Having starved Erdemu into surrendering and taken several lesser towns in brutal assaults, the Khitans brought up additional levies and advanced southwards, in hopes of despoiling the main Sardar River valley. However, the regular Dinghisic forces managed to regroup and defeat the increasingly disorganised Khitan levies at Tengre and Zhumenbu, putting an end to the Khitan offensive, but not to the continued extensive raiding.
(-8 Khitan regiments, -13 Khitan levy regiments, -9 Dinghisic regiments, -7 Dinghisic levy regiments)
All hell broke loose, as the widespread rumours of Emperor Deng Jinxiang’s death were followed by a much belated recognition of the fact – after a military coup d’etat removed several of the late Emperor’s closest lieutenants – now called “the Court of Falsehood” – from power and existence. This was only the beginning, as the neo-Sunfucianists resurged in the north, western general Kong Lifu marched on Jiang (embracing a millenarian/revivalist philosophy along the way to replace his earlier unambitious separatism) and the rest of the country likewise fell into infighting and warlordism, local generals pulling the military apart to fight for great ideas and petty feuds alike. Caught off-guard by the speed of this collapse, the Namite forces in the Ba Empire were forced to fall back southeastwards, where they regrouped and half-coerced, half-persuaded several local warlords to assist them. Under General Bei Putan, a pro-Namite post-Ba force was reformed at Changsha (+5 Namite regiments, +10 Namite levy regiments), and from there a counteroffensive was mounted to reclaim the central parts of the empire, clashing with Kong Lifu who had already captured Jiang and now, according to himself, intended to “bring peace to all of China”. His ambitions were thwarted when the Namites and their allies routed his army and recaptured Jiang, causing him to fall back on his contingency plan, which involved affirming the alliance with Tibet and linking up with the Tibetan armies that were already marching east, seeking to put an end to the kingdom of Nam (+18 Tibetan levy regiments).
By this point, the Tibetans were already fighting a war with Nam, chiefly in the south where the Namites had launched a preemptive attack in 711, overwhelming the Tibetans with superior numbers and crossing the Mekong. That attack’s steam soon run out, though; it bogged down amidst fanatical Buddhist rebellions and fresh Tibetan redeployments to the theatre, which turned the Namite occupation of Laos into a quagmire of an army caught in decidedly hostile terrain. Still, with the deployment of the Namite reserves the Tibetan counterattack was thwarted and the Namites established a better foothold along the Mekong, resorting to ruthless slaughter of the particularily restive denizens. The war was in stalemate here; therefore, the Tibetans threw the full force of their attack armies into the Ba Empire instead. In 713, the Namites, taken by surprise, were beaten off in the Fourth Battle of Jiang, losing the capital again; sweeping aside some petty warlords, the Tibetans overran the central regions soon after, winning several additional battles; nonetheless, the losses were heavy and the advance came to a halt soon enough, the Namites regrouping in the southeast and later recapturing several key strongholds. In 714, the Tibetans fought holding/harassing actions against the Namites in Laos and Ba, while gathering their largest army on the central Yangtze; with the Namites stretched thin already, the Tibetans invaded Nam Proper, immediately switching their policy from that of ruthlessness to that of wanton destruction, burning everything in their path and razing every settlement they came across, also causing a refugee crisis in the eastern parts of Nam. Initially the invasion was effective; as Namite forces were redeployed from elsewhere and levies were mobilised, however, the Tibetans were eventually forced out, having problematically denied themselves any reasonable strongholds. However, they still managed to hold on to their northernmost gains, as the scorched earth policy also wrecked havoc with Namite logistics. Wherein lied a major cause of Tibet’s latest victory; in 715, the weakened and undersupplied Namite forces in Laos were attacked from multiple directions and in many cases completely slaughtered, with only a few smaller detachments escaping eastwards.
Many wars grow brutal as they progress, but this one started out pretty badly in that regard; and as, given the nature of the underlying tensions and the level of mutual hatred involved, it was poised to drag on for quite a while more, one could only pity those unfortunate beings caught in the way of the Asiatic armies.
(-Ba Empire as a cohesive political entity, -19 Tibetan regiments, -29 Tibetan levy regiments, -23 Namite regiments, -11 Namite levy regiments)
Upon the death of the old Korean king Tokwaek, a series of uprisings accompanied a failed military coup attempt, further complicated by unclarity of succession. Ultimately, Prince Paekjeok, the late king’s brother and the commander of the royal guard who had successfully defended the royal household, assumed power; he was unpopular amongst the masses and the reactionary nobility, though, precipitating a new round of uprisings that he drowned in blood, also purging the resistant nobles. Needless to say, this did not bode too well for Korea’s near future (-1 Confidence, Bureaucracy, Living Standards)…
(-3 Korean regiments)
The Sunda Ascendancy had cooperated with Ayutamradvipa in a new grand campaign against Chinese, Jomonese and Malay pirates in the Eastern Seas. Apart from rooting out many major pirate bases (and even liberating a large amount of loot (+1 Ayutamradvipan banked eco. point)), the two fleets also landed several major defeats on the oft-piratical Malay royal navy.
(-5 Ayutamradvipan ships, -19 Malay ships, -7 Sundanese ships)
Random Events:
Under the influence of Akkadian political thought and experience, a superior generation of officials had arisen in Paphlagonia (+1 Bureaucracy).
King Naja of Nubia died of a mysterious disease in circa 713 AD, shocking his people (-1 Confidence).
Special Bonuses:
Best Military Doctrine: Tarekid Amsurate (military leadership bonus).
Longest Story Cycle: Eldsland (+1 Education).
NPC Diplo:
From: Armorican Separatists
To: Telamondesos Suesus V of Caerix
Your realm has always been a beacon for all the Celtic peoples, and above all us, who have been forced to suffer for centuries under the misrule of Nont, taken to a whole new degree by the tyrant Tobias. We have suffered enough; now we beg that you accept us as your subjects and restore law to long-suffering Gaul.
From: Neo-Sunfucian Rebels
To: Republic of Guangling
Brethren!
Tibetan barbarians and Namite tyrants, as well as their lackeys and running dogs, now fight over their supposed “right” to oppress the free men of the riverlands, while bringing more ruin to a devastated land. We cannot tolerate such injustice, and so have risen up; but their numbers are too great for us to overcome, and the cause of freedom is doomed unless an equal force enters the battle on the side of righteousness and liberty. We call for you to join us in the holy war to deliver the mesopotamia from tyranny.
Lord-Protector Yun Nan-sun!
You are a red sun in the centre of our hearts! Your triumphant campaign against Ayutamradvipan oppression has inspired us all in our great rebellion. The people of the riverlands call to you: come forth and lead us to eternal victory over tyranny! Show once again your dedication to the Republican cause!
OOC:
[1] Neither Greek, nor contemporary, nor particularily unknown in OTL. Poor original translation, though.
[2] Named after the infamous King Pharnaces II of Paphlagonia, who carried out a particularily strict religious and occupation policy in the restive territories both new and old. Pharnacian Strategy is a broad and often misused term for any particularily ruthless conquest policies, particularily those that involve genocide, mass enslavement and/or deurbanisation by means of razing.
[3] Seeing as the Semitic influences on the western world were much weaker than in OTL.
[4] Andecav=OTL Angers.
[5] Greater Latium being the entire Latin-speaking area, i.e. the city-states plus the Kingdom of Capua.
[6] Uskadama=OTL Adrianople. We should fight more battles there; OTL has a dangerous head start on this one.
[7] Andana=OTL Madagascar.
The13thRonin, please do add a spend list to your orders. It can be difficult to understand what exactly you are trying to do stat-wise. Also, I’m sorry, but your plans were simply impossible to implement in any way that was even slightly subtle. A succesful peasant rebellion in a feudal realm is not compatible with gradual reform.
Thlayli, stop with that silly Latin, you’re Greek.
At least use Akkadian or something. 
(-1 Prasannan regiment, -1 Mekong Delta militia regiment)
Exasperated by apparent Khitan incompetence and/or unreliability, the Tibetans pulled out of the war with the Dinghisic Xanate, not even bothering to annex the lands they seized previously. It was at this very point that the Khitans finally focused their attention on the war, mobilising the feudal levies and attacking towards the large Dinghisic city of Erdemu. The sheer numbers of the Khitans proved enough to beat the Dinghisic forces just outside of the city, but after that a long siege set in. Towards 713, much of the northern front deteriorated into siege warfare with occasional skirmishing, the Dinghisic forces gathered further south being insufficient to actually push the Khitans away but still hindering the siege efforts considerably. An attempted Khitan flank offensive in 712 was defeated by the timely arrival of Dinghisic reinforcements freed up by the definitive Tibetan withdrawal, and it was only in late 713 that a new active phase set in. Having starved Erdemu into surrendering and taken several lesser towns in brutal assaults, the Khitans brought up additional levies and advanced southwards, in hopes of despoiling the main Sardar River valley. However, the regular Dinghisic forces managed to regroup and defeat the increasingly disorganised Khitan levies at Tengre and Zhumenbu, putting an end to the Khitan offensive, but not to the continued extensive raiding.
(-8 Khitan regiments, -13 Khitan levy regiments, -9 Dinghisic regiments, -7 Dinghisic levy regiments)
All hell broke loose, as the widespread rumours of Emperor Deng Jinxiang’s death were followed by a much belated recognition of the fact – after a military coup d’etat removed several of the late Emperor’s closest lieutenants – now called “the Court of Falsehood” – from power and existence. This was only the beginning, as the neo-Sunfucianists resurged in the north, western general Kong Lifu marched on Jiang (embracing a millenarian/revivalist philosophy along the way to replace his earlier unambitious separatism) and the rest of the country likewise fell into infighting and warlordism, local generals pulling the military apart to fight for great ideas and petty feuds alike. Caught off-guard by the speed of this collapse, the Namite forces in the Ba Empire were forced to fall back southeastwards, where they regrouped and half-coerced, half-persuaded several local warlords to assist them. Under General Bei Putan, a pro-Namite post-Ba force was reformed at Changsha (+5 Namite regiments, +10 Namite levy regiments), and from there a counteroffensive was mounted to reclaim the central parts of the empire, clashing with Kong Lifu who had already captured Jiang and now, according to himself, intended to “bring peace to all of China”. His ambitions were thwarted when the Namites and their allies routed his army and recaptured Jiang, causing him to fall back on his contingency plan, which involved affirming the alliance with Tibet and linking up with the Tibetan armies that were already marching east, seeking to put an end to the kingdom of Nam (+18 Tibetan levy regiments).
By this point, the Tibetans were already fighting a war with Nam, chiefly in the south where the Namites had launched a preemptive attack in 711, overwhelming the Tibetans with superior numbers and crossing the Mekong. That attack’s steam soon run out, though; it bogged down amidst fanatical Buddhist rebellions and fresh Tibetan redeployments to the theatre, which turned the Namite occupation of Laos into a quagmire of an army caught in decidedly hostile terrain. Still, with the deployment of the Namite reserves the Tibetan counterattack was thwarted and the Namites established a better foothold along the Mekong, resorting to ruthless slaughter of the particularily restive denizens. The war was in stalemate here; therefore, the Tibetans threw the full force of their attack armies into the Ba Empire instead. In 713, the Namites, taken by surprise, were beaten off in the Fourth Battle of Jiang, losing the capital again; sweeping aside some petty warlords, the Tibetans overran the central regions soon after, winning several additional battles; nonetheless, the losses were heavy and the advance came to a halt soon enough, the Namites regrouping in the southeast and later recapturing several key strongholds. In 714, the Tibetans fought holding/harassing actions against the Namites in Laos and Ba, while gathering their largest army on the central Yangtze; with the Namites stretched thin already, the Tibetans invaded Nam Proper, immediately switching their policy from that of ruthlessness to that of wanton destruction, burning everything in their path and razing every settlement they came across, also causing a refugee crisis in the eastern parts of Nam. Initially the invasion was effective; as Namite forces were redeployed from elsewhere and levies were mobilised, however, the Tibetans were eventually forced out, having problematically denied themselves any reasonable strongholds. However, they still managed to hold on to their northernmost gains, as the scorched earth policy also wrecked havoc with Namite logistics. Wherein lied a major cause of Tibet’s latest victory; in 715, the weakened and undersupplied Namite forces in Laos were attacked from multiple directions and in many cases completely slaughtered, with only a few smaller detachments escaping eastwards.
Many wars grow brutal as they progress, but this one started out pretty badly in that regard; and as, given the nature of the underlying tensions and the level of mutual hatred involved, it was poised to drag on for quite a while more, one could only pity those unfortunate beings caught in the way of the Asiatic armies.
(-Ba Empire as a cohesive political entity, -19 Tibetan regiments, -29 Tibetan levy regiments, -23 Namite regiments, -11 Namite levy regiments)
Upon the death of the old Korean king Tokwaek, a series of uprisings accompanied a failed military coup attempt, further complicated by unclarity of succession. Ultimately, Prince Paekjeok, the late king’s brother and the commander of the royal guard who had successfully defended the royal household, assumed power; he was unpopular amongst the masses and the reactionary nobility, though, precipitating a new round of uprisings that he drowned in blood, also purging the resistant nobles. Needless to say, this did not bode too well for Korea’s near future (-1 Confidence, Bureaucracy, Living Standards)…
(-3 Korean regiments)
The Sunda Ascendancy had cooperated with Ayutamradvipa in a new grand campaign against Chinese, Jomonese and Malay pirates in the Eastern Seas. Apart from rooting out many major pirate bases (and even liberating a large amount of loot (+1 Ayutamradvipan banked eco. point)), the two fleets also landed several major defeats on the oft-piratical Malay royal navy.
(-5 Ayutamradvipan ships, -19 Malay ships, -7 Sundanese ships)
Random Events:
Under the influence of Akkadian political thought and experience, a superior generation of officials had arisen in Paphlagonia (+1 Bureaucracy).
King Naja of Nubia died of a mysterious disease in circa 713 AD, shocking his people (-1 Confidence).
Special Bonuses:
Best Military Doctrine: Tarekid Amsurate (military leadership bonus).
Longest Story Cycle: Eldsland (+1 Education).
NPC Diplo:
From: Armorican Separatists
To: Telamondesos Suesus V of Caerix
Your realm has always been a beacon for all the Celtic peoples, and above all us, who have been forced to suffer for centuries under the misrule of Nont, taken to a whole new degree by the tyrant Tobias. We have suffered enough; now we beg that you accept us as your subjects and restore law to long-suffering Gaul.
From: Neo-Sunfucian Rebels
To: Republic of Guangling
Brethren!
Tibetan barbarians and Namite tyrants, as well as their lackeys and running dogs, now fight over their supposed “right” to oppress the free men of the riverlands, while bringing more ruin to a devastated land. We cannot tolerate such injustice, and so have risen up; but their numbers are too great for us to overcome, and the cause of freedom is doomed unless an equal force enters the battle on the side of righteousness and liberty. We call for you to join us in the holy war to deliver the mesopotamia from tyranny.
Lord-Protector Yun Nan-sun!
You are a red sun in the centre of our hearts! Your triumphant campaign against Ayutamradvipan oppression has inspired us all in our great rebellion. The people of the riverlands call to you: come forth and lead us to eternal victory over tyranny! Show once again your dedication to the Republican cause!
OOC:
[1] Neither Greek, nor contemporary, nor particularily unknown in OTL. Poor original translation, though.
[2] Named after the infamous King Pharnaces II of Paphlagonia, who carried out a particularily strict religious and occupation policy in the restive territories both new and old. Pharnacian Strategy is a broad and often misused term for any particularily ruthless conquest policies, particularily those that involve genocide, mass enslavement and/or deurbanisation by means of razing.
[3] Seeing as the Semitic influences on the western world were much weaker than in OTL.
[4] Andecav=OTL Angers.
[5] Greater Latium being the entire Latin-speaking area, i.e. the city-states plus the Kingdom of Capua.
[6] Uskadama=OTL Adrianople. We should fight more battles there; OTL has a dangerous head start on this one.
[7] Andana=OTL Madagascar.
The13thRonin, please do add a spend list to your orders. It can be difficult to understand what exactly you are trying to do stat-wise. Also, I’m sorry, but your plans were simply impossible to implement in any way that was even slightly subtle. A succesful peasant rebellion in a feudal realm is not compatible with gradual reform.
Thlayli, stop with that silly Latin, you’re Greek.
At least use Akkadian or something.
das
Regeneration In Process
It's actually much smaller than it seemed initially. Huh.
Kal'thzar, your ruining of this update post as well as many other achievements have been duly recognised on the front page.
Luckymoose, far from truth for the immediate family, though my grandmother could be classed as a "Conservative Russian Communist". I learned a lot from her.
Kal'thzar, your ruining of this update post as well as many other achievements have been duly recognised on the front page.
Luckymoose, far from truth for the immediate family, though my grandmother could be classed as a "Conservative Russian Communist". I learned a lot from her.
Attachments
Azale, I will so flog you. 
Luckymoose
The World is Mine
Darn it das I even try writing stories so I don't get the bad end as badly and I still get the bad end.
das
Regeneration In Process
Come now, you actually gained some worthless territory. Cheer up!
Luckymoose
The World is Mine
conehead234
Braves on the Warpath
Kalthzar, get on Aim
Will you (meaning you in the broaders sense, ashaists in general) agree to leave Greece, Anatolia and the whole of the Levant completely, leaving all of the Med east of OTL Malta to Agade Dag fleets, as well as allow the Agade Dag arabs to hold and rule their own nation in what is now the northern parts of the Khalidid Raisdom?
Sure I am. I'm just not much in for peace at this point. As you can see there are far too many objectives left.
Head Serf
Emperor
Das, in the update the Picts recaptured some of their land, but this is not shown in the new map.
Das, did my agricultural reform for military authority program work? Was it accepted by the Low Kings?
Das, did my agricultural reform for military authority program work? Was it accepted by the Low Kings?
das
Regeneration In Process
Strange; must've been lost at some point, as I do clearly remember adjusting that.
It was accepted, yes. Would take some more time for it to have visible effect on the economy, though.
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