Simon Darkshade
Mysterious City of Gold
The year: Some time in the not too distant future (see reasoning later in text)
The setting: Rurivuela, in this world, or one like it
Scenario: The medium sized country of Rurivuela has, until recently, been described as peaceful, nondescript and as stimulating as a cup of flat lemonade. Located somewhere inbetween Ruritania and Venezuela, it is noted for its middling possession of various resources (enough for some export, but nothing special, save for natural gas and bauxite, of which it is a world leading producer), its begrudging 'popularity' as a compromise tourist destination for those who can't afford anything really special, and its general non aligned status at the present, and for the last 120 years. It does not control any strategic waterways or trade routes by virtue of its location directly, but could potentially do so through annexation of its neighbours.
Up until 5 years ago, Rurivuela was very much a staid backwater, left behind from the glory days of its commanding influence upon the world in the mid 16th century. It was ruled by a hereditary monarch, Prince Radetzky XIII, until his unfortunate expiration during a gout operation.
His heir, Crown Prince Elijah, was but 12 years old at the time, and safely ensconced in a British boarding school.
The resultant minor crisis of succession was exacerbated by the Prime Minister, a Senor Gono Rhia, taking this opportunity to declare the abolition of the monarchy, and the formation of a new government. His Republican National Social-Democratic Libertarian Party (known as 'the Greens' for their use of the colour in opposition to the traditional royal 'Blues') rallied behind him, and formed a government of National Emergency and Transformation, along with various other parties. The military, with a tradition of non interference in politics, grudgingly accepted the fait accompli, for the moment
To the citizens of Rurivuela, any change after centuries of malaise seemed like a good idea, and this initial enthusiasm from the middle and lower classes was reinforced by populist policies of nationalisation of industries and assets, ambitious healthcare, literacy and housing plans, and general grand sweeping reform. The country was energised by these programs and actions, and any misgivings were confined to the displaced aristocracy, the Church (their widespread landholdings and properties had been among the first to go) and the most wealthy industrialists and businessmen. (And of course poor Crown Prince Elijah, who was so miffed at Daddy snuffing it and the throne being usurped by bunch of smelly common onion salesmen (for such was Senor Rhia before he became a politician) that he did very badly on his Latin test, and was subsequently severely caned by his housemaster.)
This honeymoon continued for a couple of years, with the outside world looking on with a mixture of querulous surprise and tentative approval/disapproval, depending upon the individual and country. The land reforms and quasi-socialist policies were hailed with near orgasmic pleasure from commentators on the Left and the extreme Left, with Noam Chomsky ejaculating his approval in a whole new book on the brave new Ruriveulan Experiment; and with increasing shaking of head and dark mutterings from the other end of the political scale.
The Foreign Minister, Senora Khly Medea, known as La Passiona (bearing a resemblence to Hilary Clinton beaten with an ugly stick and making Golda Meier look like a supermodel) was perhaps the most notable international public (pock-marked) face of La Transformation, as the situation was clumsily known, and certainly encapsulated the increasing polarization in the international perception of goings on in Rurivuela. She was the darling of the radical set, charming countless parties overseas, capturing the hearts of many with television interviews, and proving savvy to the ways of garnering support over the Internet
Things began to change, as Hemmingway would put it. The policies of the Green government became more and more socialist and radical in nature, beginning to grate at the desires, beliefs and purse strings of the Rurivuelan middle class. At the same time, the impact and preaching of the displeased Church also began to be felt among the peasantry, and to a rather lesser extent, the urban working classes. Disapproval from both God and Mammon.
A demonstration by a mixture of peasants, shopkeepers and tradesmen through the streets of Siffylius, the second largest city of the nation after the capital Preggers and a hotbed of anti-government sentiment, was met by a group of Civil Guard and workers militia. A standoff ensued, with much shouting, gnashing of teeth, gnawing of gnawable items, and waving of fists. This was beginning to peter out when a peasant saw a spider crawling up his leg, and subsequently shouted and jumped back, slapping at himself. This commotion proved catalytic, and through confused, the demonstrators surged forward. One Guard opened fire, and the rest followed.
The resultant riot, running street battle, destruction shocked the country, and indeed the world. The Madness of Siffylius proved to be the spark to what had become a powder keg of a country. The Government declared martial law, ordering its paramilitary militias into action along with the Civil Guard. The Army also received orders to deploy, but their reaction was one that was not expected.
Field Marshall Britan Y Speers declared that his forces would no longer support such an unpopular, ungodly illegitimate communist regime, and announced his intention to restore the Crown Prince, by now on the verge of manhood, to the throne.
The Army did not fully go over to his side, with three divisions near the capital and one in the north staying true to the government (given their political commissar leadership, and the majority of the men coming from the urban working class), opposing seven such units under the command of Marshall Speers, and his field commander, General Hieronymus Ni. The early fighting was bloody, but inconclusive, with both forces augmented by irregular units drawn from the populace.
The international reaction was one of shock, but not surprise. The tension had been building for quite some time, after all, and rhetoric from both sides had been quite violent. The United Nations was powerless to act, after a proposal for intervention was vetoed by China (the Rurivuelan government being a close ally of theirs). In the U.S., President Spong publicly declared that the Greens must go, but the US would not take direct action to intervene in the conflict. In private, the Nationalist Army was given secret funding, weapons, training, and satellite pictures, and a battleship surface action group was sent to maraud nearby, although held back by a pacifist and isolationist Congress.
In Britain, Prime Minister Beckham, after finding Rurivuela on the map, squeaked in dulcet effete tones that Britain would not get involved, and promptly took similar covert steps to the United States.
Red China, Russia and France, all supporters and allies of the Green government in Rurivuela (not to mention beneficiaries of its defence spending and its gas and bauxite reserves), issued their covert support to their favoured faction. All of this various support had the effect of cancelling out any advantage that either side gained from it.
A standard proxy conflict, no? One element in the Rurivuelan Civil War was rather different.
After two months of hostilities, there was a breakthrough on the southern front by Nationalist forces. Although it was stabilized, it was done at a cost of blood that was great to the Green forces, who needed time and space to train and equip their new armies and guerillas. Enter La Passiona.
In an appeal that was broadcast across the world by television and particularly the Internet, she called for All supporters of freedom, justice, equality and liberty, all enemies of sloth, reaction, privilege, all those who stand of the side of the people and who would inherit history, come. Come! Come! We need your aid, we need your solidarity, we need your strength. Together we shall stand here in Rurivuela and make history. We fight for a new world, a better world, a fairer world. Come! We need you in the fight for freedom. Come! Come now, and fight the battle for the world here. Come! Fight! It is better to fight and die proudly on your feet than to weakly die on your knees. Come, young men and women. Come!
The results so far have been quite interesting. Whilst there has been no great rush to join the companies, battalions, and indeed International Brigades that formed and fight alongside the forces of the Republic, it has been more than a trickle. Displaced and angry youth, anarchists, socialists, democrats, jaded men, militant environmentalists, students, and even a smattering of intellectuals have made the journey.
On the side of the Nationalists, a similar situation has arisen. Disparate in origin, they are united by little save the banner under which they fight. Displaced and angry youth, mercenaries, students, democrats, skinheads, fascists; of all types and from all causes and spectrum, they come. For many reasons, they come the defence of liberty and democracy, the crushing of communism, the crushing of liberty and democracy, the divine right of the sovereign, the greater glory of God, cold hard cash.
Would you go, would you not go? If age seems a barrier to you, add on a few years to the scenario until it isnt. Would you offer support to one side or the other, through cash donations with one click of your mouse? Would you march in the streets, write to newspapers, argue about it on Internet message boards? Would you go as a peace observer, as some are reportedly doing?
State why would you do what you do.
Those that go to either side could face criminal charges if and when they return home; this has not yet been made clear by various governments, but is seen as likely. It is a somewhat arduous route across the mountains, slipping past neutrality patrols, in order to reach the country, as well.
(This is intended as an amalgam of the Spanish Civil War, the 1960s in the Congo, various insurgent movements and even has some parallels to a secular PC jihad. It seeks to gauge attitudes, changes in them, and consider the changed role of the intellectual in such matters; would we get modern day George Orwells and Regis Debrays?)
The setting: Rurivuela, in this world, or one like it
Scenario: The medium sized country of Rurivuela has, until recently, been described as peaceful, nondescript and as stimulating as a cup of flat lemonade. Located somewhere inbetween Ruritania and Venezuela, it is noted for its middling possession of various resources (enough for some export, but nothing special, save for natural gas and bauxite, of which it is a world leading producer), its begrudging 'popularity' as a compromise tourist destination for those who can't afford anything really special, and its general non aligned status at the present, and for the last 120 years. It does not control any strategic waterways or trade routes by virtue of its location directly, but could potentially do so through annexation of its neighbours.
Up until 5 years ago, Rurivuela was very much a staid backwater, left behind from the glory days of its commanding influence upon the world in the mid 16th century. It was ruled by a hereditary monarch, Prince Radetzky XIII, until his unfortunate expiration during a gout operation.
His heir, Crown Prince Elijah, was but 12 years old at the time, and safely ensconced in a British boarding school.
The resultant minor crisis of succession was exacerbated by the Prime Minister, a Senor Gono Rhia, taking this opportunity to declare the abolition of the monarchy, and the formation of a new government. His Republican National Social-Democratic Libertarian Party (known as 'the Greens' for their use of the colour in opposition to the traditional royal 'Blues') rallied behind him, and formed a government of National Emergency and Transformation, along with various other parties. The military, with a tradition of non interference in politics, grudgingly accepted the fait accompli, for the moment
To the citizens of Rurivuela, any change after centuries of malaise seemed like a good idea, and this initial enthusiasm from the middle and lower classes was reinforced by populist policies of nationalisation of industries and assets, ambitious healthcare, literacy and housing plans, and general grand sweeping reform. The country was energised by these programs and actions, and any misgivings were confined to the displaced aristocracy, the Church (their widespread landholdings and properties had been among the first to go) and the most wealthy industrialists and businessmen. (And of course poor Crown Prince Elijah, who was so miffed at Daddy snuffing it and the throne being usurped by bunch of smelly common onion salesmen (for such was Senor Rhia before he became a politician) that he did very badly on his Latin test, and was subsequently severely caned by his housemaster.)
This honeymoon continued for a couple of years, with the outside world looking on with a mixture of querulous surprise and tentative approval/disapproval, depending upon the individual and country. The land reforms and quasi-socialist policies were hailed with near orgasmic pleasure from commentators on the Left and the extreme Left, with Noam Chomsky ejaculating his approval in a whole new book on the brave new Ruriveulan Experiment; and with increasing shaking of head and dark mutterings from the other end of the political scale.
The Foreign Minister, Senora Khly Medea, known as La Passiona (bearing a resemblence to Hilary Clinton beaten with an ugly stick and making Golda Meier look like a supermodel) was perhaps the most notable international public (pock-marked) face of La Transformation, as the situation was clumsily known, and certainly encapsulated the increasing polarization in the international perception of goings on in Rurivuela. She was the darling of the radical set, charming countless parties overseas, capturing the hearts of many with television interviews, and proving savvy to the ways of garnering support over the Internet
Things began to change, as Hemmingway would put it. The policies of the Green government became more and more socialist and radical in nature, beginning to grate at the desires, beliefs and purse strings of the Rurivuelan middle class. At the same time, the impact and preaching of the displeased Church also began to be felt among the peasantry, and to a rather lesser extent, the urban working classes. Disapproval from both God and Mammon.
A demonstration by a mixture of peasants, shopkeepers and tradesmen through the streets of Siffylius, the second largest city of the nation after the capital Preggers and a hotbed of anti-government sentiment, was met by a group of Civil Guard and workers militia. A standoff ensued, with much shouting, gnashing of teeth, gnawing of gnawable items, and waving of fists. This was beginning to peter out when a peasant saw a spider crawling up his leg, and subsequently shouted and jumped back, slapping at himself. This commotion proved catalytic, and through confused, the demonstrators surged forward. One Guard opened fire, and the rest followed.
The resultant riot, running street battle, destruction shocked the country, and indeed the world. The Madness of Siffylius proved to be the spark to what had become a powder keg of a country. The Government declared martial law, ordering its paramilitary militias into action along with the Civil Guard. The Army also received orders to deploy, but their reaction was one that was not expected.
Field Marshall Britan Y Speers declared that his forces would no longer support such an unpopular, ungodly illegitimate communist regime, and announced his intention to restore the Crown Prince, by now on the verge of manhood, to the throne.
The Army did not fully go over to his side, with three divisions near the capital and one in the north staying true to the government (given their political commissar leadership, and the majority of the men coming from the urban working class), opposing seven such units under the command of Marshall Speers, and his field commander, General Hieronymus Ni. The early fighting was bloody, but inconclusive, with both forces augmented by irregular units drawn from the populace.
The international reaction was one of shock, but not surprise. The tension had been building for quite some time, after all, and rhetoric from both sides had been quite violent. The United Nations was powerless to act, after a proposal for intervention was vetoed by China (the Rurivuelan government being a close ally of theirs). In the U.S., President Spong publicly declared that the Greens must go, but the US would not take direct action to intervene in the conflict. In private, the Nationalist Army was given secret funding, weapons, training, and satellite pictures, and a battleship surface action group was sent to maraud nearby, although held back by a pacifist and isolationist Congress.
In Britain, Prime Minister Beckham, after finding Rurivuela on the map, squeaked in dulcet effete tones that Britain would not get involved, and promptly took similar covert steps to the United States.
Red China, Russia and France, all supporters and allies of the Green government in Rurivuela (not to mention beneficiaries of its defence spending and its gas and bauxite reserves), issued their covert support to their favoured faction. All of this various support had the effect of cancelling out any advantage that either side gained from it.
A standard proxy conflict, no? One element in the Rurivuelan Civil War was rather different.
After two months of hostilities, there was a breakthrough on the southern front by Nationalist forces. Although it was stabilized, it was done at a cost of blood that was great to the Green forces, who needed time and space to train and equip their new armies and guerillas. Enter La Passiona.
In an appeal that was broadcast across the world by television and particularly the Internet, she called for All supporters of freedom, justice, equality and liberty, all enemies of sloth, reaction, privilege, all those who stand of the side of the people and who would inherit history, come. Come! Come! We need your aid, we need your solidarity, we need your strength. Together we shall stand here in Rurivuela and make history. We fight for a new world, a better world, a fairer world. Come! We need you in the fight for freedom. Come! Come now, and fight the battle for the world here. Come! Fight! It is better to fight and die proudly on your feet than to weakly die on your knees. Come, young men and women. Come!
The results so far have been quite interesting. Whilst there has been no great rush to join the companies, battalions, and indeed International Brigades that formed and fight alongside the forces of the Republic, it has been more than a trickle. Displaced and angry youth, anarchists, socialists, democrats, jaded men, militant environmentalists, students, and even a smattering of intellectuals have made the journey.
On the side of the Nationalists, a similar situation has arisen. Disparate in origin, they are united by little save the banner under which they fight. Displaced and angry youth, mercenaries, students, democrats, skinheads, fascists; of all types and from all causes and spectrum, they come. For many reasons, they come the defence of liberty and democracy, the crushing of communism, the crushing of liberty and democracy, the divine right of the sovereign, the greater glory of God, cold hard cash.
Would you go, would you not go? If age seems a barrier to you, add on a few years to the scenario until it isnt. Would you offer support to one side or the other, through cash donations with one click of your mouse? Would you march in the streets, write to newspapers, argue about it on Internet message boards? Would you go as a peace observer, as some are reportedly doing?
State why would you do what you do.
Those that go to either side could face criminal charges if and when they return home; this has not yet been made clear by various governments, but is seen as likely. It is a somewhat arduous route across the mountains, slipping past neutrality patrols, in order to reach the country, as well.
(This is intended as an amalgam of the Spanish Civil War, the 1960s in the Congo, various insurgent movements and even has some parallels to a secular PC jihad. It seeks to gauge attitudes, changes in them, and consider the changed role of the intellectual in such matters; would we get modern day George Orwells and Regis Debrays?)
