Jutland/ Skagerrak, 31.05.- 01.06.1916

Adler17

Prussian Feldmarschall
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Battle of Jutland

vs.

Today 90 years ago the two most mighty fleets of their time clashed in the battle of Jutland or Skagerrak, how it is called in Germany. At the dawn of June 1st 8.647 people were dead and 1.017 wounded. 25 ships were lying on the bottom of the sea. Before continuing we should remember the casualities of both sides and also remember men fought the battle, not just ships.
However here is the article.
Also I have to add that the time given here is CEST. Also SMS is the German equivalent to HMS meaning Seiner Majestäts Schiff.

Prelude

When WW1 broke out, Britain and Germany had built the mightiest fleets ever until then. But as soon as the war broke out, the use of these mighty fleets was seen as risky, too risky for some. A lost sea battle would have meant especially for Britain, which had also several problems with some of the Dreadnoughts, the end of the war. But also the Germans, who could still rely on the army, were not willing to risk much.
Although both sides fought some engagements with sea battles won and lost, the battleships were not used. So armoured cruiser, light cruiser and destroyer were fighting the war on the seas. Also two weapons relative new came into use: the submarine and the mine. Both were deadly, but especially the mine was seen as too “un- British” in the early days of the war as it was seen as the “weapon of the weak”.
The Germans did not have these doubts and used these weapons with tremendous success during the war. And it is no wonder the British used them, too.
So also the Germans recognized the potential very early. The U-Boats with the success of U 9 against three armoured cruiser 1914, in which HMS Cressy, Hogue, Aboukir were sunk by only one U-Boat within about an hour.
But the fights of the older and smaller ships does not mean the battleships had no losses. In October 1914 the newly rebuilt auxiliary minelayerBerlin was sent to the Irish sea with a deadly freight on her second mission under the command of Captain Pfundheller. The mines should be laid near the Firth of Clyde, but due to the lack of navigation lights and the presence of British warship broadcasts Pfundheller decided to throw the mines near Loch Swilly as the nearest shipping lane. Unknown to him and the German command, Loch Swilly was used as base of the British 2nd battle squadron, a measure made to save the ships from submarine attacks in Scapa Flow until the anti submarine defence was built up. So indeed 200 mines were lying in range of a British squadron equipped with new super dreadnoughts! And these weapons can wait. Berlin was going to Norway via Iceland and was interned at Trondheim at October 26th due to engine problems.
The very next day HMS Audacious in company with HMS Centurion (flagship), Ajax, King George V, Orion, Monarch, Thunderer left the base to conduct a gunnery exercise. HMS Audacious struck a single mine. She sank after she capsized and exploded 12 hours after the hit. It appeared the protection of the battleship against submarine attacks by torpedoes and mines were insufficient by the British ships. Although some problems could be solved, throughout the war the German ships were able to sustain much more damage than their British counter part, but there is much to say later.


The sinking British battleship HMS Audacious

Although the British Grand Fleet CiC, Admiral Jellicoe, proposed to make that disaster a national secret, all measures to do so were invain as US citizens were witnesses of the loss of the ship. Soon everyone except the British knew it. Despite that the Royal Navy did not admit the loss until after the war!
But back to the topic: Indeed both sides were evading a clash of the battleships. This should change dramatically when the command of the fleets turned to two men, who both were ambitious, had courage and who both relied on the power of the crews and ships of their fleets. And both wanted to be victorious. And both indeed had several plans to destroy parts of the fleet until the main fleet of the enemy arrived. The enemy should then be weakened and so the final fight would follow later.
But Scheer would be the first to act. He relied on the plans of 1914, but this time the battleships should stay: Hipper’s battle cruiser should shell British coastal cities. If Beatty tried to save the coast, Scheer, who was with the Hochseeflotte 60 sm away, would then enter the battle and destroy Beatty before Jellicoe would come. Also U-Boats should attack the enemy battle squadrons on their way to the battle so that it was sure, Jellicoe would not appear. To enrage the British twice British town were shelled but on the 24th of April SMS Seydlitz was mined and had to be repaired. Since Scheer needed all of his five battle cruiser he had to delay the whole operation from the 17th to the 30th of May 1916. This also meant the U-Boats mostly had to go home as they did not had enough fuel. And there was another setback: the weather. Scheer originally wanted to use Zeppelins as aerial scouts but due to bad weather (for Zeppelins) they were also useless. In the end Scheer wanted to follow an alternative plan: He wanted to sail to Norway, where Hipper should attack British shipping and so provoke the enemy to come. Also he stayed only 25 miles to be in range if something went wrong. And he had not the heart to deny the pleads of the IInd German Schlachtgeschwader, equipped with Deutschland class predreadnoughts. Although called 5 minutes ships, as this was the time expected to survive a real combat with enemy battleships, Scheer as the former commander of these ships let them drive with the fleet. But the few more guns meant also a reduction of speed of about at least three knots.
At 9.48 AM the SMS Friedrich der Große, flagship of the Hochseeflotte, sent a wireless broadcast to all ships to prepare for an operation beginning at 7.00 PM: 31 Gg 2490. That meant the secret order 2490 had to be executed on May 31st. And he sent, before making the sortie, his sign DK still in harbour to fool the British intelligence.
Of course the British heard that in Room 40, the British intelligence bureau, which heard all the broadcasts of the German ships. The codes were known because after the loss of the light cruiser SMS Magdeburg in the Baltic the Russians got them. But because of quarrels between the Navy command and Room 40 the latter gave only the news to Jellicoe, that Hipper with his battle cruiser were in sea and that Scheer’s sign was still in the Jade Bay at Wilhelmshaven, when they were asked by Rear Admiral Thomas Jackson. They did not say they knew, the sent broadcast was a trap as well as they could hear the entire German fleet. Too often they were not heard to end as the commanding naval officers thought they were good to get the news but not to make conclusions. So also Jellicoe believed to have only some battle cruisers as easy prey. None of the commanders expected nor looked for a clash of the titans.
vs.
Admiral John Jellicoe vs. Admiral Reinhard Scheer

vs.
Admiral David Beatty, 1st Earl Beatty vs. Admiral Franz Ritter von Hipper

Ordre de Battaille:

As I have here not so much room to show and it could be too much I can only give you a link here:
http://www.navweaps.com/index_oob/OOB_WWI/OOB_WWI_Jutland.htm

All in all left following forces their harbours:
Britain:
28 Battleships, 9 Battle cruiser, 8 armoured cruiser, 26 light cruiser, 77 destroyer, 1 sea plane carrier, 1 minelayer. 149 ships with about 1.250.000 tons and 60.000 men.

Germany:
16 Battleships, 5 Battle cruiser, 6 predreadnoughts, 11 light cruiser, 62 destroyer. 99 ships with 660.000 ts and 45.000 men.

Main guns:
Britain:
48 38.1, 10 35.6, 142 34.3, 144 30.5 cm guns

Germany:
100 28.3, 144 30.5 cm guns

Ship datas of some chosen ships:

HMS Lydiard, destroyer
807 ts
35 kn
3 4” guns and 4 torpedo tubes

HMS Iron Duke
25.000 ts
21 kn
10 34.3 cm guns (broadside weight of shells: 6.350 kg)


HMS Lion
26.850 ts
29 kn
8 34.3 cm guns
strongest armour: 23 cm


SM V 29
36 kn
3 8.8 cm or (some vessels) 10.5 cm guns
6 torpedo tubes

SMS Friedrich der Große
27.000 ts
22.4 kn
10 30.5 cm guns (3856 kg)


SMS Lützow
26.700 ts
27 kn
8 30.5 cm guns
strongest armour: 33 cm


These datas show different philosophies in ship constructing. While the Germans relied more on armour than on guns, they also relied more having offensive small vessels carrying more torpedoes. So one side had bigger guns, the other better armour, one side did want to stop attacks from small vessels the other conduct them.

The way to battle

Jellicoe and Beatty left their harbours at about 21.30. Jellicoe’s force had to unite as parts of the fleet were based in Cromarty and not Scapa Flow. Also the third battlecuiser squadron of Admiral Sir Horace Hood was with the fleet and not with Beatty as there were no sufficient shooting exercise area in Rosyth, where Beatty came from. Therefore he had in his 52 ships 4 brand new Queen Elizabeth class battleships, Evan Thomas 5th Battle squadron. With their armament of 15” guns they should destroy any enemy in sight. In theory. Indeed Evan Thomas was a pedantic man, who did everything strictly after the rules and orders. And who did not use his brain to take the initiative if needed. That should have later consequences.
At dawn of the new day, May 31st 1916, a warm sun, despite the bad forecasts, sent her first lights to Earth and lighted up the German Hochseeflotte on her way to battle. The forces left the Jade at 2.00 resp. 3.00 o’clock. A battle, which was not planned in the extent by the commanding admirals and the only battle of Dreadnought type warships fighting each other in WW1. But also a battle of complex and bizarre circumstances. Of errors made and heroism- and death. Of mighty ships sunk and famous and unknown man dying.
However before I will continue, as armchair strategist, I will give the word to the only admiral, who made no real mistake: Admiral von Hipper, commander of the German Scout Forces, who said this in a silent phase of the battle: “I bet the armchair strategists at the Naval Academy will one day break their heads on getting to know, what we thought. I mean, we haven’t thought. We were full in action to try to use solid tactical principles.”
He couldn’t be nearer.
 
Phase One: Cruiser fight
At about 14.00 on that day the light cruiser SMS Elbing spotted a lone small Danish tramp steamer. To investigate, what ship that was, SMS Elbing sent two destroyer, B 109, B 110, to the Danish vessel.
In the meantime Beatty was at the point he had orders to stop the advance and rejoin the fleet. Shortly before giving the order, an order, which would have prevented a battle most likely, the light cruiser HMS Galathea spotted a small ship, which stopped and drained steam. Not a common procedure. So she and HMS Phaeton investigated that suspicious action. Soon they found two German destroyer lying next to a Danish ship. At once a horn signal, like in centuries before, was given: Enemy in sight!
The light cruisers went on 28 kn and the guns opened fire. This lead nearly to a tragicomical situation: The broadcast officer of HMS Galathea had heard about a training exercise in the afternoon. So he went on deck to sit in the sun when suddenly the alarm was given. Indeed he believed in an exercise and nearly fell into the sea when suddenly the guns opened fire. He was as fast as he could on station when just the first message came from the bridge to given to the admirals: Enemy in sight.
The German destroyer retreated at once, but they had a few friends near. SMS Elbing opened fire on the attackers and at 14.35 hit HMS Galathea from a distance of about 13.000 m. This was the first hit of the battle. And it demonstrated that the German cruiser had a longer range and was firing very accurate than the two British cruiser, which retreated not.
A few minutes before, 14.31, got Beatty, 12 minutes after the first shot fell, the message of the sighting of the enemy. Beatty was just having his tea time, typical Brit ;), when he got the news. Because both ships, HMS Galathea and HMS Lion were out of sight of Jellicoe, HMS Galathea gave a broadcast message to HMS Iron Duke. The broadcast messages were seen as not very reliable especially in battles and so avoided if possible in the Royal Navy. However the flag signs of HMS Lion were infamous for their visibility. Or better non- visibility.
The consequence was, that Evan- Thomas and his 5th squadron did not see the signals and since he was no man, who followed the leader but kept his known orders, his battleships drove the same course like before. For about 6 minutes until the order was seen, but that was enough to get him out of action for the first part of the battle. He was now 10 sm away.
The Germans reacted much faster. At once after getting the report of the sighting of enemy warships from SMS Elbing, Hipper changed course to West South West to go on collision course to the British. As soon as the flagship turned all of his ships turned. The didn’t need an extra order.
Although Beatty’s battle cruiser were still out of sight, they drove in the direction just to Scheer and the Hochseeflotte. The German trap seemed to be functional. At least Hipper thought.
In this moment Beatty tried a weak attempt to scout the enemy forces. He ordered the sea plane carrier HMS Engadine to launch one of the reconnaissance planes. That was done at 14.45, when the plane of Lt. Frederic J. Rutland started. Because of the dense clouds he had to fly low. Too low. As he spotted cruiser and destroyer he was in heavy Flak fire. His plane seemed not to be hit and he gave his radio message to HMS Engadine. But the carrier had a broken radio and could not give the message to Beatty. In the meantime Rutland got problems as a fuel line in the motor broke. It is not clear if this was a normal defect or the Flak hit him. If so he would be the first man to be shot down in a sea battle. However he had to land and repair it. When he wanted to start to continue his flight, he was ordered back: the battle started and he was no longer useable there. This is the only role of a plane and making the battle of Jutland/ Skagerrak to the last huge sea battle without a significant role of planes.
Both fleets now fastened up their speeds.
The visibility was better from east to west because in the east fog appeared. Now, at 15.20 Hipper’s ships saw the enemy in 11 sm south west. At once Hipper gave the order to go south to bring the British ships to Scheer: the prey for the hunter. What now followed was the duel of the battle cruiser.
A few weeks ago Beatty bragged he would destroy Hipper if he finds him. Well, now he found him. Hic Rhodus, hic salta! However at this moment Beatty had only his battle cruiser and Evan Thomas 5th squadron with HMS Warspite, Valiant, Barham, Malaya was still behind and tried desperately to come into action.
However the duel began. Because Hipper knew about the greater ranges of the British battle cruiser, he neared Beatty diagonally. At 15.48, when the ships were 13.700 m away, Hipper signalled the fleet to attack. At once all five German battle cruiser opened fire. The British followed only little later.
Only 4 minutes later HMS Tiger was hit by SMS Moltke destroying the range meter. The next salvo of the German battle cruiser lead to the destruction of both front guns, turrets A and B. And again the next salvo hit the engine room and only because of the good crew the ship was not a sitting duck. However within seven minutes SMS Moltke hit her five times additionally.
A similar result was shown when SMS Derfflinger fought with HMS Princess Royal. The British ship also was hit in the engine room and the turrets A and B. She was nearly no longer manoeuvrable for 20 minutes.
HMS Lion was in a duel with SMS Lützow. The duel of the flagships. SMS Lützow hit her three times, but until then only slight damages were caused. However the fourth hit was nearly fatally. Suddenly a Sergeant of the Royal Marines, who could barely walk and was full of dirt and blood, appeared on the bridge of Beatty’s flagship. He reported turret Q, in the centre of the ship, was hit. The crew of the turret was dead and the magazine flooded. At once the officers on the bridge looked to the turret and saw the guns showing abnormally to the sky and the armour was opened like a tin. HMS Lion did only escape destruction because of Major Francis J.W. Harvey, the turret commander. He was deadly wounded but ordered to flood the magazine. If he did not have done that the explosion would have also hit the magazine and destroyed the ship.


The burning HMS Lion

The SMS Seydlitz had made this experience before in the Battle of the Doggerbank. The Germans did learn from that and reconstructed their ships. The British however did not know it and had to learn it the harder way.
Until now Beatty was beaten. Nomen est omen? The first British salvos nearly hit the light cruiser SMS Regensburg, 1.800 m away from the battle cruiser. Then SMS Seydlitz was hit by HMS Queen Mary doing only very slight damage. 8 minutes later the British ship scored the second hit destroying turret Cäsar, the one in the centre. But this time the German improvements worked. The turret was destroyed, but not the ship.
This phase seemed hopeless for Beatty. Although he might be not ever acting with competence, he was no coward, in contrast. However due to the accurate and heavy German fire he slowly retreated to fire on the Germans out of the range of their guns. Soon he was 18.000 m away and able to do so. Well, not quiet. Due to exercises the German command believed, a fight would not take place in most cases on distances over 13.000 m. This also solved some construction problems. So all ships could only elevate their guns until 16°. Well, all except one: SMS von der Tann.


SMS Von der Tann


HMS Indefatigable

Ironically the oldest German battle cruiser could elevate her guns to 20°, having a range of 20.500 m. At this distance she opened fire on HMS Indefatigable- with deadly result. The first salvo hit her three times in the after part of the ship. Only 30 seconds later 3 other shells struck the ship, one of them hitting turret A. For a few seconds nothing happened. The suddenly the mighty ship exploded, leaving only 2 survivors of a crew of over 1.000. This happened so fast that no one on all sides recognized really what happened. Soon Evan- Thomas and his ships passed the wreck. All cheered believing it was a German ship. This stopped abruptly when they could read the ship’s name: HMS Indefatigable.
Also Hipper could not believe that a modern battle cruiser would be sunk within a few seconds. Only after seeing only five enemy ships in the battle line, he believed it. He was content. One ship was sunk, several others were damaged and soon Scheer would catch Beatty.


HMS Barham

But in this moment the Germans recognized 4 new ships of the enemy. They had heard about these ships, colossuses with 15” guns and the speed of battle cruiser. Soon these monster opened fire on the German ships. The first one was a hit on the just victorious SMS von der Tann. She was hit at the waterline by HMS Barham. The commander of the ship, Captain Zenker, said later the whole ship vibrated like afer an earth quake. Soon 4 ships fired on Zenker’s ship: The battleships HMS Warspite, Barham, Malaya and the battle cruiser HMS New Zealand.
The commander of this ship looked very exotic in this battle. He wore, in addition to his uniform, a Piupiu, a Maori skirt, given to him at the visit by a Maori chieftain. He said, the skirt would bring luck. Well, perhaps indeed magic was in this skirt, nevertheless HMS New Zealand was the only of Beatty’s battle cruiser, which was not damaged heavily in this battle, so also not by SMS von der Tann, which fired still, although two of her guns were already disabled, and hit the nevertheless HMS New Zealand several times, also now, but doing not much damage.


A piupiu


HMS Queen Mary, it is said she was the most beatiful of all British battlecruiser

Now, that the tide seemed to have turned, as the British super dreadnoughts entered the battle and three enemy battle cruiser, SMS von der Tann, Seydlitz, Lützow, had all lost one turret, Beatty ordered to go nearer.
But now another catastrophe for the British happened. Due to a misunderstanding two German battle cruiser, SMS Derfflinger, Seydlitz, fired both on one ship: HMS Queen Mary. She was hit by both ships 5 times. The last salvo hit her twice in the centre. And like only a few minutes before HMS Indefatigable, also HMS Queen Mary exploded, sinking a ship which was recognized as the most beautiful of all British battle cruiser. A few minutes later HMS New Zealand passed the wreck. One officer later wrote: He could see the stern of the ship. The propeller were still in action and white paper flew out of a window. And he could read the name of the ship on her stern: HMS Queen Mary. 14 men out of 1.258 survived.


HMS Queen Mary exploding

Beatty stayed audaciously. He said to his flag captain: “Chatfield, there is something wrong with our bloody ships today.” He ordered to attack Hipper directly and his destroyer to make a torpedo attack.
12 British destroyer drove with high speed on Hipper. In this moment Hipper ordered his destroyer to counter the attack. 15 German destroyer made a counter attack. With 60 knots both sides engaged the enemy in fierce fighting. The fastest sea battle to happen ever.
The British destroyer HMS Nicator was not damaged. The captain did order to drive to the impact area of the last German salvo, so that the corrections made were in vain. In this time he stood at the bridge without any signs of excitement and fumed his pipe.
But not all ships had so much luck. Indeed SM V 27, V29 were sunk in this fight. And also the British leadership HMS Nestor and her sister HMS Nomad were hit in the engines. They were sitting ducks. And doomed, because the Hochseeflotte was on her way.
Also the British launched about 20, German destroyer 12 torpedoes. All missed, except one hitting the SMS Seydlitz and causing a hole “as big as a barn door”, German report. The ship was sinking slowly over the bow, but was eventually brought back to port, despite the damages.
So also this attack ended indecisive. Not the best start for a battle. But then, at about 16.30 Beatty got information, which should be most important. The light cruiser HMS Southhampton, which was together with three other cruiser just back on station as reconnaissance ships, reported the enemy battle fleet. Now Beatty understood what Hipper wanted to do. Indeed he wanted now to make a trap for the German fleet and retreated slowly north, towards his own battle fleet. He assumes rightly the Germans did not know the existence of the Home fleet so near. As his radio was out of order he signalled HMS Princess Royal to send a message to Jellicoe. The he gave order, again with signal flags, to go North. That was the very same like Hipper did.
So this famous “Lauf nach Süden” was over. Well, not quiet. The four light cruiser continued their voyage south until they retreated at 12 km distance of the German fleet. They just escaped. But this was not the case for the two British destroyer, lying like lame ducks on the sea. Within a few minutes HMS Nomad was sunk. But HMS Nestor sank only slowly. However most of the 150 men of both destroyer were rescued by the German destroyer and for the next few years guests of the Kaiser.
And there was another exception: Evan- Thomas. Although all other British ships left the area with maximum speed, he drove further- to fight the first fight battleships ever fought against each other. Again he did not recognize the flag signals. However it was now a bad time for running further. Soon he faced with his four ships 12 enemy ships firing on him. Only at short distance he retreated. All of his ships were damaged but still able to fight. Only HMS Valiant managed to sustain no hit. He now tried to make contact again with Beatty.
In the meantime Beatty drove north. Until now he acted not very competent and made several mistakes, but now he made some of the best manoeuvres. He drove north with full speed of 28 kn and hammered on Hipper to drive east. He wanted to Hipper not to fill his reconnaissance role and to warn about the trap. Korvettenkaptän von Hase, artillery officer of SMS Derfflinger, noted later, after he recognized the intention, that were excellent manoeuvres in the best form. Hipper had not recognized the intention of Beatty. Additionally his radio was also broken down, so both reconnaissance commanders were unable to contact their admirals directly.
And also Scheer had now problems: The powder fog lowered the visibility dramatically. Also he could only drive at 16 kn, as fast as his old battleships could do. He was not willing to sacrifice them.
In this time Hipper’s problems got more and more. His ships were hit several times. SMS Lützow hit twice again, SMS Derfflinger slowly sinking over bow, SMS Seydlitz was burning and in a similar situation and finally SMS von der Tann had no more main guns to fire, but captain Zenker refused to retreat. The enemy should have to fear the existence of another ship and so had another target to shoot add, decreasing the amount of shots fired on the other ships.
So with Hipper pushed aside Scheer did not know what would come.
 
Phase 2: Duel of the battle fleets
It sounds unbelievable, but during this time Admiral Jellicoe did not gain much information by his own reconnaissance forces. Indeed Beatty’s main task, to be the fleet’s eye was not very good fulfilled. The First message Jellicoe got was a radio message of HMS Galathea that she met enemy cruiser. That was at 14.18. Then for over an hour Jellicoe got no news. He was in no way knowing that Beatty fought Hipper nor that he was soon in fight with Scheer. So he set speed of his ships from 18 to finally 20 kn. His ships were driving in 6 columns à 4 ships to form a line as fast as possible.
Finally, at 15.21 he got news by Beatty. But Beatty told Jellicoe only position, course and speed. Normally such a radio message was superflous. Only in case of fight such a message was important. And so he was able to understand that Beatty fought, but in no way whom. Other information he got only in pieces. HMS Galathea reported at 1527 smoke of ships in East- South- East. Only two minutes later the cruiser reported the sightings of German ships, but in no way the kind and strength of the ships. Also HMS Castor, the flag ship of the commodore of his destroyer, reported to have contact with German ships running North. But so he was forced to be wrong: Jellicoe assumed German ships going North just when Hipper and Beatty ran South.
About 15 minutes later, at 15.40, Beatty reported five German battle cruiser and numerous destroyer in North East. He did not mention course and speed. Again it lasted nearly an hour before he got another news: 2 of Beatty’s ships reported the sighting of the German battle fleet, but the positions differed of about 25 sm. Beatty signalled seven minutes later the German battleships were in South East. Also not very exact. But the next message lead to a completely ridiculous situation: HMS Princess Royal sent to Jellicoe a radio message which did not arrive totally. So in the end it needed time to decode. A little later Jellicoe got the news, 26- 30 enemy battleships in South South East, course South East. 26- 30 battleships! That was a shock for Jellicoe as he now and throughout the battle thought to fight an enemy at least as strong as he was! How this occurred and 26- 30 ships were reported, without a probably, was never solved.
Jellicoe was in no way really supported by Beatty. He felt “expelled” as he wrote Beatty after the battle. Jellicoe went into the battle nearly blind. He knew he was soon facing the enemy. But from which direction nor when he did not know.
Finally, at about 17.55 one of his battleships, HMS Marlborough, reported heavy fire at starboard. But Jellicoe now showed his nerviness and angrily and loudly said, he wanted to get to know who is shooting and on which is shooting.
In this very moment Beatty and his surviving battle cruiser appeared in heavy fire and firing on the enemy. Jellicoe at once signalled: “Where is the enemy battle fleet?” But Beatty only answered, enemy battle cruiser were at South East. But that was nothing worth for Jellicoe. He wanted to get to know the position of Scheer and not Hipper. But that did not know Beatty, whose task just that was, either as he lost contact an hour ago. Only 13 minutes later Beatty was able to see the German battleships in a hole in the fog for a short time. He signalled Jellicoe, enemy battle fleet in South South West. But still not the exact distance nor course or speed.
However, if he wanted to evolve a battle line, he had to give the orders now. And he did so. Lead by HMS King George V the battle line was evolved. Jellicoe wanted to cross the T, a manoeuvre, in which one battle fleet is in one line vertical to the other like the T. From that position Jellicoe could fire full broadsides while Scheer was only able to fire with his front guns. With such a manoeuvre Admiral Togo was victorious at Tsushima beating an enemy stronger than his forces. But now. Jellicoe had even more ships than Scheer and the odds were clearly at Jellicoe, although he mostly acted now on intuition and not knowledge (because Beatty did not give him the necessary information). Also he ordered the 3rd British Battle Cruiser Squadron under Admiral Sir Horace Hood with his battle cruiser to assist Beatty.
At 18.00 the battle line was evolved fully and Scheer still not knowing, he would soon face Jellicoe.
However, in the meantime the cruiser and destroyer of both sides tried to go on position again as the left it due to the fight. Because of this the light cruiser HMS Chester soon was in fight with 6 German light cruiser of Konteradmiral Boedicker resp. Commodore v. Reuter. She was in severe trouble as she was hit 18 times. At the front gun the crew except the 16 years old shipboy first class John Travers Cornwall was killed. The boy still kept his position although he was severely wounded. He wanted to be there if he was needed as he later told. After the battle he died in hospital a few days later. He was awarded with the Victoria Cross posthumously.
In this moment when HMS Chester seemed to be doomed, Hood appeared and crippled the attacking SMS Wiesbaden and so rescuing the HMS Chester. SMS Wiesbaden was crippled, but survived the fire of the British battle cruiser. And she eventually should not sink before the next morning killing all of her crew, 589 men including the Low German author and poet Johann Kienau alias Gorch Fock. Only the mate Zenne should survive and rescued by a Norwegian ship.


Johann Kinau alias Gorch Fock


SMS Wiesbaden


HMS Warrior


HMS Defence


HMS Black Prince


The Germans now retreated, but not before sinking the destroyer HMS Shark.
So the Wiesbaden was laying on the sea like a lame duck. That was seen by Sir Robert Abruthnot and his four armoured cruiser, HMS Defence, Warrior, Black Prince, Duke of Edinburgh. He was in command of a battle cruiser squadron before, but now he was commanding the old armoured cruiser. These ships were as obsolete as the German predreadnoughts and while the Germans did not take the surviving armoured cruiser with them, Jellicoe did and did not learn from Falkland or Doggerbank. But Arbruthnot neither. Instead he lead his ships like battle cruiser. So he attacked the SMS Wiesbaden. But this small ship had some strong friends in range. Attacking the light cruiser brought Abruthnot in range of the German battleships at the top of Scheer’s column. These battleships opened fire with their 12” guns. All of his ships were now under heavy fire and all soon HMS Black Prince and HMS Warrior were badly damaged. But also HMS Defence was under heavy fire. The first salvo on her was too wide, the second too short. But the third hit the ship. As soon as she was hit she listed but got her old position back. Again she was the target of three other salvos. Again the first was too long and the second too short. The third did envelope her in a wall of water rising up from the shells. She reappeared undamaged. But that was only feignedly. Indeed she soon she was destroyed in a massive explosion killing all of his crew of 900 including Admiral Abruthnot.


The German fleet fires on the British. In the background HMS Defence is exploding. Painting by Claus Bergen.

In the meantime Evan- Thomas found contact with his fleet, but here the next problem occurred. HMS Warspite was hit in the rudder. She had to drove two circles within 9.000 m of the German battlefleet again. The German ships, SMS Friedrich der Große, König, Helgoland, Ostfiresland, Thüringen, Kaiserin, fired and damaged her further. When the fume was away, the German ships thought they have sunk the British battleship. But that was not true. Indeed she escaped. But she was too badly damaged to continue the battle and had to be released home. She arrived at Rosyth, but had to avoid some torpedo attacks before.
But that action was only the prelude for the clash of the titans. At 18.30 Scheer met Jellicoe. And Scheer was shocked. He wanted to make a trap but was now trapped himself. And he was in the tactical worst thinkable situation. Soon Jellicoe’s ships hammered North West to North East on the German ships. Finally, so Jellicoe thought, the German fleet was trapped. Two years he waited for that moment. Also the visibility for the British were now, in the sunset, much better. SMS Markgraf, König, Derfflinger and SMS Lützow were all hit. SMS König had a listing of 4,5°.
But in this situation something appeared, which was seen as a sign of God, at least at the SMS Derfflinger. The fog disappeared partly and revealed a target: HMS Invincible, Hood’s flag ship.


HMS Invincible

Korvettenkapitän von Hase: “Her guns were aimed on us and again a salvo was coming. “Measurement 90 Hundred”, Seaman first class Hänel shouted. I commanded: “90 hundred! Salvo- fire!” I waited eagerly for the impact. Oberleutnant von Stosch shouted shouted: “Wide, two hits”. I commanded: “,1 back, good, fast!” 30 seconds later the next salvo was fired. I saw two shots too short but also two hits… And then we saw the egregious scene we saw like the destruction of HMS Queen Mary and HMS Defence. Similar to then several explosions were seen in short time. Masts were falling and debris were flying through the air and a huge cloud of black smoke emerged, flames appeared and new explosions and then the ship disappeared behind a wall of black smoke. I cried into the telephone: “Our enemy is blown up!” And in this moment a Hurray! went from battle station to the other throughout the ship. I sent a small prey to the Lord.”


HMS invincible exploding

With the destruction of HMS Invincible the third British battle cruiser exploded. Only 2 officers and 4 crew men were rescued by the destroyer HMS Badger. The other 1.026 men, including Admiral Hood, died. But for about half an hour the two half parts of the ship still stood vertical on the sea like two grave stones.


HMS Badger near to the remains of the battlecruiser. In the background you can see HMS Canada.

A few minutes later Jellicoe passed the remains. “Is this wreck one of our ships?” he asked. In this moment again all cheered believing a it was a German ship. But the answer was ending that abruptly: “Yes, sir. It is the Invincible.”
But Hipper had no much time to enjoy the moment. SMS Lützow was badly damaged. She burnt, had strong listing and was sinking with the bow. Although he refused at first, Hipper had to leave his flagship as the SMS Lützow was unable to fulfil her task as flagship. So an odyssey for three hours began.
After calling a destroyer Hipper wanted to board SMS Derfflinger. But this ship had no real masts and was unable to give messages and had a 30 m² hole in the bow. SMS Seydlitz was the next ship. But also this ship was sinking with the bow. And SMS von der Tann had no guns to defend and only stayed with the brave intend to give another target for the British artillery. Only SMS Moltke was suitable. But due to the circumstances Hipper did not arrive before 19.50 to take command.
Also Scheer had his problems. He was in a bad situation. So he had to handle quickly and gave at 18.36 an order for a manoeuvre thought to be impossible by the British Admiralty: A turn of all ships in the same moment in battle of 180°! It was a manoeuvre which was dangerous as the ships could collide. And despite the opinion of the Admiralty the German crews were well trained to do so, but not in the case of battle. Nevertheless the manoeuvre succeeded without any problems showing the best seaman abilities of the German crews.
This manoeuvre was a surprise for the British as the German fleet virtually disappeared in the fog, what became denser more and more. A few minutes later Jellicoe asked the next British battleship, HMS Marlborough, if the enemy was still in sight. The answer was no.
Jellicoe was criticised later, why he did not finish off the enemy now by following the German fleet. But he already made a memorandum on October 30th 1914 to the Admiralty, what he would do in Scheer’s position in such a case: Scheer would use mines or U-boats to attack the enemy. So he would act much more carefully and this behaviour was accepted by the admiralty as well as (most likely) the 1st Sea Lord, Sir Winston Churchill, who later became one of his worst critics.
Indeed the Germans thought about the use of mines in such a case, but they rejected that plan as it was dangerous also for German ships. And U-boats were not present at Skagerrak.
However Jellicoe’s careful acting seemed to be justified when suddenly a high water fountain emerged amidships of HMS Marlborough: A torpedo hit her and caused a hole of 25 m and a 7° listing. She was so badly damaged that she arrived the port only just in time to be rescued. So Jellicoe assumed the presence of U-boats.


HMS Marlborough

But there were no U-boats. Who fired the torpedo? The answer is: HMS Marlborough was hit by SMS Wiesbaden. This light cruiser lied badly damaged in the water and was sinking slowly but was still a deadly weapons platform.
Because Jellicoe did not know anything about the absence of U-boats he went south to cut off the way the German fleet should take to retreat. For this order he was blamed. Also Beatty was blamed not to make contact again with the enemy battle fleet. He was acting not in the best way and so Beatty attacked Jellicoe himself. He answered:
“How could we know that Jellicoe lost contact as soon as we established it. The battle cruiser had in no way the task to establish contact after we did so and the supreme commander avoided battle by retreating.”
One can say that he wanted to get off the, justified, critics on his actions by blaming Jellicoe! This showed a character error in Beatty. A massive one.
However such attacks were only academically as Scheer turned again at 18.55 to fight Jellicoe! Nobody knows the real reasons for doing so as Scheer answered the question only that “waiting for the night was too early and to stop the enemy trying to cut off the way of the fleet to the port. Also the enemy could find us before and so that we lost the initiative. So the only possible solution was to attack the enemy again and so to force a torpedo attack of the destroyer.” In the small circle he said he only wanted to help the poor SMS Wiesbaden. Also not very explainable.
So the real reason is not known, perhaps also not by Scheer himself. However here is the mistake of Scheer: Jellicoe did want to cut off the way but did not follow Scheer. Also he could have waited for the night. Indeed the German sailors were trained to fight at night. German ships had star shells and much better lights.
The British OTOH were only once training such a battle. Off Spain a few years ago in peace times. They were very lucky not to loose a ship! It was seen as hopeless and so the Admiralty ordered to avoid night battles when ever it is possible. Jellicoe also wanted to do this. So Scheer could have just waited for the night, and then try to attack the enemy. Then a deadly torpedo attack of the German destroyer and Jellicoe would have suffered a dramatically defeat.
However, the German battle cruiser, now under Capt. Johannes Hartog, SMS Derfflinger, took the lead to fulfil the task to establish contact with Jellicoe. Hipper at this moment was still looking for an new flag ship and therefore unable to lead his ships. But soon Scheer realized he was in the same situation like before. Crossing the T. Such a situation is seldom in navy history but to my knowledge unique that it happened twice in one battle. So Scheer ordered once again a turn of 180°. And he set the R flag sign for the battle cruiser. That meant: Ran an den Feind. Rammen! (Attack the enemy. Ram!) The heavily damaged ships went on her attack run, although they knew it was a suicide mission. All ships were damaged heavily. Nevertheless SMS Derfflinger was able to hit HMS Colossus twice but in return she lost turrets Cäsar and Dora to the fire of the battleship. Only 6 of 151 men in the turrets survived. But instead of exploding like the British ships, she remained afloat. But it seemed only a question of time. In the meantime Scheer ordered his destroyer to attack the enemy and reordered his battle cruiser back. But was it too late? Just in this moment the old pre dreadnoughts of the II. Squadron under Admiral Mauve attacked in a brave way Beatty, who was just eager to sink Hipper’s ships. But now he had face a new enemy. And in this second, in which he attacked Mauve and hit SMS Schlesien once and SMS Schleswig- Holstein twice, the battle cruiser escaped and the German destroyer launched 27 eels. None of the torpedo hit the target as they still were easy to spot because of the bubbles, but Jellicoe was forced to turn of 45° to avoid them. He was therefore criticized as he turned away and not against Scheer and so let him escape twice. However if he did so he most likely was hit by some of the torpedoes. They were fired at the longest possible distance, so only 21 of them reached the line and 2 of them sunk just before hitting the battleship HMS Neptune. So this was the much less dangerous way to avoid the attack and Jellicoe would have be blamed, too, if he lost one of his ships by not turning away.
However to turn away by only 27 torpedoes fired by some destroyer was too much for the British public. He was and still is criticized therefore. But otherwise he had lost perhaps a few of his ships.
The price the Germans had to pay was the sinking of SM S 35. But although no ship was hit the plan did work. Again Scheer escaped, and again Jellicoe set course south to catch Scheer before Wilhelmshaven.
About this time the armoured cruiser HMS Warrior met her final fate. She was badly damaged by the German battleships and now she was not longer able to be saved any more. She slipped under the sea.
 
Phase three: Night battle
As I already mentioned the British fleet was everything else than experienced in night fights. Indeed after the training off Vigo it was showed the British crews were using the search lights in a ridiculous way and “you could only laugh about that”, how a British officer remarked. In this battle the weaker fleet would have an advantage, while the British ability to shoot on great distances was nothing worth, as Jellicoe remarked. Also he feared the presence of multiple torpedo carrier and that he was unable to distinguish between own and enemy ships.
But that was the chance of the Germans. They had outstanding searchlights, only a pencil thick ray to search the enemy and the full light to sink her. And they had star shells. These shells did avoid the disadvantage searchlights had: To be seen by the enemy. So they could fire a shell, see the enemy and only the lights of the guns were showing their presence. This and the many torpedo carrier gave the Germans now an opportunity to fight the British. Also the Germans had a system of signal lights, which were impossible to copy for the British as coloured lights were put on and off in a few seconds.
At the beginning of this phase Scheer and Jellicoe were both driving in parallel course South. Scheer was West of Jellicoe. Jellicoe hoped to keep this position until dawn. So he had to assume speed and course. And he had to avoid the mine fields in the German Bay.
But Scheer had two possible ways to come home. Either the longer way directly South and then to the Jade bay driving east at the Dutch shores. Or the direct way South East near Horn’s Reef. Because of unknown reasons Jellicoe assumed the longer way would be the more probable and so he sent only the mine layer HMS Abdiel to Horn’s Reef to lay some additional mines there. The British fleet was going in marsh formation.
At about 20.45 the British light cruiser HMS Royalist and HMS Caroline spotted the German fleet again. But although Commodore Le Mesuier reported that to Vice Admiral Jerram of the 2nd squadron he thought it was Beatty, even when the German ships fired on the British cruiser. And Jellicoe was not given report by the ships and the only vague respond on the question who is firing was the vague one by HMS Comus, the enemy battlefleet was in the west. So he decided to go on.
At 21.00 the British fleet was in marsh formation. His speed was set to 15 kn. Jellicoe ordered his destroyer 5 sm behind and Beatty with his surviving ships 13 sm West. So he could control a row of 25 sm.
But he was wrong: Only 10 minutes after Scheer went South he turned to South West. He again chose the risky way. His speed was still 16 kn as the predreadnoughts could not drive faster. But this also meant, the fleets would meet again. And Scheer knew it. He gave the strict order to keep course! IMO he wanted a night battle as he knew about the British inabilities.
But now to the beginning of the operation: Beatty’s signal officer, the incompetent Ralph Seymour, signalled to the next ship with the Morse light: “Call me, and answer in full light as there is no more enemy presence.” Jellicoe commented that as he heard about this after the war as “absolute idiocy”. And indeed: The other ship gave his secret sign in full light. But Seymour was in so far right, as there were no Germans, well in a range of about two sm. There a group of German cruiser was. These ships did see the sign and answered alike. So the German ships were able to fire on each ship signalling in this kind. And they could answer the British questions and so cross the British lines without being harmed. Although the latter is only an assumption as there is no real prove that this happened indeed. Nevertheless the probability is high.
And also the Admiralty made their contribution to the tragicomical situation following. Jellicoe had no real trust in the news about Scheer’s position since he was meeting him here and not in the Jade bay. That seemed to be proven as he got a news by Room 40, in which Scheer’s position was given an impossible location. However, at about 22.00 Room 40 sent him the news, the Germans would go for Horn’s Reef. That was not believed by Jellicoe and so he went still South.
6 further radio messages intercepted by Room 40, one of which ordering aerial reconnaissance at Horn’s Reef the next morning, might have persuaded Jellicoe, but he never got the news. The news were given, as always, to the Operation Room of the Admiralty. But the Chief of the Admiralty went to bed and the commanding officer, Captain A. F. Everett, secretary for naval issues of the First Sea Lord, had no experiences and probably also no brain. He decided, the messages were not important enough to being sent. He lied them ad acta for the morning. When this was discovered there was only the possibility to reprove the man for doing one of the biggest mistakes of Admiralty.
At 22.00 parts of the Hochseeflotte met the destroyer ring guarding Jellicoe’s rear. So the most chaotic and ferocious phase of the battle began in the darkness and rain of that night.
The cruiser HMS Castor met two ships giving the British signs. He neared the ships until about 1.700 m. At once the small cruiser was in bright light: the light cruiser SMS Frankfurt and SMS Pillau opened fire. The cruiser was badly damaged drifting away and burnt. The other British destroyer near did not help the ship. They thought the HMS Castor was shot in error by friendly ships. And when they noticed their error, the fight was over.
Only half an hour later the British cruiser HMS Dublin and HMS Southampton met a German cruiser. They hailed the ship but suddenly coloured lights appeared and disappeared. Soon both ships fired and hit the ship 700 m away. But now other German ships were switching on their search lights and answered the fire. Then HMS Southampton fired a single torpedo which let the enemy ship, the old cruiser SMS Frauenlob, break in two. However also HMS Southampton was badly damaged losing 89 men.
Another hour later, at about 23.30, the destroyer leader HMS Tipperary met several ships in the darkness and hailed them. Soon the ship was in bright light and heavy fire. Only a few seconds later the destroyer was burning and sinking.
For the next 40 minutes the battle was fought sometimes very ferocious and then only a few shot were fired. The destroyer HMS Fortune was sunk like the HMS Ardent. The light cruiser SMS Rostock was torpedoed. SMS Elbing avoided a similar fate only to collide with the battleship SMS Posen. Both ships were evacuated and scuttled later the night. The British destroyer HMS Spitfire collided with the battleship SMS Nassau and drifted burning and heavily damaged away. Shortly after this a huge battle cruiser was spotted. It was only a burning wreck. It seemed to collide with HMS Spitfire but just drove behind her. But also the Germans met this burning grave: Georg von Hase: “At about 2:15 a burning ship drifted and passes us. The whole ship was glowing. For a long time no more living being could be on board.” Neither knew what ship was sinking there. The only possibility is the HMS Black Prince. The old armoured cruiser was hit badly in the day battle and lost contact with her fleet. So she attempted to reinstall contact with Jellicoe. In the night, at 1.20, she finally met a fleet. She hailed the fleet but was soon in the lights of the German battleships. Soon she was a burning wreckage drifting away. With dead men at the rudder she drove over the battlefield until she finally and graceful sunk with all of her 857 men.
Only 10 minutes before the HMS Turbulent did not recognize the right of way of the German battleship SMS Westfalen. That’s a worse idea as you are only a small destroyer. So the destroyer was rammed and sunk by the bigger ship.


SMS Westfalen

A little later HMS Broke, the flotilla leader since the destruction of HMS Tipperary, was hit by SMS Westfalen. This hit destroyed the bridge and so she collided with HMS Sparrowhawk. A young officer of HMS Sparrowhawk saw the ship coming and was slung on the other ship, where he lied a few minutes unconscious. When he awoke he was welcomed by a colleague with the words: “Who in hell are you?!?”. Now a chaos stated on the collided ships. Both captains assumed they were sinking and so ordered the crew on the other ship! Finally both ships were freed. But just in this minute the HMS Contest, another destroyer, collided with the aft of the HMS Sparrowhawk.
In this moment a German battle cruiser neared the crippled HMS Sparrowhawk. Although the only gun fired what she could, the ship neared. But suddenly it sunk just before hitting the destroyer. What ship this was is still a complete mystery.
About this time the Captain of the SMS Lützow, Viktor Harder, ordered his crew to abandon the sinking ship and to sink the ship with destroyer torpedoes. The loss of this ship was the most hurting loss for the German fleet. There is still a discussion if the ship was still in the condition to be saved, as SMS Seydlitz survived the battle in a similar condition. However we won’t get to know.
Only half an hour later, at 3.15 the destroyer HMS Obedient met the German IInd squadron. She launched a torpedo, which hit the German predreadnought SMS Pommern, which went down in a huge explosion. In this last engagement also the destroyer SM V 4 was lost. This marked the end of the battle.


The unlucky SMS Pommern

Jellicoe went South the whole night, not recognizing what was going on so Scheer was able to crush through the destroyer screen. But only one of his destroyer made the attempt to report she was fighting German battleships. Indeed the other ships did not report for unknown reasons. And the radio message, that came was not given to Jellicoe as it did not arrive. So he assumed that this fighting was only the fighting of destroyer. But if he turned to look what is going on, he might have met the German destroyer flotillas trying to find him. Then a sudden and deadly attack would have occurred. But so they failed to establish contact to make one of their feared torpedo attacks.
Nevertheless Jellicoe was criticized for his actions. Again. An officer remarked: “The muzzle flashes, the flashing of search lights, and the shine of burning destroyer showed the German retreat way like the compass on the bridge of SMS Friedrich der Große.”

Results:
The German fleet lost the battle cruiser SMS Lützow, the predreadnought SMS Pommern, the light cruiser SMS Rostock, Frauenlob, Wiesbaden, Elbing and the destroyer SM V 4, V 27, V 29, S 35, V 48. 2.551 men died, 507 wounded. 61.000 t tonnage lost.
The British losses were much higher: The battle cruiser HMS Invincible, Indefatigable, Queen Mary, the armoured cruiser HMS Warrior, Defence, Black Prince and the destroyer HMS Shark, Nestor, Nomad, Tipperary, Ardent, Fortune, Turbulent and at last alsoHMS Sparrowhawk, which was too damaged to be got back home and had to be scuttled, a total tonnage of 115.000 ts. 6.097 men died, 510 were wounded.
The Germans hit with their heavy guns the British 120 times but received only 100 hits. That was a quote of 3,33% to 2,17%. Also the Germans hit the British with light guns 107 times while receiving only 42 hits.
Here also the superior German construction of ships and grenades, shooting abilities and training was shown, as the German fleet won on the tactical level the artillery battle against a superior enemy, which had more guns, able to fire heavier shells on longer ranges. However these grenades did not penetrate the German armour. This armour was much bigger than on the British ships, especially on the battle cruiser, which sacrificed armour for speed, according to Lord Fisher. Jackie Fisher was wrong, as the battle showed. The German battle cruiser were hit 70 times but lost only one ship. The British ships were hit 53 times loosing 3 ships- and were lucky not to lose more. German battle cruiser sacrificed guns for speed but kept a good protection. Also the British still used the unstable cordite for the shells. And Jutland even after Jutland it was still used inflicting more losses to the British even without enemy contact, like the dreadnought HMS Vanguard.
However the British fired 94 torpedoes and hitting 6 times while the Germans fired 107 torpedoes and hitting only 3 times. However here the British were lucky as the German destroyer did not find the British battle fleet to conduct a night torpedo attack.


Epilogue
On June 1st the whole day German ships entered Wilhelmshaven. And the yards were filled with ships to be repaired. At last SMS Ostfriesland, which struck a mine just laid by HMS Abdiel, reached the port, except SMS Seydlitz, which was on a sandbank in the German Bay and finally reached the port 36 hours later. She was just missed by 5 British warships.
5 German battleships stayed on the Schillig Reede off Wilhelmshaven to fight against a possible British attack.


The damaged SMS Seydlitz in yard

In the meantime Jellicoe was still on the battle field to look for German ships still there. He kept radio silence. So Scheer was the first to report about the battle. He gave a quite exact report of his losses and of the enemy losses. But he did not claim a victory, as it is several times said. But he also saw the need to say in an open battle the Hochseeflotte was not able to win against the Home Fleet until it is weakened decisively. But that was clear before and in no way his attempt doing so. So he suggested to enforce the U-boat war. To say this was a sign for German strategic defeat is wrong, but that has to be handled later.
The Kaiser responded: “I am proud of our mighty fleet, which has proved by this battle, that she can cope with a superior enemy!” Also this was only cautiously optimistic.
Later that day the Germans released a communiqué that a sea battle happened and also published a quite exact list of the British losses, but no own losses were mentioned. Also that it was successful for the German population. That lead to massive morale boost. Also the newspapers exaggerated that a bit by headlines in extra editions like: “Trafalgar ausgelöscht” (Trafalgar erased, Berliner Tageszeitung). Friday, June 2nd 1916, was a national holiday, and the Sunday to a sorrow day for the dead.
Vizeadmiral Scheer was promoted to Admiral, Hipper to Vizeadmiral and both got the Pour- le- mérite order, the Blue Max. Also Hipper was now made a Bavarian knight, now Franz Ritter von Hipper. Also the Chief of Staff, Kapitän zur See Trotha, got the Blue Max.
At the evening of June 1st Reuters got the communiqué and sent it also to the Admiralty. The Admiralty did not publish it as the newspapers would get the news early enough. Instead they sent a radio message to Jellicoe to confirm the own losses but not the enemy ones. However Jellicoe was too busy with other tasks that he did not answer the telegram.
So no official comment was made and rumours about a catastrophe spread through whole Britain. And when Beatty returned the next day his crews were welcomed with scornful remarks and boos.
Two days after the battle the Admiralty decided finally to publish the German communiqué fully and without any comment. Jellicoe did not yet send a report. However this happened only little later. But in this he only answered the original question and listed his own losses but no enemy ones. So he confirmed the German communiqué. He also did not claim a victory but also not confirmed a defeat.
So the Admiralty, including Arthur Balfour, Churchill’s successor, published finally an own communiqué in which the own losses were mostly admitted, but the enemy losses only as heavy described. Also not very useful to calm down the rumours as the public could still think the worst.
The mood was also not changed when Jellicoe reported he could leave the port within 4 hours. He still did not inform about the German losses. Only at the evening of that day, Friday June 2nd 1916, Jellicoe sent three reports listing cautiously the German losses.
Jellicoe was now the scapegoat for all. Even King George V. was disappointed in his reply to the birthday congratulations on June 3rd. But now, when England expected another triumph like Trafalgar, the enemy fleet was not beaten dramatically, instead the British losses were much higher. But this critic on Jellicoe is only partly true. Indeed he was in a difficult situation. He was the man, who, according to Churchill, could have lost the war in one evening. The loss of the German fleet would have been a not very decisive draw back as the U-Boats were still a thread. The loss of the British fleet would have lead to a dramatical shift of power: Now England herself was in danger of an invasion. Also the supply routes to France were in severe danger, endangering the stalemate in the West. So Jellicoe could not do better than acting cautious. Demanding a victory would have meant endangering the fleet. He might have had chances in the night, but that was also dangerous because of the German destroyer.
Jellicoe made errors, but the only errors to tell are the armoured cruiser, which were obsolete, and the night battle. To criticize him for the day battle is unfair. Also unfair because this is lowering the achievements of Scheer, whose abilities rescued his fleet twice. In the night battle however he failed as he did not recognize the fights he saw as fights with battleships. Or did he want not to attack, avoiding a night battle at any costs? However in the end he did not trust in Room 40. But again that was not his own fault but the fault of Admiralty and the struggles there.
And we have to consider Beatty. He did not fulfil his task. His task was to inform Jellicoe, being the eyes of the fleet. That he did not do. That’s why Jellicoe was in a worse situation than it was obvious and only because his skills he was crossing the T- and because Beatty’s excellent manoeuvres against Hipper. But that point is the only one to credit him. If he didn’t do that perhaps Scheer could have evolved a Crossing the T against the British. But that’s speculation.
Beatty was an arrogant and aggressive man, who showed off he would beat Hipper anytime he met. He attacked him and did not wait for Jellicoe nor for Evan- Thomas. And he paid for that with the loss of two of his ships. Then he made contact with the enemy fleet but did not hold it properly. Also later he wasn’t a good help. But due to the fact he lost his ships while the Jellicoe’s ships were mostly intact made him the perfect hero. Also he looked more aggressive. That’s why the press and all others loved him. Also he tried to conceal his errors with other things and attacks on Jellicoe. That started with the comment on Chadwick and ended later by the attacks on Jellicoe. Everything else but not him.
A few words on Evan- Thomas and Abruthnot: Evan- Thomas showed, like many British officer in the battle, nearly no abilities to act on own risk, relying only on orders. That costed him nearly his ships. Not so much luck had Abruthnot. He lead his cruiser like battle cruiser forgetting the fact they were obsolete and unable to withstand a modern warship for long, not to mention the concentrated fire of a fleet. That’s why he lost ¾ of his squadron and his life.
If we are talking about the admirals we can have a look to the other side:
Scheer made several mistakes. The first one was to take the old battleships with him. That was a sentimental decision and only lowering the speed for nothing. However these ships hold their position and Admiral Mauve was also able to rescue Hipper. These ships did not deserve to be called 5 minute ships. The British battle cruiser is another question here…
The other mistake was to return a second time. There was no reason to do so. However he rescued both times his fleet. This fact to do so against a superior force lead by a potent admiral is mostly not really recognized. He twice rescued his fleet because of his abilities.
Hipper on the other hand was the only leading admiral not to make any crucial error and fulfilled his tasks. He beat Beatty and was the eyes of the fleet. That he was outmanoeuvred by Beatty later can’t blame him.
So both deserved their Blue Max.
However only the next Monday the Royal Navy should get the next Job’s news: HMS Hampshire, an armoured cruiser, which just survived the Skagerrak battle, struck a mine laid by U 75. The minefield was laid in an area, where normally not much traffic happens. This time because of bad weather this route was chosen to bring war minister and colonial hero Lord Kitchener to talks to Moscow via Murmansk. Kitchener and his staff as well as most of the crew of 655 men died. Only 12 were found alive.


HMS Hampshire


Lorcd Kitchener

It was a bad month for the British navy indeed. In the following time Beatty should replace Jellicoe, a promotion he did not deserve. Jellicoe was also promoted to 1st Sea Lord but was indeed only promoted to have him not in command of the fleet. However the aggressive Beatty had learnt. He would not risk his fleet any more.

Conclusions:
It was obvious that the Germans won a tactical victory. But then there are strong debates who won the battle on the strategic side. I am the opinion that it was a draw with slight German advantages, but too less to count it as victory. However that is contested.
The reasons:
The German fleet did never fight against the British fleet again. True, but the British did not accept the contest. That’s why you can’t say Jutland was a German victory. Indeed in 1916 alone there were three other attempts to fight again. But the British did not accept but retreated whenever German capital ships appeared. Also they made fewer patrols and stayed much nearer to England than before. The same is to say about 1917 and 1918, while in 1917 the German fleet was also in massive use in the Baltic, where the Russian predreadnought Slava was so heavily damaged by SMS König that it had to be scuttled. It is very wrong to say the Germans never dared a battle again. It is the other way round!
The German fleet retreated and the British still ruled the seas. Also true. And indeed to stay on the battle field is a sign of being victorious. However it is not ever so. Yes, also the strategic situation did not change and even Scheer said he could not win a battle against the British. But this is also true for the British, which were the same opinion. They also wanted only to wait. However they were also incapable to help the Tsar as they were unable to operate in the Baltic. And the U-boat threat still existed. But that discussion miss the point: What were the tasks of both fleets? Once to beat the enemy, to inflict more damage to him than to receive and to wait for the next fight. That was the strategy of both sides, that’s why both fleets run out. If they knew to face the other complete fleet both would have terminated the action. They only should weaken the enemy, not to destroy him. If there was the possibility, okay, but not from the beginning. And here the Germans fulfilled their task. The Royal Navy lost so many ships that they really wanted to buy the whole Japanese Kongo class battle cruiser, Kongo, Hiei, Kirishima, Haruna. That is not made if you can afford such losses.
So in the end it was a draw, but only because Scheer and Hipper were unable to meet the British again. Also the British got only better grenades shortly before the war ended. And if their corrections on the battle cruiser to avoid a sinking was really working can be doubted if you consider the similar sinking of HMS Hood by Bismarck.
But one level is mostly forgotten. The morale level. 1916 was a difficult year for the European populations in the belligerent states. A victory was needed. And so the German victory, only if it was on the tactical level against a superior enemy, was much needed. It had a morale boost by the Germans as well as a morale decline by the British.

Result:
The battle of Skagerrak, or Jutland, was a German tactical and morale victory, but a strategic draw.

Adler
 
Thanks Adler for your time and effort, very interesting and informative :goodjob: :goodjob: .
 
Conclusion is in my opinion flawed, but otherwise not bad.
 
Well stating the task of both fleets was to defeat the other is only a vague overall task, not the principle aim. The German fleet's main aim was to ambush and overwhelm sections of the RN and repeat until some sort of parity was achieved and the blockade could be lifted. The RN's aim at the time was simply to maintain its blockade and avoid any reduction of the numerical advantage it enjoyed. Jutland did not significantly affect either the blockade nor that advantage. The only category in which the RN lost it's advantage on was the battlecruiser which had been shown to be something of a flawed concept by then. Whether or not the British tried to buy the Kongo class the point is they did not and yet still managed to maintain that superiority. To simply state that the HSF achieved their task of reducing the battlecruiser parity without mentioning the above is flawed IMO.

Saying that the RN avoided an engagement after Jutland is missing the point, the RN didn't need to engage the HSF to achieve their two principle aims. Sure we couldn't enter the Baltic but that was never as important as the above anyway. The Germans may have overwhelmed one part of the RN but they could not repeat the feat therefore by itself Jutland was not enough of a sucess to claim it as a strategic draw.

Saying that the British ammendments to their battlecruisers had little effect due to what happened to Hood is also faulty. The problem with the BCs at Jutland was faulty safety arrangements relating to the storage of cordite. The problem with Hood was inferior armour arrangements on a concept that was essentially flawed anyway. The British did learn from Jutland about the cordite problem, what happened to Hood is no proof they did not.

Given more time I could find other things but I'm on my hols right now.
 
A short reply:
1. Yes, the status quo ante was not changed. That I never said. However we also have to see the objectives of both sides. Both sides wanted to crush one part of the enemy. Hipper or Beatty. That's why both fleets went out of the harbour. They would not, if they knew what happened. However who fulfilled the task? The Germans as they reduced the British battlecruiser force dramatically and put also the others out of action effectively for a time until their flaws were corrected. Otherwise it was too risky for the British to use them in battle. However I agree that this advantage could not be used as Scheer was because of the British unable to fight the enemy fleet again. That's why it was no strategic victory for the Germans. Also another strategic advantage, although too small to count for a German strategic victory, was the fact the British remained (mostly) in their waters and kept the North Sea free.

2. The British also wanted to go for the Baltic. Therefore even a new type of ships were built and introduced, the Large Light Cruiser. These ships were ill designed for only one purpose: To give fire support in the Baltic. Also the Tsar begged for help. He was in a very bad situation and to give him only morale support Kitchener was sent to St. Petersburg via Murmansk (on this way it was in that times impossible to help the Czar with suffcient supplies). To have an ally losing on a second front is never the best idea and that was known in London, too. But this mission could not be completed by the RN as also the greatest optimists recognized after Jutland.
3. That's why to say the Germans lost the battle is very flawed IMO.
4. The loss of HMS Hood was indeed caused by another problem. However all British battlecruiser had much less armour than the Germans, about 10 cm (~ 4"). Also cordite, as the British lacked Acetone, was still very unstable and still used after Jutland, as the loss of HMS Vanguard can proof. So my doubts concerning the effectivity of British battlecruiser have at least a sollid base.

Adler
 
1) It's almost irrelevant that the British lost those ships, even if they did engage again the GF could afford the losses it suffered at Jutland. On the other hand if the HSF suffered in the same way the GF did it would have been seriously weakened. I also disagree with the concept that the British were "unable" to engage the Germans. After Jutland the British understood there was little to be gained by risking the fleet in an engagement. Whilst it may have been a desire to sink the HSF or a part of it realistically there was no need to do so in order to maintain the blockade on Germany. A very timid and boring strategy perhaps but one that would ultimately bring great rewards.

Oh and if we're talking about ships put out of action for a time it might be worth looking into just how many of the HSF were out of action undergoing repairs and upgrades too. The GF weren't the only ones with a need to improve after Jutland.

2) I did not say we didn't want to move into the Baltic, I said it was not as important as the blockade and maintenance of numerical superiority. You didn't mention either of those two aims in your conclusion other than to skip by them briefly. The ommission implies that the British failed to achieve anything concrete at Jutland, this is obviously untrue and therefore is flawed. Attacking the Baltic might have helped the Czar, maintaining the blockade though did have the desired effect.

3) I didn't say they lost the battle, tactically they won. I don't agree that they gained enough strategically (compared to what they lost) to claim even a partial victory. The battle averted one problem but left the Germans with two major ones, I don't count that as a sucess.

4) Then there was no need to mention Hood since it has no relevance.

The problems that caused the BC losses at Jutland were not just related to Cordite but the practices surrounding its use. British cordite was less stable but it wasn't likely to just simply explode, it had to be ignited. Indications are that the British had learnt their lesson from Jutland and adopted safer practices in battle that would minimise the chances of ignition. Vanguard's loss was not due to battle practices.

Oh and it would be interesting to see some information (i.e. online sources) for the occasions when the British retreated and the reasons for doing so.
 
PH,
1. At first most of the German ships hit badly reached the port. This you can´t say about all of the British ships. And although the German ship needed repairs, the British design flaws, especially the thin armour, were difficult to compensate.
Also loosing a third of all battlecruiser available is a heavy loss. And the fact the British wanted to buy the whole Kongo class is another hint that they could not afford the losses so easily.
Concerning the British strategy, to flee by sighting German battleships, as it was done later several times is also clear as they really did not want to risk their ships to maintain the blockade. There we both agree. However to say the Germans lost the battle because of this is also flawed, as the status quo ante did not change. That is no loss and no win.
2. The blockade was going on as the Uboat war was going on. In so far the British reached indeed something. That's why it is also not a German strategical victory. However they also did not win it as they also gained nothing: The HSF was not destroyed and there was no way help the Czar. That facts do make the battle a draw as nothing was gained or lost on both sides, generally at least.
3. Then I misunderstood you and as I wrote this for each paragraph have this in mind for the things I told above. I think here we all agree mostly at least. I did also not say it was a German strategical victory in any case, partially or total. However the facts I mentioned above in the article lead to some German advantages, but on a much lower level to count for a victory. If you want an example: A football game ending 0:0 but with 10:8 chances to score.
4. Well I only said I had doubts in the quality of the British measures to counter the flaws. Also British Cordite of that time remained unstable throughout the war as the British lacked Acetone. And it was investigated that if the Germans used it, even in proper way, SMS Derfflinger and SMS Seydlitz would have been lost, too.

Unfortunately I can give you only book citations. However two occasions:
1. 18./ 19.08.1916: The German fleet sortied again to catch parts of the British fleet. The British fleet lost two light cruiser to Uboats (HMS Nottingham sunk by U 52 (Kapitänleutnant Walther) and HMS Falmouth sunk by U 66 (v. Bothmer) and U 63 (Schultze)) and retreated before making contact when Jellicoe was reported German battleships could be near.
2. 17.11.1917: A German minesweeper force was attacked by British battlecruiser in the German Bight (one of the rare occasions the British left the Home waters). The British large light cruiser were severly damaged by the German light cruiser as well as SMS Königsberg (II). However before the German battleships and battlecruiser in range could come into fight the British retreated again.

Adler
 
Quite an undertaking you've begun here, kudos to you for sharing this with us.
 
Adler said:
The German fleet did never fight against the British fleet again. True, but the British did not accept the contest. That’s why you can’t say Jutland was a German victory. Indeed in 1916 alone there were three other attempts to fight again. But the British did not accept but retreated whenever German capital ships appeared. Also they made fewer patrols and stayed much nearer to England than before. The same is to say about 1917 and 1918, while in 1917 the German fleet was also in massive use in the Baltic, where the Russian predreadnought Slava was so heavily damaged by SMS König that it had to be scuttled. It is very wrong to say the Germans never dared a battle again. It is the other way round!
It has often been said that after Jutland the High Seas Fleet never came out again, but, as Adler says, it did so three times. The first, and most ambitious of these sorties, one in which another great battle almost occurred, came on 18 August 1916, eleven weeks after Jutland. Scheer had not yet been able to persuade the German government to break its promise to the United States on unrestricted submarine warfare; as the U-boats were not to be released, he decided to try again with the battle fleet. This time, with Lützow sunk and Seydlitz and Derfflinger undergoing protracted repairs, Hipper had only two battle cruisers, Moltke and Von der Tann, available. The Scouting Force was reinforced by three battleships, Grosser Kurfürst, Markgraf, and the newly commissioned 15-inch gun Bayern. These were powerful ships, but necessarily slowed the speed of the Scouting Force. The battleship force was at full strength, including König Albert, which had missed Jutland. There were 15 battleships, not counting the three with Hipper. One lesson had been learned. When the High Seas Fleet sailed, the predreadnoughts were left behind.

Scheer's plan was to have Hipper bombard the Yorkshire coastal town of Sunderland with the High Seas Fleet 20 miles out to sea. If Beatty came rushing south, his battlecruisers first would pass over two lines of waiting U-boats; then, those not torpedoed would fall into the arms of the High Seas Fleet. This time, Scheer insisted on the absolute necessity of extensive airship reconnaissance to be certain he did not again find himself surprised by the full might of the Grand Fleet. 26 U-boats and ten zeppelins were assigned to the sortie. Hipper and Scheer sailed from the Jade at 0900 on 18 August.

As usual, Room 40 alerted the Admiralty and, again, the Grand Fleet sailed five hours before the High Seas Fleet. There were 29 dreadnoughts, including the five Queen Elizabeths, and Beatty had six battlecruisers. The British preponderance was overwhelming.

On both sides, submarines drew first blood. At 0505, the British E-23 torpedoed the battleship Westfalen; Scheer sent her home and with the rest of the fleet maintained speed. At 0600, the U-52 torpedoed the light cruiser Nottingham, which was screening the battlecruisers. Because no torpedo tracks were seen, Goodenough, who was the cruiser squadron commander, reported to Beatty and Jellicoe that he was uncertain if Nottingham had encountered torpedoes or mines. Worried that he might be entering a new, uncharted minefield, Jellicoe reversed course for two hours. After Goodenough reported that Nottingham had been sunk by torpedoes, Jellicoe again reversed course and headed south. He had lost four hours, but remained in a position to intercept the High Seas Fleet. Then, shortly after noon, a German mistake saved the German fleet.

The zeppelins had been aloft through the morning, but their reports to Scheer had been confusing. The airships' clearest look at the Grand Fleet was when it was steaming north, away from the "minefield" and away from Scheer. They did not see Jellicoe's turn back to the south. Then, at 1235, the zeppelin L-13 reported a new force of thirty ships, including five battleships, approaching from the south, approximately 70 miles from the High Seas Fleet. This was a misidentification. The "battleships" were the five light cruisers of Harwich Force, under the command of Commodore Tyrwhitt.

Scheer jumped to the conclusion that this was an isolated British battleship squadron, the sort of prey he had been seeking in all of this North Sea operations. Immediately, he abandoned the bombardment of Sunderland and turned southeast at high speed, toward Tyrwhitt and away from Jellicoe. The Grand Fleet, meanwhile, continued south with a long afternoon of clear visibility ahead. With the fleet at action stations, Jellicoe signaled "High Seas Fleet may be spotted at any moment. I look forward with entire confidence in the result." It was not to be. A thunderstorm caused L-13 to lose contact, but Scheer heard from a scouting U-boat that the Grand Fleet was 65 miles to the north. The Victor of the Skagerrak had no desire to repeat his "victory." At 1435 he abruptly turned southeast toward home. An hour and a half later, Jellicoe, bitterly disappointed, also gave up and turned north for Scapa Flow. Along the way, the light cruiser Falmouth was struck by two torpedoes from U-66. Taken in tow, she suffered two more torpedo hits from U-48 and sank.

Two British light cruisers had been sunk and one German battleship damaged. This time, Scheer made no claim to victory.
 
YNCS, good report on the near battle :goodjob:
However my (small) sources said, that after sinking of HMS Falmouth and rumors the German battlefleet could be there the British retreated. However I have to look that over, but therefore I have little time.
OTOH the German sorties to catch the British fleet:

1. (as said): 18.- 19.08.1916 against Sunderland
2. 18.- 20.10.1916 against Doggerbank (this time the British fleet didn't even leave the port)
3. 05.11.1916 Danish west coast
4. 23.- 25.04.1918: Norway

Also SM U 63 finished off HMS Falmouth (according to my sources).

Adler
 
You're right on U-63 sinking Falmouth. My error.
 
1) Well that's hardly a suprise really, the RN ships were further from port. The HSF ships had problems also otherwise they wouldn't have needed work on them in the months after the battle. The BC were hardly the last word in British design either, even the Germans were impressed with the QE class.

2) Jutland wasn't going to affect the U-Boat war, that's not relevant, especially since the blockade did strangle Germany, the U-Boat campaign could be argued to mostly cause Germany problems and did not strangle Britain (despite coming close).

3) I can't make sense of that

4) Well I'd say chances are the problems that occurred at Jutland probably wouldn't have done so in any future engagement. Both sides learnt some lessons.

Book citations aren't much use so thank you to YNCS for the further information, especially since it wasn't the British running scared on that occasion.
 
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