DaNES II: When the Stars Fall

Update 3 – 611-615

“‘Death or Freedom’ should be on our gravestone.”
-Die Toten Hosen, Bonnie und Clyde

International Events

The Winnili appear to have halted their advance in the north for now, though the east is a different matter (see below). In particular, they appear to be cultivating a decent relationship with the Rygians, despite the presence of many Silenga refugees (and Ammatas himself) on the island.

In an apparent sign that the Iberian-Panorman alliance is going down the drain, the drechton – or rather, polemadokos – of Iberia reinstated trade dues in the coastal Hellenic poleis. Admittedly, they are not nearly as high as they had been, but diplomatically, the move was very embarrassing to the Panormans.

(-1 Panorman Prestige, -1 Sikeliot Merchantry Confidence, +175 talents to Iberian income)

The Italian war seems to have finally wound down, with the Panormans and Chaonians recognizing their inability to destroy the Aorsi but, having thwarted the Aorsi in their own goals, have managed to force the Aorsi to accept a relatively low level of tribute.

(+2 Aorsi Prestige, -1 Panorman Prestige, -1 Chaonian Prestige, +1 Megale Hellenic Poleis Confidence (Panormos), +1 Megale Hellenic Poleis Confidence (Chaonia))

Representatives from Aigyptos, Panormos, and Makedonia came together at Syrakousai in 611 to formally announce an alliance directed at the Perseid Empire. The boule’s initial suspicion of the program was papered over with a thousand silver Aigyptian talents and (less important) the promise of a total elimination of trade barriers in Makedonia. After being assured by the new polemarchos, Philippikos Mystakon, that this would be a risk-free profit-making enterprise, grudging consent was gained.

This rapidly turned into a sense of angry betrayal in 614 when Sophidosios of Aigyptos ordered a massive tariff increase on Panorman goods, wiping out the fortunes of the few merchant bouleutai with Aigyptian interests and turning them, too, against the plan. (Ironically, the tariff decreased Aigyptian revenues if anything and wiped out the benefits assumed to accrue from Aigyptos’ infrastructural development of a decade prior.) Renewed calls have been issued for the abolition of the polemarchos position and an end to the war with the Perseids, and this time it would appear as though the polemarchos can’t politically escape.

(+2/-2 Panorman Prestige, -1 Makedonian Prestige, +/-1 Sikeliot Merchantry Confidence, -2 Paralioi Confidence, -10 talents from Aigyptian income)

In response to the rather large coalition assembled against him, the wily Andronikos I constructed his own during 611 with a series of bilateral agreements with his enemies’ enemies. He lured the Mysians into a formal agreement with him against his northern enemies in that year by the Treaty of Pergamon; he then backed out of his Pisidian war a few months later (after the Mysians found themselves entangled in naval war with the Makedonians) by the Peace of Apameia. Gersem of Aksum was induced to fight Aigyptos, and Admetos of Chaonia sent representatives to Naupaktos, where they agreed with Perseid negotiators to enter the war against Makedonia. And in exchange for a promise of non-intervention and pilgrimage rights into conquered Attika, Andronikos recognized Eupator V (see below) as basileus Pontou. This rather neatly unhinged the Syrakousai allies’ overall plan (see below) and won the Perseids at least another five years of breathing space.

(+1 Perseid Prestige, -1 Mysian Prestige, +1 Bosporan Prestige)

A collection of stories and Sophist wisdom, al-Kitaab as-Siraar, has begun to circulate widely among the Sophist tribes of Arabia and in Alodia. Its author is reputed to be the recently deceased North African Sophist sage ‘Amr ibn Ghassan. Unlike any of the other Sophist texts in wide use, it has been written in the Arabic script. It contains many of the – contrary to established teachings in the oikoumene – sayings of ‘Amr, as well as millenarian prophecies of the return of the great king Dhu al-Qarnayn, the Great Horned One, who will purify the Sophist faith and return it to its ancient beginnings as the worship of Athyna. In particular, Abu Sufyan, the Qurayshi governor of Makkah, has cracked down on the spread of this book and the religious teachings associated with it.

(-1 Perseid Prestige, -1 Qurayshi Strength)

For much of the year 611, Arkah Haroutyoun played off Seleukid and Areian representatives against each other, promising both that he would intervene on their side, while he assembled his army and got the Antes off of his back in the north. Only in 612 did he make clear that he would side with Areia, in so doing shifting the momentum of the war (see below).

(-1 Seleukid Prestige)

Attempting to capitalize on his monopoly of Perseid trade routes east, the Seleukid king decided to massively raise tariffs on Perseid goods. This had the desired short-term effect of raising some money, though after awhile it wasn’t that useful (see below) and had the damaging effect of destroying what was left of support for a Perseid intervention to save the Seleukids.

(-1 Imperial Bureaucracy Confidence (Perseids), +1350 talents to Seleukid treasury)

After the rather untimely death of the Areian basileus Arkadios, his successor Platon II quickly extricated himself from his war with the Mazsakata by paying them tribute; he then sent his sister Arsinoe to marry the Baktrian basileus and cede him all the lands conquered in the recent war. This cession, which included some of Areia’s most valuable territory (including Old Areia, the nominal heartland of the kingdom), outraged some, but the strategic benefits it conferred were much larger, and people generally recognized the parlous position of an Areia trapped in a three-front war.

(+2 Mazsakata Prestige, -3 Areian Prestige, +2 Baktrian Prestige, -1 Parthyaian Confidence, -2 Parthyaian Strength, +1 Hellenes Confidence (Baktria))

Patalan merchants have been granted duty-free access to Harmozeia, and with that massive advantage began to insinuate themselves into the south Areian market…that is, until 612, when the fire-ships of the Hellenoarabic poleis started up their commerce-raiding again, fueled both by Seleukid silver and by general outrage at their replacement by Patalan merchants in the Gulf carry trade. Patalan gains from trade have been more or less negligible due to the raiding, which the Areians are powerless to suppress yet again due to the minor problem of being outnumbered.

(-1 Areian Prestige, -4 Patalan ships)

Having decided that there was little else to be gained from the resurgent Wu, and increasingly afraid of the Liang, Sui Wen of Yang adeptly switched sides by the Peace of Wuhan at the end of the year 610, promising to attack the Liang in exchange for several border adjustments and a significant indemnity. He then sent that indemnity west to the Houqin to induce them to withdraw, in the process establishing a diplomatic basis for claiming precedence over the Houqin.

(+2 Yang Prestige)

Domestic Events

War exhaustion and associated economic hardships continue to afflict several states, especially the Makedonians, Perseids, Seleukids, Areians, and Wu.

(+varying degrees of economic, military, and political problems in all warring states, especially those mentioned above)

Dryhten Aethelric has been acting rather kingly over the last decade, and these years are no exception: he has ordered the assembly of ‘the Dooms of Aethelric’, a comprehensive (as far as Rygia goes, anyway) code of laws. In addition, to account for the recent movements of peoples within his state, he has ordered that the 609 hidage be extended to the western part of his kingdom.

(+1 Rygian Prestige, +5 talents to Rygian income)

Zanvar of the Aorsi has ordered the reconstruction of Patikapatta, now that the war is over. Substantial funds were disbursed for the project, and the rebuilt town is beginning to get back to normal. Much of the agricultural devastation wrought by the invading armies of the Chaonians and Panormans is being overcome as well.

(+1 Aorsi Prestige, +70 talents to Aorsi income)

As the Aorsi war has died down, the Panorman boule has decided to appropriate lands from the chora of Stoma and sell them off. Unsurprisingly, this pissed off the squatters who had already tried to claim those lands through various means. The overwhelming majority of the land ended up being purchased by major magnates from Sicily, whose personal fortunes hadn’t suffered from the Aorsi invasion, and whose absenteeism already rankled in Megale Hellas. Ramped-up state spending on infrastructure with the proceeds from these dubiously gotten gains did little to salve the wound. With several corruption scandals in the administration of the Aphrikan public lands recently, calls are being ramped up for some kind of reform there as well. Currently the most popular proposals involve settling klerouchoi on the plots, dividing the plots among the peasants that already work them in exchange for military service or increased taxes, or selling the lands to Sicilian magnates.

(150 talents to Panorman infrastructure investment, -1 Megale Hellenic Poleis Confidence, +1 Sikeliot Gentry Confidence, +1 Sikeliot Gentry Strength, +/-1 Aphrikan Confidence)

Chaonia’s literary tradition is improving with the completion of the historical work Chronographia, written by the retired general Menandros Aktios. It’s somewhat out of touch with current political sensibilities, though those change so rapidly that it’s probably not that much of a problem.

(+1 Chaonian Prestige)

Basileus Amyntas has decided to capitalize on the growing tradition of Sophist osioi by constructing a small shrine to Zoe, a local martyr, near Thebai. It’s not much, but it’s a start.

The Qurayshi rebellion has been rather rapidly nipped in the bud by negusa nagast Gersem, who essentially promised the Arabs more or less full autonomy and the ability to select their own governor. This led to the predictable seizure of gubernatorial power by Abu Sufyan and a rapid purge of his rivals in Makkah. What Gersem apparently didn’t expect was that the former governor of Teiman, having spent the last few years quietly embezzling money, would promptly – that is, in 611 – rebel in outrage at the monarch’s arbitrary exercise of his power (see below).

(-1 Aksumite Prestige, -Banu Quraysh, +Qataban, +Qurayshi (Aksum), -Sab’yn (Aksum), -45 talents from Aksumite income)

Something of a revival of Karmano-Gedrosian regionalism has been observed in Areia, emphasized by the loss of control over the main arteries of transportation to the region from the Areian capital and, more than anything else, the long war.

(+Karmania (Areia))

Sentiment is rising in Baktria for a proper reorganization of the recently-conquered lands taken from Areia. The region, naturally fertile, is mostly fallow due in part to Areia’s scorched-earth policies under Arkadios in the last war, and to Baktria’s failure to distribute territories among its military colonists. What enrages many people is that basileus Diodotos, instead of providing agricultural relief, spent a vast sum on his son’s wedding to the Areian princess Arsinoe, tripling the amount that even the late debauched Arkadios wasted on his own royal wedding several years ago.

(-2 Royal Bureaucracy Confidence, -1 Katoikiai Confidence)

In 612, the then-archon of Patalene, Antialkidas, proposed a plan to give state money to slaves. This was quickly shot down by basically every major Patalan political figure.

(-1 Antipatreian Confidence, -1 Oraian Confidence)

The qagan of the Tantan has, to the consternation of most of his hordesmen, elected to raid in the west this year. This was a proposal rather out of left field, as it alienated the Tiele and Jiankun of the eastern territories, and it neglected to take advantage of the distraction of the Houqin, but at least it netted some loot (see below) and made the Xazarlar happy.

(-25,000 Tantan levy cavalry)

(-1 Tiele Yabghu Confidence, -2 Jiankun Yabghu Confidence, +1 Xazarlar Yabghu Confidence)

Buddhism is beginning to grow noticeably more popular in Wu, Jin, and Yamato.

Military Events

In 614, yet another Brythonic revolt kicked off in western Rygian territory as the Silenga from the Continent were settled in the west. The harsh response to this provoked – finally – a Cambrian response, as the Council (with some dissension) induced its members to go to war against Rygia. Though operations have not really begun, as both sides need time to call up levies, some border fighting has ensued, chiefly around the Rygian village of Boreshill. Within Cambria itself, Powys attempted to oppose the council’s decision militarily, but Ceredigian warriors scattered the Powysians near Muallt in the spring of 615. Some of the Powysians managed to escape to Rygia, though.

(+23,000 Cambrian levy infantry, +22,000 Rygian levy infantry)

(-Powys (Cambria), -Brythonic Natives (Rygia), +1 Dyfnaint Confidence, +1 Rygi Confidence, +2 Silenga Strength, +10 talents to Cambrian treasury, -50 Cambrian infantry, -230 Cambrian levy infantry, -40 Rygian infantry, -110 Rygian levy infantry)

Iberia’s policy for the war centered on consolidating control of western Walhia to ensure that they could not be evicted – a sound if limited policy. Further advances would be geographically difficult, anyway, polemadokos Gerold reasoned. However, his policy of raiding Walhia to preclude any Walhic offensive ended up being off the mark – for Wiolant, too, had decided to sit on the defensive, and rely on ambushes and traps to wipe out attacking forces. The Iberians waltzed straight into one of these traps on the Liga River in 612, though they managed to extricate themselves from it without suffering too many losses. What really unhinged Iberian plans, though, was the redirection of Aorsi horsemen west after the end of the Italian war. Under the command of Sangiban, Sannic cavalry rode along the northern Iberian coastline, doing their usual rape-and-pillage acts, and notably sacking Massalia in 613. Though they never really managed to link up with the Walhic army, they ran riot within Iberian territory itself and forced the Iberians to split off a large portion of their army to keep them in check. Due to the reconstruction of Silakoufstat, the Iberians’ numerical inferiority to the Walhic army didn’t end up counting for a whole lot, but they did lose conquered territory before 615.

(+10,000 Walhic levy infantry, +5,000 Iberian levy infantry)

(-1 Iberian Prestige, +1 Aorsi Prestige, +1 Yazyga Confidence, -1 Aulerci Natives Confidence, +1 Silenga Strength, -2 Atmona Bastarna Strength, -2 Hatta Marcher-Lords Strength, -1 Hatta Assembly Confidence, +1 Sannic Aursa Strength, -15 talents from Walhic income, -35 talents from Iberian income, +10 talents to Iberian treasury, +90 talents to Aorsi treasury, -1,250 Walhic infantry, -4,600 Walhic levy infantry, -50 Walhic cavalry, -1,700 Iberian infantry, -5,350 Iberian levy infantry, -270 Iberian cavalry, -1,800 Aorsi levy cavalry)

Aorsi cavalry were busy elsewhere, too – to the north. The long and arduous route through the Alps was deemed ‘worth it’ to try to snag some loot from the Burgunda and perhaps forestall their apparently dangerous advance. In 612 the Burgunda drive on Windelicoppidos was blunted by the Aorsi from across the mountains, though their numbers were badly depleted by a harsh transit. Through 613 and 614, the Aorsi performed sterling service against the Burgunda, at least in more open terrain. As the Burgunda fell back towards the east, though, the increasingly rough terrain allowed them to score some ambush victories of their own against the Aorsi, while the poor plunder that was available didn’t exactly light the Aorsi hordesmen on fire. After the passes south opened up in the spring of 615, the Aorsi left, and the Burgunda quickly resumed their offensive against a Windelician state that was on its last legs. Windelicoppidos itself was conquered that fall, and soon the surrounding states raced to gobble what they could.

(-Windelicia, +various nightmarishly complicated stat reshuffling for Winnili, Walhia, Burgunda, and Aorsi)

In connection with the ever-widening war to the east (see below), Panormos and Chaonia suddenly found themselves on opposite sides of a war almost immediately after a mutual alliance against the Aorsi had just ended. Many Panormans were bitter about the Chaonian failure to support them adequately against the Aorsi, so little love was lost between the two. Military operations began in 612, when the large Panorman army in Kampania, under the command of Niketas Katanes, marched through the Apennines and attacked the much smaller Chaonian army of Herakles Boiannes at…Boianon. Following up this rather decisive victory over the Chaonians, the battle-hardened Panorman troops scattered a large force of levies at Kanousion the following year, methodically conquering outposts from the Chaonians. Only Barion and Hydros in Apoulia held out by the end of 615, due in large part to Panorman overwhelming force.

(+15,000 Chaonian levy infantry)

(+2 Panorman Prestige, -2 Chaonian Prestige, -3 Megale Hellenic Poleis Confidence (Chaonia), -1 Megale Hellenic Poleis Strength (Chaonia), -3,400 talents from Chaonian income, +200 talents to Panorman treasury, -3,750 Panorman infantry, -150 Panorman cavalry, -1,150 Chaonian infantry, -12,400 Chaonian levy infantry)

Chaonia’s entry into the war and the abandonment of the original allied war plan in a way helped to save Makedonia. It meant that Archelaos (and later, his son Leon) had the germ of an army left with which to oppose the Chaonian offensive into Dolopia and Ainis in late 611. The outnumbered Makedonians initially were able to hold their ground, warding off the Chaonian general Neoptolemos Dodonaios in an inconclusive battle on the Spercheios River before winter set in. With the way to Attika surely blocked, the Chaonian army tried to break out to the north, to Thessalia, in the following spring. It ended up being more or less a race to the Tempe vale, which the Makedonians could not abandon without abandoning Pella in the process. But the Mak general Herakleios Simokattes did win the race, and blocked the way north. In the south, what had originally been inconclusive operations between Patroklos Bardanes’ Makedonian army and the Perseid defenders of Attika under the command of Nikephoros Anaktorios finally began moving again, as Bardanes was forced to abandon Attika and Boiotia, lest he be cut off and surrounded by the Chaonians. So he pulled back to Thermopylai, with the Perseids cautiously pursuing. Both sides managed to hold on to this equilibrium for the next few years, as both of Dodonaios’ attacks into Orestis and Tymphaia to circumvent Tempe were blunted. But in 615, following a remarkable campaign of maneuver in Phthiotis, the Perseid army managed to get through Thermopylai and link up with the Chaonians. The united army, despite some issues of cohesion and dissension, managed to defeat Patroklos Bardanes’ smaller force at the Battle of Thaumakoi in October of 615. By the end of that year, Makedonian possessions south of the Peneios were in serious danger, though the Demetrias-Pagasai metropolis had not yet come under siege.

In the north, what had originally promised to be a devastating Ruxsalannoi assault was turned into a series of desultory raids in Thraikia, as a brushfire war between the Ruxsalannoi and the Goths picked up north of the Danube. The Makedonian forces posted to Thraikia easily warded these off for the time being.

(+15,000 Chaonian levy infantry, +5,000 Makedonian levy infantry)

(+1 Chaonian Prestige, +1 Perseid Prestige, -1 Makedonian Prestige, -Boiotia (Makedonia), -1 Army Assembly Confidence (Makedonia), +1 Thraikian Poleis Confidence, -900 talents from Makedonian income, +50 talents to Chaonian treasury, +20 talents to Perseid treasury, -2,300 Chaonian infantry, -8,300 Chaonian levy infantry, -350 Chaonian cavalry, -400 Gothic infantry, -900 Gothic cavalry, -600 Ruxsalannoi infantry, -1,150 Ruxsalannoi cavalry, -6,700 Makedonian infantry, -11,350 Makedonian levy infantry, -2,650 Makedonian cavalry, -1,250 Makedonian levy cavalry, -1,950 Perseid infantry, -700 Perseid cavalry, -4,600 Perseid levy infantry)

The Goths have proven themselves worthy of fear elsewhere, too. Ariaric thiudans, having exhausted his nearby options, ordered a series of raids on Bosporan Olbia, in the process wiping out a small Bosporan militia force raised to defend the city. With Bosporan attention apparently to the south (see below), the Antes joined in, led by murunda Zeriuranis, successor of the late Boz. Badly outnumbered, most Bosporan troops pulled back to defend the Tauric Isthmus. In 613, Tanais was sacked by the Antes, and the Goths followed it up with sacks at Tyras and Borysthenes the next year. With the king away in Pontos supervising his new conquests, confidence has dropped like a rock, and there are rumors of a palace coup brewing to replace Eupator with a basileus who actually gives a damn about his country.

(+12,000 Bosporan levy infantry, +7,500 Bosporan levy cavalry)

(+1 Gothic Prestige, -1 Bosporan Prestige, -2 Olbian Confidence, -1 Olbian Strength, -1 Gorgipeia Confidence, -2 Gorgipeia Strength, -1 Skythoi Confidence, -2 Skythoi Strength, -480 talents from Bosporan income, +100 talents to Gothic treasury, +60 talents to Antes treasury, -1,300 Gothic infantry, -2,100 Gothic cavalry, -900 Bosporan infantry, -2,400 Bosporan levy infantry, -1,550 Bosporan cavalry, -2,450 Bosporan levy cavalry, -970 Antes cavalry)
 
That, however, did not really distract Eupator V from his primary goal, namely snuffing out the Pontic League. Having shipped a large army to Chaldia, he was determined to use it. The Trapezuntine loyalists tried to keep the new Bosporan reinforcements from entirely investing the city, and managed to blunt the besieging effort by a narrow victory over the Bosporans in 611 at Kerasous, but Eupator’s army, nearly pushed back to its ships, reversed the situation by annihilating a Pontic partisan force on the Thermodon River in 612. By 613 the city was once more besieged, and fell by the autumn. Trapezuntine holdouts in Amastris were persuaded to surrender in 614, a year Eupator spent largely reorganizing his conquests, purging opponents, and adding ‘basileus Pontou’ to his many titles.

(-Pontic League, +2 Bosporan Prestige, +Pontos (Bosporan Kingdom), +1,550 talents to Bosporan income, +260 talents to Bosporan upkeep, -3,400 Bosporan infantry, -250 Bosporan cavalry)

The Eastern Mediterranean naval war began…extremely oddly. In the face of overwhelming naval inferiority, Amyntas of Aigyptos decided to send most of his fleet west, to link up with the Panormans. This left approximately fifty ships in the way of…four times that number in front of the largest and most valuable single Aigyptian city. In the process of devastating the Aigyptian coastline, the latest Perseid nesiarchos, Theophylaktos Epiphaneus, unsurprisingly seized the golden opportunity that he had been handed and launched a massive naval assault on Alexandreia in 611. Aigyptos’ much weaker fleet, under the command of one Priskos, made a brief stand outside the Alexandreian harbor, was badly mauled, and then retreated into the protected part of the harbor. While much of the city itself was protected, Epiphaneus was able to land on Pharos and devastate the island, and used shipboard siege weapons to lob incendiaries into the Heptastadion. In the aftermath of the naval assault, riots broke out in Alexandreia, which were only put down with difficulty by Amyntas IV’s troops.

At Syrakousai, the allies had attempted to work out a plan that would allow the united fleets to meet the Makedonians in the Aegean. This was hashed out again when the Aigyptian fleet linked up with the Panorman one off conquered Kyrenaia in the summer of 611, while Epiphaneus was in the process of turning Alexandreia’s suburbs into smoking ruins. When the news of the Perseid attack arrived at the united fleets off Kyrenaia, pursuant to their orders, the Aigyptian admirals attempted to keep the news from their crews, many of whom had family on Pharos. A few of the captains, however, were disgusted with the entire plan as it was, what with the prostitution of Aigyptos to the Panormans for precisely zero gains. And, of course, the attack only made things worse. Word got out, and mutinies broke out all over the Aigyptian fleet. Nesiarchos Theodotos was murdered along with several other loyalist admirals, and after a sharp fight with the Panorman fleet about two-thirds of the Aigyptian navy managed to escape east. In the fall of 611, they arrived at Alexandreia and deposed Amyntas IV, who was executed. His cousin, who was declared basileus Gennadios I, was crowned by the mutineers and a portion of the Army, kicking off a civil war in Aigyptos (see below).

Philippikos Mystakon, with the Panorman fleet, elected to sail on to the northeast, trying to link up with the Makedonian fleet, which would still give them naval superiority over the Perseids. Arriving off Perseid Kythera, he learned of Chaonia’s entry into the war and of something arguably worse: the Mysian fleet’s attack on that of the Makedonians. Part of the Makedonian fleet had been overwhelmed by the Mysian fleet under Sophiadoros off Chalkis that summer while waiting for the Panorman ships; intending to keep what he could of a ‘fleet in being’, the Makedonian admiral Bessas withdrew into harbor at Thessalonike, scuttling (ha!) any chance of a Mak-Panorman linkup that year. Discouraged, Mystakon decided to grab what he could and plunder Crete, seizing the largely undefended port of Kisamos in the west of the island and using it as a base from which it would be difficult to be dislodged.

The failure of the Syrakousan allied naval plan so rapidly forced the allies to try to work off of a clean slate. In the west, Mystakon, with scant hope of picking up the Maks now, decided to switch his efforts to supporting the land campaign against Chaonia, which picked up in 612. It was largely due to his efforts that the Panormans were able to advance with so little opposition against Chaonian Megale Hellas, as he prevented any reinforcements from being dispatched west after mauling the Chaonians’ much smaller fleet – which had headed back west after finding the Aegean naval war essentially won – in two battles, Kranioi in 612 and Nikopolis in 613. And Panormos managed to retain the Cretan base at Kisamos, chiefly due to Perseid distraction. Further advances were unrealistic due to the opposition of local militias and the few Panorman troops that were able to be diverted to this endeavor.

In the face of overwhelming Mysian and Perseid naval superiority, respectively, the Makedonian and Aigyptian fleets couldn’t do a whole lot. An attempt at running the Mysian blockade in the Thermaic Gulf in 614 was only semi-successful, with a significant part of the Makedonian flotilla being caught off Rizous. The Aigyptians were in simply too bad of a state to try facing down the superior Perseid fleet directly, which itself began a blockade of Alexandreia during the Sophidosian siege in 613 (see below). Near the siege’s end, some of the mutineers attempted to break out and were wiped out; others surrendered to one side or the other. Alexandreia remained under a close blockade into the winter of 615, though Epiphaneus was unable to attack the city directly because of its enlarged garrison.

(+2 Panorman Prestige, -1 Makedonian Prestige, +1 Mysian Prestige, +3/-1 Perseid Prestige, -2 Aigyptian Prestige, +1 Sikeliot Merchantry Confidence, -1 Epeirotai Confidence, -1 Ambrakian Confidence, -1 Paralioi Confidence, +1 Merchantry Confidence (Mysia), +1 Nesiarchy Strength (Perseids), -2 Alexandrian Mob Confidence, -1 Alexandrian Mob Strength, -2 Nesiarchy Confidence (Aigyptos), -2 Nesiarchy Strength (Aigyptos), -230 talents from Chaonian income, -340 talents from Makedonian income, -650 talents from Aigyptian income, +40 talents to Panorman treasury, +65 talents to Mysian treasury, +300 talents to Perseid treasury, -14 Panorman ships, -67 Chaonian ships, -42 Makedonian ships, -21 Mysian ships, -36 Perseid ships, -129 Aigyptian ships)

Mysia continued the fight against the Pisidians alone, and managed to make up the new numerical disparity with fresh levies and their already-extant qualitative advantage. By raiding in Galatia, the Mysians were able to draw the Pisidian army into a decisive engagement at Mokissos in 612, where they were able to encircle part of the Pisidian army and push it back. Greek revolts began to erupt throughout Pisidian Anatolia, further tying down the Pisidian army. In 614 the Mysians managed to capture nearly-inaccessible Akroinon; the Pisidian basileus Nesilios was killed trying to rally his troops at Sozopolis a few months later, and the Pisidian state began to descend into anarchy. The ever-opportunistic Perseid satrap of Ionia occupied several border fortress (or re-occupied, as it were) and a Kappadokian rebellion against Mysian procurators established a nascent Kappadokian-Pisidian state in the eastern part of the old Pisidian state. Armenian marz lords occupied much of the remainder. The long Pisidian ascendancy in Anatolia is ended; now, it remains for Pisidia’s successors to pick up the pieces.

(-Pisidia, +Kappadokia, +various nightmarishly complicated stat reshuffling for Mysia, Perseids, and Armenia)

Makarios Chalkides, Perseid commander in Ioudaia, was shocked to find that the numerically superior Aigyptian armies were actually pulling out of their hard-won fortresses in southern Ioudaia in 611 and initiating the usual scorched-earth policy on their way out. By the fall of that year, when the Perseids finally united the Aigyptian army with the forces that had been freed up by peace with Chaonia, the Aigyptian army was across the Sinai, guarding Pelousion, the storied gateway to Aigyptos. The original plan, for a decisive battle with the Aigyptians, had to be dropped – it simply wasn’t possible to cross the northern Sinai without the food there. Thus the Perseids weren’t able to take advantage of the early stages of the Aigyptian civil war that broke out in full force in 612, as Amyntas IV’s son Sophidosios (who had escaped the bloody purge in Alexandreia in the fall) escaped to Pelousion and managed to ensure the loyalty of the army there. The mutineers, too, had an growing army, augmented by levies from the machimoi. Both sides began to maneuver and clash indecisively. Finally, at Herakleouspolis Megale in the fall of 612, Sophidosios personally led the army to victory over Gennadios’ loyalists, and marched to Alexandreia, which he besieged during the winter of 612-3.

But by then the Perseids had managed to get their logistics properly organized, and they crossed the desert that fall, capitalizing on the fresh harvest in what cultivated land there was. Pelousion and Klysma, the twin gateways of Aigyptos, were captured before the Perseids went into winter quarters. Thus by the time Sophidosios was able to break his way into Alexandreia in the spring of 613, the Perseids had a wide path open into the heart of the country. Sophidosios himself remained at Alexandreia to solidify his rule and get the Kyrenaian garrison under his control, while his general Sophronios hastened east to block Perseid progress. Sophronios’ army, augmented by fresh machimoi levies, bested an isolated part of the Perseid army under the command of Makarios Chalkides himself (who was killed in the fray) near Memphis in 613. Chalkides’ successor, Hipparchos Helioupolites, managed to restore the situation the following year at Leontopolis, managing a Panionesque double envelopment from which few Sophidosian troops escaped. As of late 615, the Perseids have managed to conquer much of the Delta Neilou, and have secured Memphis. Alexandreia itself is once again in tumult, and the Aigyptian hold on the chora and Kyrenaia is increasingly precarious. Even the scorched-earth policy put into play in the south against the invading Aksumites didn’t go all that well, due to the Aksumite army’s small size; fortunately, there was little of note to capture in the south, so it’s not as if the Aigyptians lost anything of real import. The fleet, however, suffered very badly in a battle off Berenike, which was then captured by the advancing Aksumite army.

(+45,000 Aigyptian levy infantry)

(+2 Perseid Prestige, +1 Aksumite Prestige, +various insanely confusing governmental reshuffling for Aigyptos, +2 Army Assembly Confidence (Perseids), +1 Blemmyes Strength, -4,600 talents from Aigyptian income, +350 talents to Perseid treasury, -890 talents from Aigyptian treasury, +25 talents to Aksumite treasury, -6,450 Perseid infantry, -1,300 Perseid cavalry, -2,650 Perseid levy infantry, -18,850 Aigyptian infantry, -26,100 Aigyptian levy infantry, -3,700 Aigyptian cavalry, -950 Aksumite infantry, -700 Aksumite cavalry, -11 Aksumite ships)

The erstwhile governor of Aksumite Teiman, Abraha, has rebelled rather than give up his position as governor to Abu Sufyan of Makkah. Due to Aksum’s distraction in Aigyptos, he has managed significant success, having used the funds he embezzled from the Aksumite treasury to hire away the troops that were supposed to subdue him. By 615 he pushed Aksumite forces back to a few port cities along the Himyarite coast. In the north, Abu Sufyan’s attempted intervention was thwarted as Abraha successfully recruited Arabic tribesmen from among Qurayshi enemies to drive the Qurayshi north of the great desert of Ma’in.

(+15,000 Qatabani levy infantry)

(-2,600 Aksumite infantry, -1,300 Aksumite cavalry)

Areia’s wars both widened and contracted in these years; while Platon II successfully negotiated Baktria and the Mazsakata out of the war – for a heavy price – he dragged the Armenians into it, on his own side, naturally. But they were not ready to fight in the year 611, and the Seleukids were. Nikandros, aware of the sad state of his finances and determined to score a knockout blow, concentrated his army in Sittakene for a decisive battle with the Areians before the Armenians had a chance to intervene. The Areians, however, refused battle until their troops released from the eastern front were able to arrive. When the two armies did engage in the fall, at Epiphaneia, the Areian advantage in cavalry was slightly offset by the hilly position – but the Areians still had greater numbers. Those Eastern levies ended up being crucial for the Areians, turning what might have been a tactical defeat into what was more or less a draw. More Areian troops died, but the Seleukids were the ones forced to relinquish the field (though that was admittedly a rather dubious advantage).

This bloodletting meant that the Armenian entry was even more crucial than it might otherwise have been. To the consternation of many in the Areian camp, though, the Armenians struck directly south, not even trying to link up with the Areian army; this had the salutary effect of forcing the Seleukids to pull out of Media and Persis (though fortresses were still garrisoned, of course, to delay the Areian army) but precluded any decisive battle. The Armenians’ decision to split their army up into several independently operating forces worked well initially, as they met little resistance, but the Seleukid main army’s approach made such a dispersion folly. Diyahr Hayasdanits’ army was nearly overwhelmed near Demetrias in the summer of 612 before the Armenians managed to concentrate their army – but once they did, they were playing with a good hand. Armenia may have lacked good infantry, but what it had in spades was superlative cavalry, precisely the thing one needs in the northern part of the Fertile Crescent. At Daras in early 613, the Armenians managed to rout both wings of the Seleukid army’s cavalry, but were unable to smash the infantry, which squared up and escaped.

Of course, by then the Areians had captured Artemita and driven Seleukid garrisons out of much of Persis and Sousiane. The original plan, to bypass Artemita and Herakleia-Bagistoneia and attack the suburbs of Seleukeia directly, had to be shelved in view of the terrain; making such a march with sixty thousand men wasn’t exactly the most practical of options. But in 613, with both of those fortresses in Areian hands, an attack on heavily fortified Opis was now a possibility. With Seleukid control of the river Tigris and the formidable fortress complex at the city itself, it took seven months to break into the suburb – but the Areians did it, and Seleukeia itself was now in sight. Meanwhile, to the north, the Seleukids’ main army had been tied down by the Armenians, unable to disengage and move to Opis’ rescue. Instead, it managed to mess with the Armenian siege of Nisibis and generally delay it. When winter came and the Armenians’ horses were deprived of fodder, Nikandros managed to move south to try to stiffen his capital’s defenses.

The Tigris itself was the most formidable barrier to the Areian army there was in 614, essentially impossible to cross without a great deal of subterfuge. Lacking such an ‘opportune moment’, the Areians were forced to try various shore maneuvers to try to shake the Seleukid main army covering force, but didn’t manage to figure out a way across the river until the summer, after the Tigris had passed its maximum flow. Some enterprising Areian agents managed to open up the Pallakotta Canal and further reduce the volume of water in the main Tigris channel, permitting a night crossing by flat-bottomed boats that had been constructed earlier. In mid-crossing, the Seleukids attacked, but the Areians held their ground until enough crossings had been made for them to achieve numerical superiority, whereupon the Seleukids drew off. At this point, supply intervened: there simply wasn’t enough produce in Babylonia for two large armies to get through the summer. A siege of Seleukeia at this point was basically out of the question; both armies had to disperse to collect food. Disease, too, weakened the Areian army, and forced them to withdraw back across the Tigris before the fall. But in the meantime, the Armenians were slowly capturing fortresses in the north. Nikandros set off for the north to distract the Armenians, and by surprising one besieging force managed a tactical victory at Kallinikos, though without sufficient cavalry it was more or less impossible to score the kind of victory he really needed, a truly decisive one. When, in 615, the Areians managed a second crossing of the Tigris, Nikandros’ numbers were too depleted to prevent them from capturing several fortresses north of Seleukeia as supply bases, centered on Apameia, in preparation for an attack on Seleukeia itself, to sustain the Areian army through the lean months. In 615 as well, the last Seleukid forts in Persis surrendered, releasing more troops for the west. Seleukeia itself remains inviolate – but perhaps not for long.

(+15,000 Armenian levy infantry, +20,000 Armenian levy cavalry, +15,000 Seleukid levy infantry, +25,000 Areian levy infantry)

(+1 Armenian Prestige, -2 Seleukid Prestige, +3 Areian Prestige, +Sousiane (Areia), +1 Nakharars Confidence, +1 Shinakans Confidence, +1 Adurbagadan Confidence, +1 Adurbagadan Strength, -1 Seleukid Dynastic Cult Confidence, -1 Seleukid Dynastic Cult Strength, +1 Seleukeian Mob Strength, -1 Army Assembly Confidence (Seleukids), -1 Merchantry Strength (Seleukids), +1 Sophists Strength (Seleukids), +1 Army Assembly Confidence (Areia), -3,500 talents from Seleukid income, +90 talents to Armenian treasury, +250 talents to Areian treasury, -2,800 Armenian infantry, -3,450 Armenian levy infantry, -300 Armenian cavalry, -2,850 Armenian levy cavalry, -12,450 Seleukid infantry, -26,100 Seleukid levy infantry, -4,650 Seleukid cavalry, -1,750 Seleukid levy cavalry, -6,950 Areian infantry, -23,450 Areian levy infantry, -2,200 Areian cavalry, -800 Areian levy cavalry)

Sogdiane, despite having extricated itself from the apparently useless Areian war, has found itself at odds with the Mazsakata and the Tantan, both of whom saw them as an easy target. Though Marakanda itself was still too well fortified to be conquered (well, that and the Sogdians had already brought in the harvest, so the Tantan weren’t able to starve the city out like they’d thought they would), fire and sword were visited upon most Sogdian lands elsewhere, and the Sogdian main army was heavily defeated by the Tantan at the Battle of Nautaka in 613.

(+5,000 Sogdian levy infantry, +5,000 Sogdian levy cavalry)

(+1 Mazsakata Prestige, -2 Sogdian Prestige, +2 Tantan Prestige, -2 Dayuan Confidence, -2 Dayuan Strength, -1 Hellenes Confidence, -1 Merchantry Confidence, -1 Chorasmians Confidence, -2 Chorasmians Strength, -950 talents from Sogdian income, +50 talents to Mazsakata treasury, +65 talents to Tantan treasury, -3,250 Mazsakata cavalry, -800 Sogdian infantry, -4,400 Sogdian levy infantry, -4,600 Sogdian cavalry, -2,350 Sogdian levy cavalry, -3,850 Tantan cavalry, -4,100 Tantan levy cavalry)

Faced with an imminent invasion, the Kaspeireian army in Pefkelaotis initiated massive levies to bring troop strength back up. This was insufficient to win the first major engagement with the Baktrian army, under the command of Eirenaios Kartanites, at Dionysopolis in 611. The Baktrians won a second battle the following year at Massaga, in the process killing basileus Pantaleon. His son Archebios assumed command easily enough, and with added levies managed to turn things around at the Battle of Heliodoria in 613, capitalizing on the absence of a significant part of the Baktrian army, which had been sent off to try to cross the inhospitable Paropamisadai at a place where there was no pass. The Baktrians have been unable to cross the Indos and exit Gandhara since then, though the territories they do control have been consolidated.

(+15,000 Kaspeireian levy infantry)

(+1 Baktrian Prestige, +1 Kapisan Confidence, +1 Paropamisan Confidence, -1 Army Assembly Confidence (Kaspeireia), -1 Zoroastrian Confidence (Kaspeireia), -65 talents from Kaspeireian income, +20 talents to Baktrian treasury, -4,860 Baktrian infantry, -5,600 Baktrian levy infantry, -2,450 Baktrian cavalry, -350 Baktrian levy cavalry, -3,450 Kaspeireian infantry, -9,700 Kaspeireian levy infantry, -3,750 Kaspeireian cavalry, -750 Kaspeireian levy cavalry)

A renewed offensive against the Chola has begun in central India, with the Pala taking center stage. With their intimate knowledge of the fortress system, the Pala have been able to push the Chola back towards the border. This was also enabled by the general Chola focus on the Gangas, who have nearly been forced out of the war after the conquest of much of their heartland in 613-4.

(+10,000 Ganga levy infantry)

(-1 Chola Prestige, +1 Viceroy of Malwa Strength, -1,400 Pala infantry, -2,350 Pala levy infantry, -900 Pala cavalry, -3,375 Ganga infantry, -4,650 Ganga levy infantry, -750 Ganga cavalry, -2,350 Chola infantry, -6,700 Chola levy infantry, -1,190 Chola cavalry)

Despite the entry of the Yang into the war, the son of the former Son of Heaven, Yuezhi Baojuan, decided on a last throw of the dice to try to conquer Wu before Yang could move against him. This was rendered improbable by the almost total lack of ships available to him, compared with the rather large number of Wu ships blockading his army. Still, Sun Quan’s Liang army was able to land a defeat on the numerically-inferior Wu army that massed on the northern bank of the Yangzi at the Battle of Chuzhou by virtue of sheer numbers and training, though the fortress net north of the Yangzi allowed the Wu to escape without losing too much of their army. After that 612 battle, the Liang reconcentrated to the west, where the Yang had launched an offensive of their own – a weirdly limited one, aimed only a few miles into the Liang border, but an offensive nonetheless. At Qianjiang in 613, the Liang got a bloody nose, after crossing the Hanshui with only part of their forces, but soon amassed enough troops to turn the tide at the later Battle of Yaohong. The outnumbered Yang fell back towards the Yangzi, protected, again, by the hilly terrain and fortresses. What followed in 614 and 615 was largely a game of whack-the-army – the Liang army moved from east to west and back again, smashing each new attack, losing little troops in the process but at least mostly containing the allied offensives. Even in the east, the Jin seemed to be rather lethargic, despite Liang inattention; the Houqin, at least, attained significant success by raiding, though they never really meant to hold any of the Liang territories for very long.

(+25,000 Liang levy infantry)

(+1 Wu Prestige, -1 Inner Court Confidence (Liang), -1 Da Yuezhi Confidence, -1 Sun Clique Confidence, +2 Gu Clique Confidence, -1 Lu Clique Confidence, +2 Buqu Confidence (Yang), -1 Yuan Clique Strength, +1 Buqu Strength (Wu), -150 talents from Liang income, +60 talents to Houqin treasury, +40 talents to Wu treasury, +25 talents to Jin treasury, -2,300 Houqin cavalry, -5,700 Liang infantry, -13,450 Liang levy infantry, -8,650 Liang cavalry, -4,900 Liang levy cavalry, -18 Liang ships, -3,750 Yang infantry, -8,200 Yang levy infantry, -2,550 Yang cavalry, -8,850 Wu infantry, -11,250 Wu levy infantry, -4,600 Wu cavalry, -3,250 Wu levy cavalry, -4 Wu ships, -1,850 Jin infantry, -3,610 Jin levy infantry, -800 Jin cavalry, -8 Jin ships)

Choosing to ignore the tilting balance of power – :lol: wow, I can’t say ‘balance of power’ with a straight face, I’m sorry – in China, Zhao Wenming dispatched a sizable expeditionary force southwards instead, to Funan, which was in the throes of yet another civil war in the midst of Thai invasions. Commanded by Anguo Mo, the expedition, which arrived in 612, duly sponsored the weaker side in the civil war, led by one Kaudinya. After delivering the increasingly weak central government a deadly blow at the Battle of Vyadhapura the following year, Anguo Mo besieged Óc Eo itself, capturing it in early 615. Much of the work in pacifying Funanese territory remains to be done, but with the imposition of Kaudinya as the puppet ruler of Funan, it will mostly not have to be done by Nanyue troops. In the meantime, more territories spun off or were conquered by the Thai.

(-Funan, +Funan (Nanyue), +various nightmarishly complicated stat reshuffling for Nanyue and Champa)

Yamato lords, specifically the Taira and Gamō clans, have been trying their hand at expansion recently, under the direction of the imperial family (and with significant subsidies directed thereto). Taira efforts, peaking in 614, were relatively unsuccessful, but the Gamō managed to expand territory significantly against the Hayato with imperial assistance. Warning signs that these invasions might be stimulating tribal alliances against the Yamato are being taken seriously by the court. The division of lands that Suiko-tennō dictated has caused some problems, though, with both clans being somewhat embittered by the imperial interference, despite the resources supplied by the court to the clans.

(+1 Yamato Prestige, +15 talents to Yamato income, -1 Taira Clan Confidence, +1 Taira Clan Strength, +1 Gamō Clan Strength, -500 Yamato infantry)
 
Special Bonuses:

Longest Story Cycle: Kingdom of Walhia (+1 Prestige)

OOC:

-I started killing off rulers this turn for various reasons. I also finally updated the Patalan archon’s name because I’d forgotten the past few turns cause it was an NPC. If you don’t like your new ruler’s name, lemme know and I’ll change it.
-Please put the details of peace treaties that you make in your orders, even if you’ve posted them in the thread. At least link to the treaty posts.
-The situation in the Mediterranean is one of the most entertaining I’ve ever seen. I think it’s actually pretty awesome that a relative newcomer, Bill3000, so completely outmaneuvered several NESing regulars. Also, I am reminded of the total failure of tossi’s and my “Isra” plan during the second IT of ITNES I. That’s basically what just happened. Which means that Kentharu is me. …well, let’s not carry these comparisons too far. ;)
-Stats will be up before the end of the night. I apologize for the delay.
-Shadowbound, for at least the fiftieth time: the territory you have conquered is not called Aquitaine. It is not even called Aquitaine in OTL. Aquitaine is the stuff you already own in southern France.
-Kentharu, all those exact numbers for your (plural) plans and you failed to tell me some of the most important ones, i.e. how many ships you had around your capital and how many were in the Red Sea. Try to make sure you give me a more complete OOB next time?
-Tree151: I need specifics. When you send your orders, could you please put all the spending for a given turn in one place, and tell me where all of your troops are (also, ideally, in one place)? This would massively simplify the task of reading your orders. Thanks. :)
-spryllino: Please reread the rules; you have to pay to hire new troops (150 talents for 1,000 infantry, 300 for 1,000 cavalry, etc.). I used the money you allotted to purchase as many infantry as you could buy with that kind of money, and then levied the rest.
-Yui: I imagine foolish icarus would be annoyed if I negotiated with you on the basis of Sogdiane being an NPC.

World Map, 615

Spoiler World Map, 615 :
danesiiupdate3615.png
 
Well Done!
 
This rapidly turned into a sense of angry betrayal in 614 when Amyntas of Aigyptos ordered a massive tariff increase on Panorman goods, wiping out the fortunes of the few merchant bouleutai with Aigyptian interests and turning them, too, against the plan.

Word got out, and mutinies broke out all over the Aigyptian fleet. Nesiarchos Theodotos was murdered along with several other loyalist admirals, and after a sharp fight with the Panorman fleet about two-thirds of the Aigyptian navy managed to escape east. In the fall of 611, they arrived at Alexandreia and deposed Amyntas IV, who was executed. His cousin, who was declared basileus Gennadios I, was crowned by the mutineers and a portion of the Army, kicking off a civil war in Aigyptos (see below).

Hmmmm... I'd like to extort Thlayli's merchants when I'm dead too... but that seems to be rather implausible. :mischief:
 
Hmmmm... I'd like to extort Thlayli's merchants when I'm dead too... but that seems to be rather implausible. :mischief:
He is indeed a cunning ghost. :mischief: Fixing. There are a few more errors in Aigyptian stats that have already been corrected.
Edit: My capital isn't showing on the map. Not rebuilt enough yet?
Yeah, it's only been five years and people are only slowly trickling in.
 
Stats should be updated now. Make sure I didn't screw anything up, please. :)

To: Aorsi
From: Burgunda

We don't think we will, no. The weather's nicer where you are.
 
Most of the damage you did to them was in terms of disorganization; only about two thousand kills or so, and they recouped a lot of them by successfully conquering Windelicia and gaining notoriety and loot.

You lost 150 horsemen, and valiant horsemen they were
 
The Kingdom of Makedonia recognizes Bosporan suzerainty over the Pontic League.

Almost forgot :p

To: Perseids
From: Makedonia


Surrender now, before its too late!

OOC: Why wouldn't the Panorman-Aigyptian fleet sail east and engage the Perseid navy? Shouldn't that be one of those things you ask the players like you said in the OP? Doesn't make any sense to me.

Good update, I guess ;)
 
OOC: I know I'm not the most math-savvy of people, but there's another oddity I noticed with my stats.

Last turn I had 19,600 Levy cavalry, and this turn I lost 1,800 levy cavalry (and those 150 if they were Levy instead of Standing Army), yet my current stats say I only have 13,200 Levy cavalry...

Where did my men go? :hmm:
 
From Baktria
To Sogdiane

Hail Sogdiane. Under the crushing hordes of barbarism, we think it would be wise if you banded together with us. We are culturally similar and need to make a stand against these barbarian hordes.
 
Why wouldn't the Panorman-Aigyptian fleet simply sail east and engage the Perseid navy? Shouldn't that be one of those things you ask the players like you said in the OP? Doesn't make any sense to me.
Because that wasn't Thlayli's plan.

Asking players what they would do is not conducive to a rapid update. :undecide:
 
The whole purpose of merging navies was to engage the Perseid fleet. I'm confused as to why the admirals wouldn't bother going to where the Perseid's were when they were clearly not in the Aegean.
 
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