Oswald Murray is an American sociologist working for Harvard College. Despite being white, he has sympathized with the plight of blacks and Latinos and has expressed his views in support of racial equality in various speeches and essays. This essay summarizes Murray's observations regarding race relations in America during the post-Browder era.
If there was one thing that Earl Browder and his Communist Party did right, it was race relations.
Perhaps I am exaggerating a little. The Communists often acquiesced to the locals often in regards to race. A disproportionate amount of Negros, along with Latinos and Asians, ended up in the Appalachian concentration camps. Conversely, Colored people constituted a disproportionate percentage of all crime victims. Severe
de facto segregation remained across the nation. Consistently, the public schools, hospitals and neighborhoods that were largely populated by Negros were poorer than those populated by whites. The collective farms created out of the landlords' holdings in the South remained in the hands of the landlords, with Colored sharecroppers remaining sharecroppers in all but name. The wealth of an average Negro family was ten times less than that of an average white family, and the average Negro had a life expectancy that was shorter by five to ten years.
But Browder, in a brute-force manner, tried to end the worst of racism. He forcibly ordered desegregation in education, services, and transportation, among other areas, ending the Jim Crow laws and one of "Reconstruction's" long shadows. But he went further than that. With no heed to local concerns, he established race-based quotas that required employers and university administrators to hire or admit at least a minimum of Negros and Latinos. In some neighborhoods, he ordered the "busing" of students, ie. take children to schools as far as two hours away from their homes in order to ensure diversity. And he sent SESTAP agents down South to intervene in would-be lynchings and to hunt down KKK members.
When Browder fell, everyone, including the Negro community, celebrated. But in their celebrations, people wanted to get rid of any traces of Browder's legacy. Two of those things that became associated with Browder and his Communist Party were desegregation and tolerance.
In the eight short years since Browder's fall, "Whites Only" signs began popping up across the nation again, not only in the South but also in the North and Midwest, regardless of whether the state governments supported segregation or condemned it. Once again, train cars, restaurants, bathrooms, and drinking fountains were segregated. Schools and neighborhoods were resegregated, a process that often involved moving large groups of people around at gunpoint. Mass firings of Negros commenced as employers stopped needing to follow "affirmative action" quotas; similar expulsions happened in universities around the country. Interracial couples either had their marriages forcibly annulled by state governments or became the targets of intense violence. The KKK began a second resurgence; by 1951 there were almost 200,000 members mobilized in the reactionary fight against racial equality. Billie Holiday's "Strange Fruit" once again became a common crop of the Southern poplars.
A "Whites Only" sign located in Portland, Maine.
The resegregation was not only a phenomenon seen in the US metropole. Some of the most intense efforts at segregation are occurring in South Africa, where the euphemistic term "apartheid" (literally "apart-hood") is used. Under the auspices of South African Governor Daniel François Malan, a flurry of racist legislation was passed. Interracial marriage was criminalized in 1949, a move extended by the criminalization of interracial sexual relations in 1950. In 1950, the Population Registration Act required people to have identification cards that specified their race. The Group Areas Act passed later that year deintegrated South African neighborhoods, while the Prevention of Illegal Squatting Act gave the government the ability to demolish Black shanty towns at will. Just this year, the government passed laws segregating education, transportation, and recreation. Any group that challenged these laws was deemed "Communist" and was immediately silenced.
Despite their brutality, these actions and legislation do stop short of genocide, unlike the Nazis' Final Solution to the Jewish Question. But one would scarcely be able to tell the difference between the racial laws of Germany in 1933 and those of America in 1953. Considering that genocide does not start out from scratch, but instead arises from the intensifying of previously-existing racial prejudices, this is worrying. Alas, Browder, in his quest for an egalitarian Communist utopia, may have done more harm to Negro civil rights than good, by associating it with his totalitarianism. One cannot simply force tolerance on a group of racist people. Institutional racism will only fall when the the mindset of the people themselves change organically; unfortunately, the circumstances Browder created cast doubt on whether such a change can occur for the time being.