First Marxist error: the concept of "surplus value" is complete garbage. In the real world, each and every one of us knows darn well what he desires and no one else can tell us different. There is no such thing as objective analysis. Let's say that I want Mongolian stamps and you want Granny Apples so we choose to trade the one for the other. Why should any third party come in and denounce us for the trade we voluntarily chose to make? Even more importantly where did he get the right to decide that one of us of disadvantaged by our trade and how did he decide who the victim was?
I'm really not sure if you understand the concept of surplus value. It is not a reference to any sort of subjective value, but to the fact that capitalists extract profit from workers by paying them less than the value of the product of their labour. How can a passive investor profit, if not from the labour of others? Money, sitting on its own, does little but gather dust.
Put it this way:
Mr A has an apple tree.. He planted it, tended it and harvested it. He obtains a decent harvest of 120 Granny Apples. When he takes into account the cost of land, seeds and supplies, he has 100 Apples, which he may then trade for 100 Mongolian Stamps. Good for him!
Mr B also has an apple tree. However, he did not plant it; Mr C planted it. He did not tend it or harvest it; again, Mr C took care of that side of the enterprise. But, because Mr B purchased the land, seeds and supplies (20 apples worth), he owns the entirety of the tree. Mr C can only labour as best he can, and, upon harvesting the 120 Granny Apples, receives a monetary reward equal only to 50 apples, thus allowing him to purchase only 50 Mongolian Stamps, while Mr C walks away with 50 apples. (Not to mention the 50 from Mr D, the 80 from Mr E, etc, etc.)
Mr A and Mr C engaged in labour of equal value, and yet received vastly disproportionate rewards. Mr B, however, engaged in no labour at all, yet was rewarded none the less. His original investment was repaid and more, but with no labour on his part; he merely had to organise his finances correctly, and, lo and behold, it blossomed as if of its own accord!
Mr B, then, receives more from Mr A than he ever invested, gaining without earning: that is exploitation.
I really don't care whether you think that exploiters have a collective interest or a coherent economic role. Do you know why? Because THEY DON'T. They exploit. That's what they do. Full stop. It's not a collective. It's not a group. Each lives off the whole of his own and each finds whatever allies that he can.
So you agree that, in your model, there is no exploiter class, and so no recognition of class struggle?
I have absolutely no clue what this word salad might mean. And I seriously doubt that you do either.
Ok, I'll go through it slowly.
Your fixation on a vaguely defined parasitic foe, found at every level of society, is characteristic of the philosophy of producerism, which holds the "middle class"- the salaried proletariat, the petty bourgeoisie and the non-corporate bourgeoisie- to be the primary productive force in society, the "working class" or waged proletariat being regarded as a dependent class, the "upper class" or corporate bourgeoisie being regarded as a manipulative and exploitative class, and the "underclass", the lumpenproletariat, being regarded as a class of parasitical limpets.
As such, it advocates in favour of a form of devolved capitalism, in opposition to both the collectivist efforts of socialism and the more centralised, authoritarian nature of modern capitalism. This is ultimately reactionary, as it advocates what is in effect a retreat from contemporary, mature capitalism towards the less developed form found in the late 18th and early 19th century. (No surprise, then, that it is most popular in the United States, where that era holds an exceptional sway over the popular imagination.)
What you present, it seems to me, is essentially this system rendered in an imprecisely libertarian form, replacing the usual provincialism-nationalism with an ill-defined anarchism, borrowing liberally from Proudhonist and individualist libertarian critiques of the state, but without engaging in the class analysis of social libertarianism.
As for Proudhon, there is a lot to like and a lot to reject. I admire the man. He was, after all, the first to understand the true purpose of the state and rightfully made a LOUD NOISE. However this is not the 19th century and there are men who have integrated his moral outbursts into a true understanding of the universe and our place in it.
Yes, and their names begin with an "M" and an "E".