The Origin and Apex of Prussian Militarism, pt. I

LightSpectra

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The Origin and Apex of Prussian Militarism, pt. I
by LightSpectra


The subject of Prussian militarism is a difficult one to observe in detail due to the large amount of 19th century historiography being deeply biased by ethnic German nationalism. Although the aforementioned historians trace the origin of Prussian society's unique affiliation with soldierly virtues as far back as the Battle of Teutoberg Forest (Hermannsschlacht) in AD 9, and additionally cite the military-state of the Teutonic Knights, modern historians typically speak of the beginning of a “new” Prussian state in the 17th century. At this time, the Markgrafschaft von Brandenburg was in personal union with the Herzogtum Preußen under the Hohenzollern dynasty. Its political course was largely tied to the House of Habsburg prior to the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, wherein one of Kaiser Ferdinand III's concessions was to allow the states of the Reich independent foreign policies, though Brandenburg-Prussia had allied itself with the anti-imperial side in the war itself due to being overwhelmed by the Swedes.

Friedrich Wilhelm “der Große Kurfürst”, Elector of Brandenburg and Duke of Prussia, transformed his joint dominion's army from a tiny force of 2,000 soldiers in 1650 into a relatively enormous, professional army of 23,000 at the beginning of the Scanian War in 1675. Such was seen as necessary by both the Brandenburgian aristocracy and the Elector himself due to the Swedish and Habsburg armies causing severe devastation in northern Germany during the later stages of the Thirty Years' War. In Prussia, Friedrich Wilhelm was able to levy additional taxes on the traditional nobility (die Junker) through a royal promise not to intrude upon aristocratic privileges, which was well within the Duke's powers as his dominions became increasingly centralized during the course of his reign.

The Brandenburgian-Prussian Army achieved an esteemed reputation amongst the European powers during the Scanian War, when Reichsfreiherr Derfflinger lead the Elector's forces to a victory against the Swedes at the Battle of Fehrbellin in 1675. The Swedish Army after the reforms of Gustavus Adolphus was the most accomplished in Europe, filling the vacuum of the then-outdated Spanish tercio; thus, it's obvious why European monarchs would be impressed by hearing reports of a great Brandenburgian victory over the Swedes. Though such prestige might have been unwarranted -- the majority of the Swedish casualties having been due to a lack of supplies during a hasty retreat -- this victory resulted in an increase in demand for Prussian soldiers to be loaned to other nations for use (primarily the Habsburg Monarchy). Such political power gave Friedrich Wilhelm's successor, Friedrich I, the ability to ascend to “King in Prussia” (König in Preußen) in 1701 in exchange for Brandenburg-Prussia's entrance in the War of Spanish Succession on the side of Erzherzog Karl. Under Friedrich I, his dominion's army grew to 30,000 men by 1713.

Friedrich I was succeeded by Friedrich Wilhelm I, King in Prussia in 1713. Friedrich Wilhelm I can be said to be the first true ultra-militarist monarch in Prussian history. His epithet was “der Soldatenkönig.” He spent a great deal of his time creating and admiring the “Potsdam Giants” (Potsdamer Riesengarde und Grenadiergarde) regiment, a unit consisting entirely of soldiers at least 6'2” tall, being alleged to have said “The most beautiful girl or woman in the world would be a matter of indifference to me, but tall soldiers -- they are my weakness.” He was deeply ashamed of accounts of Imperial and Swedish soldiers looting and raping Brandenburgians during the Thirty Years' War, a result of his dominion unable to protect itself from outside influences. His great-grandfather Georg Wilhelm's cession of Pomerania to the Swedes in 1630 was especially intolerable. Despite the apparent obsession of Friedrich Wilhelm I with his army, Prussia engaged in few wars during his reign. One of his objectives was to reclaim Pomerania from Sweden, which was partially accomplished when Prussia allied with Russia and Poland in the summer of 1715 as part of the Great Northern War.

It would be historiographically archaic to attribute the growth of Hohenzollern affluence prior to Friedrich II entirely to their expanded military, though that was likely the primary factor. Even so, this was due to excellent public relations and mercenary contracts on behalf of of the first two Kings in Prussia; the army was not used for aggressive expansion prior to 1740, but rather to prevent Prussia from being utterly dominated by its neighboring Great Powers. One of the other main reasons “for this anomalous rise in power was the efficiency of Prussia's system of tax collection” (Kiser & Schneider, 187). Furthermore, Friedrich Wilhelm I was able to partially divorce the landed aristocracy from the state bureaucracy, which lead to the government becoming the most efficient in Europe.

Prussian foreign policy was completely reversed by Friedrich Wilhelm I's son, Friedrich II “der Große,” who ascended to the throne in 1740. Though Friedrich II was less interested in cataloged minutiae of the army than his father, he decided to use his soldiers to rapidly expand his realm. Silesia, then a territory of the Habsburg Monarchy, was an auspicious target: it contained raw materials necessary for growing Prussian industry; its population was mostly Protestant, which would make it easy to pacify (the Hohenzollerns were predominately Calvinist, whereas the Habsburgs were Catholic); and the Habsburg government was in serious turmoil due to the troubles faced by Kaiser Karl VI, who had recently died without a male heir in 1740. Friedrich II's casus belli was the Treaty of Brieg of 1537, in which the Hohenzollerns were to inherit a segment of Silesia, which never came to fruition. In the December of 1742, Prussian soldiers quickly invaded and occupied Silesia, which the small standing Habsburg army could do little to oppose -- thus starting the War of Austrian Succession (Österreichischer Erbfolgekrieg).

Part two of this article will talk about the history of Prussian militarism from 1742 on.

Bibliography

Berdalh, Robert. 1973. &#8220;The Stande and the Origins of Conservatism in Prussia.&#8221; The Johns Hopkins University Press 6, no. 3: (Spring), <http://www.jstor.org/stable/3031687>.

Blackbourn, David. History of Germany 1780-1918: The Long Nineteenth Century second edition. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2003.

Fann, Willerd. 1978. &#8220;Peacetime Attrition in the Army of Frederick William I, 1713-1740.&#8221; Cambridge University Press 11, no. 4: (December), <http://www.jstor.org/stable/4545845>.

Kiser, Edgar and Schneider, Joachim. 1994. "Bureaucracy and Efficiency: An Analysis of Taxation in Early Modern Prussia." American Sociological Review 59, no. 2: (April), <http://www.jstor.org/stable/2096226>.
 
interesting article, look forward to the next installment. So Friedrich Wilhelm “der Große Kurfürst” and Friedrich Wilhelm I are really the fathers of Prussian nationalism. Maybe by the 3rd we'll get to see how Prussia coped with the Napoleonic Age :D. Should make a good narrative read.
 
Nationalism didn't exist in the sense we think of it until the 19th century. What the Post-Westphalian Electors and Kings left was a proportionately huge army. The roots of societal-cultural militarism were sown by the aforementioned, but I would say that the nationalist "Landwehr"ism didn't come to fruition until the Austro-Prussian War.
 
Fehrbellin 1675... That is a weird one.:)
 
Nice. Kudos on using Blackbourn, he's like the modern Nipperdey. :goodjob:

Interesting discussion of militarism so far. Seems like it's been more about the institution of the Prussian army than about militarism in society per se. Have you seen Clark's Iron Kingdom and its attempt to grapple with the decidedly knotty problem of Prussian militarism? It's pretty good.
 
Interesting discussion of militarism so far. Seems like it's been more about the institution of the Prussian army than about militarism in society per se. Have you seen Clark's Iron Kingdom and its attempt to grapple with the decidedly knotty problem of Prussian militarism? It's pretty good.

My thesis in the article (which will become more clear in the second part) is that the Prussian army was established due to the geo-political situation of Brandenburg-Prussia, and that the "soldier culture" didn't arise until much later.

I don't own the latter book, though I think I might be able to get it from my university's library.
 
Mhm. Wouldn't it need to be comparative, though, to mean a whole lot? Or even - :yumyum: - part of that new wave of transnational histories that are all the rage? Mmm, transnational history of militarism...
 
Mhm. Wouldn't it need to be comparative, though, to mean a whole lot? Or even - :yumyum: - part of that new wave of transnational histories that are all the rage? Mmm, transnational history of militarism...
It'd make it more interesting. Not that it isn't very interesting already, but every little bit helps...:D

One of the things Peter Englund (lately of the Swedish Academy) has been putting about (and apparently others before him, his just the most public) is that the Brandenburgian decision to go military, and how to do it, would be inspired by the object lesson of Sweden. How much truth in that?:hmm:
 
One of the things Peter Englund (lately of the Swedish Academy) has been putting about (and apparently others before him, his just the most public) is that the Brandenburgian decision to go military, and how to do it, would be inspired by the object lesson of Sweden. How much truth in that?:hmm:

Sweden didn't really have the resources to become a Great Power; that they did is almost exclusively because a military genius re-built the army and then was able to expand solely by sapping the strength of the powers around it. A comparable example would be Spain, who became the dominant power in post-medieval Europe due to Cordoba's tercio, a head start on colonialism and inheriting a great deal of industry and multiculturalism from the Muslims that occupied Southern Iberia. France had a much larger population, however, and more resources for economic growth; which is why France filled the vacuum as Spain's power dwindled.

Brandenburg-Prussia is an entirely different story. As my article has documented, the increased military budget was for a defensive purpose for the first 100 years; the Swedes and Habsburgs were marching through Brandenburg during the Thirty Years' War constantly because the Hohenzollerns couldn't stop them.
 
Sweden didn't really have the resources to become a Great Power; that they did is almost exclusively because a military genius re-built the army and then was able to expand solely by sapping the strength of the powers around it.
I have tp disagree. There's actually a really interesting story about the even greater administrative genius back in Sweden who fed the Swedish wars. Without Oxenstierna running things, Gustavus would have had an even briefer career, and more importantly, there would have been no Swedish comeback after the early 1630's.
 
Yeah but that doesn't compensate for Sweden's population and economy being too small for any transnordic annexations being long-term.
 
Silesia, then a territory of the Habsburg Monarchy, was an auspicious target: it contained raw materials necessary for growing Prussian industry; its population was mostly Protestant, which would make it easy to pacify (the Hohenzollerns, starting with Friedrich I, were Lutheran, whereas the Habsburgs were Catholic); and the Habsburg government was in serious turmoil due to the troubles faced by Kaiser Karl VI, who had recently died without a male heir in 1740. Friedrich II's casus belli was the Treaty of Brieg of 1537, in which the Hohenzollerns were to inherit a segment of Silesia, which never came to fruition. In the December of 1742, Prussian soldiers quickly invaded and occupied Silesia, which the small standing Habsburg army could do little to oppose -- thus starting the War of Austrian Succession (Österreichischer Erbfolgekrieg).

A feeble ´casus belli´, seeing as Austria had gone to great length to assure the recognition of Maria Theresa´s succession - which was guaranteed by Prussia among others. Only goes to show the futility of the Austrian foreign policy, focused as it was on securing the guarantee of this female succession...
 
Yeah but that doesn't compensate for Sweden's population and economy being too small for any transnordic annexations being long-term.
So you're saying Brandenburg was looking to take a page from France's play-book, but not Sweden's, or what? That was my question, not whether Sweden had the population or economy to sustain great power status.:confused:
 
So you're saying Brandenburg was looking to take a page from France's play-book, but not Sweden's, or what? That was my question, not whether Sweden had the population or economy to sustain great power status.:confused:

Why do you think they're "taking a page" from anywhere? The growth of the military from 1640 to 1740 was for an entirely defensive purpose.
 
Even if it was, the decision to create one wouldn't be made in a vacuum. And I have a hard time believing that the Great Elector, whose lands had played unwilling host to Swedish armies for well over a decade by the time the TYW ended, didn't use those armies as both a spur to create his own and a model, given the at least superficial comparisons between the Brandenburg and Swedish militaries.
A feeble ´casus belli´, seeing as Austria had gone to great length to assure the recognition of Maria Theresa´s succession - which was guaranteed by Prussia among others. Only goes to show the futility of the Austrian foreign policy, focused as it was on securing the guarantee of this female succession...
Mmm, quite. Friedrich was a pretty blatant opportunist, and Karl VI's foreign policy was pretty terrible, especially in the thirties.
 
Even if it was, the decision to create one wouldn't be made in a vacuum. And I have a hard time believing that the Great Elector, whose lands had played unwilling host to Swedish armies for well over a decade by the time the TYW ended, didn't use those armies as both a spur to create his own and a model, given the at least superficial comparisons between the Brandenburg and Swedish militaries.

Oh, okay, I guess I misunderstood the question. Yes, after the discrediting of the tercio in favor of the Adolphus-Louvois model at Rocroi, most militaries in the world then followed Sweden as the example. (In fact, I actually think Louvois was directly involved in Friedrich Wilhelm's reforms.) I thought Verbose was talking about foreign policy, in which case the answer was no, Brandenburg-Prussia's foreign policy was almost a polar opposite of Sweden's.
 
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