Carl v.
Chieftain
Modern warfare gives us new possibilities, but also new challenges. On the defense, railway gives our troops fast transport both on our own soil and in friendly states. On the offence, we have the possibility to project power using both air-units and navy.
In this case, we assume it is peace time and we do not intend to go to war. Our troops are deployed according to the principle of annihilating an invading force where it is favorable to us. But to establish this situation, we need intelligence.
Information gathering
The old fashioned scout goes on traveling from city to city in friendly countries. Overseas we use naval units to get information. In case we can not pass the border, both the old caravels and submarines are alternatives. On these missions, our agents pay special intention to if a potential enemy have enough shipping capacity to transport an invading force big enough to give us trouble. This is especially important after he has upgraded his galleons to transports of both capacity reasons and speed. To gather intelligence from closed inland states, our Committee for the Security of the State initiates aerial reconnaissance when we get aircraft.
With this information of the military capability of the surrounding countries (we will not get all we need before a spy is at hand), it is possible for the General Staff to assume a treat. This treat is compared to the defense possibilities and vulnerabilities in our topography. It means we should be able to predict where an enemy can make a surprise attack, and place adequate forces to repel such an attack.
Tactical considerations
This leads us to a re-definition of defense areas. The size of a single defense area will now be as far a unit can travel in one turn (on railways). Troops from surrounding cities will be able to gather in an exposed city to meet the enemy before the hostile forces reach the citys gates. In some cases the enemy borders are so close to a city that fast units can attack in a single turn. Here we place the bulk of the defenders in the defense area.
(Our General Staff uses the strategy layer to draw lines between the different defense areas. But they do not mess to much; a straight line only. Possible attack corridors both on land and sea can also be marked.)
Strategical level
Bogustrumper has an excellent article on Balancing Growth and Warfare in CIV IV. If we have played according to his advices, we should have rather updated armed forces. We also have the option to accelerate the upgrading of the remaining units by lowering science.
Our Department of Defense has decided we do not need the economic burden scores of obsolete units of little military value inflict upon us.
Deployment
Grenadier, rifleman and infantry can to a great extend act as all purpose soldiers at this stage of the game. (Despite some special abilities, no one match those of a spearman against a mounted unit) The only real specialist is the Machine Gun. It is an absolute wonder against grenadiers and riflemen, but has a firm hand with infantry too.
Now the General Staff has a number of defense areas, and deploys the troops according to the considerations above. Each of the defense areas can be seen as self sufficient in the meaning it can withstand an enemy attack for a certain time. This holding time is necessary so reinforcements can be hurled in from other parts of the empire.
Saved by the cavalry?
Fast units (cavalry, tanks, gunships) have a far greater area of operations (AO) (in one turn) as foot soldiers and artillery. This means a squadron of cavalry can have an AO consisting of two defense areas, and is deployed accordingly.
Now we have a structure with capability to respond to different sorts of threat (grenadiers attack rifleman, rifleman attacks cavalry, cannons/artillery depletes enemy SODs) in each defense area. Inside a defense area we have a certain freedom in deploying the troops because all the forces in the area act as a whole.
Keeping the defense structure
The situation is different when the General Staff feeds troops from others defense areas into the war theatre. In such cases the total military capability of the defense area is depleted. But we try to keep a capacity to face different treats. It means that if we are attacked in the north by cavalry, we do not take all the riflemen from the south and leave only grenadiers left.
If we have upgraded to infantry, we value the promotions when choosing which units to transfer.
Siege weapons are a powerful against personnel. We have some cannons/artillery in each defense area. And as for the armed forces as a whole, number is determined by the total political, military and economical situation (again: see Bogustrumper). Massed against an enemy SOD, siege weapons inflict considerable damage. This can be the main factor to save a not to well-defended city.
Cities of greatest importance
Even if the main defense doctrine is to take out the bulk of the enemys attacking force on our own soil, sometimes the situation gets so dire we can not. Let us say we have transferred units from the peaceful south to Defense Area North where an attacker now is bogged down. With fewer units than normal peace level, our southernmost defense area becomes the subject of a surprise attack from another ruthless neighbor.
Under such circumstances it is impossible to attack. We must concentrate on depleting the enemy using cannons/artillery and hold on until reinforcements arrive. If we succeed in holding the city, the enemy will probably pillage our improvement. So let it be. Our main object is holding the city. The city is worth more than all the terrain improvements.
If we loose a city, we also loose the area, tiles improved or not. Naturally.
Ships can not stop the first assault
It is important that ship building cities have dry-dock; the location does not really matter. But it is of the greatest importance where we put our naval bases. The all time protection of fishing boats is not as important as earlier; a work boat is built in matter of a few turns.
The Admiralty knows we are not able to repel the first echelon of a surprise seaborne invasion. Our task is primarily to prevent the second to occur.
The ships of an invading force will enter our borders and land an expeditionary force in one turn. Our navy will then in turn destroy the enemy ships and prevent them to be used to transport a new force.
To achieve such a success the ships must be placed near the invasion. We have already determined where those places are likely to be, as a part of the General Staff brainstorming before making marks on the strategy level. It should be needless to say sufficient naval firepower must be present.
If the navy is victorious, we try to move the pressure against the enemy coast as soon the vessels again are battle ready. First we try to take out all the enemy ships on the sea. Later we pillage fishing boats and eventually oil platforms and look for remaining hostile ships in the harbors. Then we blockade the sea lanes from this harbor.
Flight!
With both artillery and flight as alternatives on the path to rocketry, the Technical Committee of the Department of Defense prefer to research flight, although artillery is a powerful weapon. What these two have in common, is bombardment of cities and collateral damage.
General Galland, who is in charge of the fighter branch, is quite enthusiastic: In addition a plane can fly reconnaissance missions, bombard ships or resources, and intercept enemy bombers. Further can a carrier taskforce project military power over distances far beyond the reach of our other weapons, and it is fast deployable.
The history of Africa and Asia between WWI and WWII has shown that even small aircraft are an excellent weapon against an enemy without countermeasures. If we are the leading empire in technology, we build fighters to use them as jabos (Jagdbombers fighter bombers) towards improvements, cities and personnel.
Interceptors
If some other nations might have bombers (or certainly will in the near future), we give full throttle for fighter production as soon as we get flight.
If we are attacked by air, it is possible to have all of our fighter power fully operational in the exposed area in two turns.
Carrier warfare
At sea, fighters are on aircraft carriers deployed in carrier groups. A carrier group consists of one or more flat tops plus destroyers and submarines as defense. The technological development is so fast Admiral Nimitz of our Imperial Navy considers the battleship of little use because it can not defend itself against aircraft.
A carrier group can be used in different ways. The carriers are attached to the existing destroyer groups. The new name carrier group mirrors a change in priorities. The destroyer goes from a highly offensive role into the defensive as the carriers protector. The carrier-based aircrafts are now the main aggressive weapon.
I will just mention the tremendous combined arms power now available for naval warfare; the highly efficient suite played by reconnaissance aircraft, jabos and then the escort destroyer to finish the ball.
Power projection
When an overseas enemy has no countermeasures against aircrafts, strategical bombing from carriers can cripple both production and income, and lead to famine and declining population. If the military situation permits it the carrier group is not needed elsewhere our General Staff might decide to let the bombing go on until the country no longer has any worked tile. At least as far as carrier based jabos can reach.
(Note: Chief of Staff, general Zhukov explains: It sometimes occurs; an overseas enemy attacks without aircrafts. He is the biggest, meanest and most powerful emperor, far ahead in strength. But we are on the technological edge, and his landing forces and ships can be destroyed. So when he puts all his effort in research to get destroyers, our Admiralty (our carrier aircrafts are part of the Navy) has all time it needs to destroy every single improved tile reachable from sea. A few frigates or destroyers mean no real threat to our carrier groups and they can desert large parts of the country in peace and quiet.
After such a treatment this enemy will hardly be able to launch a serious attack again. This is a possible action if we do not want to invade.)
With bombers the effects can increase substantially. Most of the time we can not reach overseas targets from the motherland, and the bombers must be deployed in friendly countries near the enemy. But be aware our host does not have open borders with the enemy. If so, our Air Fleet can be destroyed by a single hostile unit.
Bombers; brute force from the air
When time comes to start bomber production, we probably have enough fighters for a peace time military and the efforts can be directed towards bombers.
General Harris, the bomber expert explains: We must get as many bombers as we can before those ( deleted of state security reasons) tanks must go into production and it takes a ( deleted of state security reasons) too big part of the resources available.
He goes on: The Air Force try to mass bombers, the more the better. And the bases of our bomber branch are placed so they can cover as many hotspots as possible with so many planes as possible.
He probably means the possible invasion sites previously defined by the General Staff, where an invader can be met with massive air power. For their own safety, the bomber bases are placed in cities not in danger of be taken in one turn.
The bombers are as fast as the fighter: in two turn the entire bomber branch can be in full operational service in the war theatre regardless previous deployment.
A defense scenario
With a set up of troops like described above, what can a defense scenario look like? We assume our strategic bombing has neutralized our enemy overseas, and that we have got a peace treaty.
Suddenly we get the message we are invaded in the north (from a telex to Commander in Chief, General Zhukov):
At 0500 hours this morning, the French invaded our Northern Defense Area with substantial forces consisting of tanks, cavalry, artillery, infantry and a few air defense units. The SOD now stands two tiles from local capital Agony.
Our fighters shot down three bombers trying to pillage recourses to the loss of one fighter.
As the French is in no position to attack other cities, I will transfer as many units as possible to the defense of Agony. In the next two turns I will use all available air power to try to weaken the SOD.
The hostile forces are of such a magnitude I probably can take only one turn of attack at Agony with the available forces. Reinforcements are urgently needed. The defense of the other cities in the Northern Defense Area is below the acceptable.
Generaloberst Heinrichi, Commander Northern Defense Area
Telegraph messages from the General Staff to the other defense areas:
The following units are to be freed for defense of the North:
from Poorboy: 2 tanks, one infantry
from Armerkerl: 3 tanks, two infantry . (and so on)
NOW!
Zhukov
To Bomber Command:
Redeploy all aerial forces to conduct operations in Defense Area North and subsequently over French soil.
To the Navy:
Clear the waters on our western coast towards the French border and make sure no invasion force comes through. Close the Librenateno strait to deny the enemy entrance to Mare Nostrum.
Telegram from Generaloberst Heinrichi two turns later (decrypted version):
First attack on Agony repelled. Most enemy units destroyed. Can not hold a renewed attack of this magnitude before more reinforcements arrive. Offensive operations impossible
From Admiral Nimitz:
Hostile invasion group sunk en route to Misery Harbor. Return to harbor for repair and refitting. Combat capacity not sufficient for any kind of action for the carrier-groups Dreyfus and Adonis. Carrier group Ekkel Fisk is battle-ready, plugging the Librenateno strait.
From General Harris:
The bombers are offensive weapons. Let us conduct strategic bombing of recourses and improvements
From General Rotmistrov:
The cooperation between air- and armored units works excellent. The remaining elements of the Northern Panzer Group will be battle ready in two to three turns.
Notes taken down from a meeting in the War Cabinet:
Prime Minister: Short summary.
General Zhukov: We need more troops of all kinds. The frog-eating ( deleted of state security reasons) in the north are building troops like ( deleted of state security reasons). He is churning out tanks en masse.
PM: How fast? Can we afford one or two turns of revolution?
Gen. Z: ?
PM: I would like to implement vassalage and theocracy. Do we have time to stop arms productions for two turns?
Gen. Z: No, we can not take such a risk. Not yet. We do not know how much armor the French ( deleted of state security reasons) will have to his disposal in three turns.
The commissar from the Committee for the Security of the State (these guys will never reveal their names, but I believe this one is named Colby ): What we know is that the enemy can produce tanks, bombers and fighters. How great the production capacity is, that is another question. But we know he has taken troops from his costal cities to take part in the initial assault, thanks to our submarine patrols.
PM: What do you think General?
Gen. Z: No. Sorry. No revolutions. It is too risky yet. If the French has four tanks in reserve and produces four the next turn, Generaloberst Heinrich will not have a chance to repel a renewed attack without reinforcements. And we know there still are some cavalry units on the other side of the border.
Admiral Nimitz: I could rebase the carrier-based aircrafts. Ships from two groups will not be battle-ready in some turns, so they do not need the planes. And the Ekkel Fisk-group is not expected to be more than a trap for raiders and do not really need air support in this role.
PM: You mean the planes can act as jabos against attacking tanks? Yes? Zhukov? Yes? OK, we go for revolution, vassalage and theocracy!
Silence for a while. No new mass attacks come from the north; he is building strength like us. But we have a larger production capacity. (In an interview with the Daily Peoples Observer, Lord Beaverbrook who owns the land and is responsible for production, could proudly observe: We have never worked an unimproved tile.)
Now the operational organization for our standing forces has proved its worth. We have lost a lot of units, tiles are pillaged, but our cities remain ours.
Our future units will be stronger than before the revolution. Further warfare is a question of arms production output and which strategy to victory we should choose.
But behold; a telex from General Chuikov, Commander Defense Area South:
At 0400 hours vast quantities of Indian armed forces violated our borders, spearheading against Depression and Notsoimportant. The cities are subject to heavy bombing. To a loss of three fighters two bombers have been repelled. Extensive damage of fortifications.
I can not see it is possible, even if I stripped all the other towns in the defense area, to hold Depression and Notsoimportant. As the situation emerges, we must face the loss of these two cities in the matter of not more than four turns.
The main defense position will be Ironfist, where the hill the city is build upon will provide a badly needed boost of defense capacity. I can commit most of the military resources to this task because Ironfist controls the access to the rest of the Defense Area South. But I cannot guarantee to hold unless I get reinforcements.
Notes taken down at the War Cabinet meeting the same turn:
PM: This attack was certainly not expected. We used to be on good terms with the Indians.
The commissar from the Committee for the Security of the State (probably was this the one called Beria): Why did you listen to the Foreign Ministry and not pay attention to our reports. This von Ribbentrop is totally useless. Shall I deal with him?
PM: Yes and no
The commissar from the Committee for the Security of the State: ?
PM: Yes he is useless. I will dismiss him and call for the Old One. And no. It is I who shall deal with him!
The commissar from the Committee for the Security of the State: How came he was appointed foreign minister at all?
PM: Connections, connections, connections. But that does not matter any more. Now it comes down to results. But we are here to discuss the military situation. General Zhukov, please give us the grim picture.
Gen. Z: The General Staff is of the opinion Chuikov is right in his view of the situation in the south. We must give land for time. The garrisons in Depression and Notsoimportant will hold on as long as possible, killing some units and wounding other. When the Indians reach Ironfist, enough troops will be transferred to hold the city. But not more.
PM: Why can we not do the same in Depression instead and save two cities? I mean, if we hold Depression, Ironfist will not even be attacked.
Gen. Z: Ironfist is the only with natural obstacles. Artillery and bombers will crush any man-made fortifications in a matter of turns.
PM: OK, I understand. And you should also be informed that it is given orders to abandon all growth and transfer it into specialists as a part of the overall war effort.
The next turn, telegram from Generaloberst Heinrichi (decrypted version):
The enemy are massing forces for a renewed assault. With the reinforcements from other defense areas I will be able to repel the attack. The French field anti-aircraft crews are effective, and aerial raids will not be conducted before the enemy is ready to attack.
Part of a letter (undated) from General Guderian, the overall Tank boss, to the General Staff:
It was never my intention to put the tanks formations piecemeal into battle, and I regret the tactical situation makes this kind of warfare necessary. For future armored warfare, I recommend we wait until we have built enough units to form a formation of sufficient strength to utilize the tanks special abilities.
In the north, things have become a little easier. Wireless telegram from Generaloberst Heinrichi (decrypted version) after the second battle of Agony:
Despite heavy losses, our garrison has repelled the second French attack on Agony. Heavily wounded elements of the French force are scattered around in the terrain. Unless reinforcements arrive, these units are likely to get back to France for healing, as my units are in no condition to attack.
But in the south, pressure is mounting. Telex from General Chuikov:
The main assault on Ironfist is expected in three turns. Without reinforcements and aerial support, I will not be able to hold the city.
Order from the General Staff to General Guderian:
All available armored units are to be transferred to Ironfist immediately to take part in the defense
Telegram from General Rotmistrov to General Guderian:
Why can I not keep the few remaining tanks to take out the wounded French units? They are so weak; the cost will be almost none. Now they will escape.
Notes from a meeting in the General Staff:
Admiral Nimitz: Now I must have my planes back for carrier duty.
General Galland: No. I need them as jabos for the defense of Ironfist.
General Harris: He is right. Jabos do some damage on ground forces, I must admit that. So we need them. The bomber branch can not manage this alone.
Adm. N: Two carrier groups left Misery Harbor last night. The protection of the carriers is on a minimum due to lost ships. We need those fighters. Besides, they are mine.
Gen. G: Yours? There is not so many of the original carrier-based fighters left, you know. I believe you, like all of us, must ask nicely and say please to get new units.
General Zhukov: We need all the firepower we can get at Ironfist the next few turns. So I believe the Admiral must wait at this occasion.
Adm. N: Let me have those planes, and I will crush the French oil fields for you.
Gen. Z: I propose the Admiral will have to wait for any air power until after the situation at Ironfist is dealt with. Then he will have the aircrafts he needs, regardless other possible tasks.
It went according to plan; we held Ironfist with substantial losses, but the Indian losses were greater. The Indians returned their wounded for quicker healing and came again, wave after wave. Medics made healing quicker and our loss smaller. The new helicopters proved their value.
In the meantime the arms industry produced on high gear; a lot of new tanks and bombers were massed behind the front line. Now we must attack!
We will attack when we are ready. And I will tell you when we are. said General Montgomery, leader of the Army Group One. General Harris did not like it, but also the bomber branch became a part of the army group under Gen. Ms command.
It was a great political pressure on General Montgomery to attack. But he was supported by the overall tank commander General Guderian: Klotzen, nicht kleckern!
Suddenly the carnage ended at Ironfist. The Indians did not throw in more units. A lot of wounded ones did not return home to heal, but remained in the vicinity of Ironfist.
Notes from a meeting in the War Cabinet (undated):
PM: What lies behind this new Indian tactic?
General Zhukov: They are probably gathering a new enormous SOD, and did not bother to withdraw wounded troops because they think we are too weak to attack.
General Rotmistrov: Let us use the tanks to destroy them before the French launch a new attack.
PM: Let us wait before we decide anything. What has the Foreign Minister to say in this situation?
Fürst Bismarck: I have been to Montezuma, the Vikings and Washington. All will declare war on the Indians the next turn for a few techs and some money. Here are the figures.
PM: `ey, you have given away our most secret defense technologies and all our money to three small backward countries! We need a big ally, a really big and powerful ally.
Fürst B: They have been backwards because they always had a strong military. I gave them techs, and money to upgrade. Now they are forces we can count on. Besides; they have always hated the Indians because of close borders.
General Montgomery: Sounds well. By the way, now I am ready to attack.
Report from Generaloberst Heinrichi:
Healed French units from the second battle of Agony start to return to the battlefield. They appear in small formations and are rather easily taken out by the defense area's own aircraft and tanks.
Four turns later, a report from the Foreign Minister to the War Cabinet:
The French will have peace. The bombing of the oil wells was too much for them.
Attached was a valuation from the General Staff: Even if the French get oil, they will not be able to build a force big enough to be a threat before the war with India is ended.
Report from General Montgomery to the General Staff:
At daybreak, aerial reconnaissance revealed a substantial Indian SOD en route to Ironfist. Nevertheless it was decided to go on with the original plans for the campaign, and our bomber forces were thrown in against Notsoimportant. Fighters took out three of our bombers, and two were shot down by anti-aircraft units. We then took the city with the loss of two tanks.
After the liberation of Notsoimportant, the enemy SOD suffered from reduced mobility because he now was on our soil. The bomber branch punched the SOD for two turns as our fast units regrouped and healed.
After initial bombardment, it was no big deal for our tanks to liberate Depression. The air cover was even poorer than at Notsoimportant.
The depleted SOD tried to get back to India, but was wiped out in a matter of turns.
In this case, we assume it is peace time and we do not intend to go to war. Our troops are deployed according to the principle of annihilating an invading force where it is favorable to us. But to establish this situation, we need intelligence.
Information gathering
The old fashioned scout goes on traveling from city to city in friendly countries. Overseas we use naval units to get information. In case we can not pass the border, both the old caravels and submarines are alternatives. On these missions, our agents pay special intention to if a potential enemy have enough shipping capacity to transport an invading force big enough to give us trouble. This is especially important after he has upgraded his galleons to transports of both capacity reasons and speed. To gather intelligence from closed inland states, our Committee for the Security of the State initiates aerial reconnaissance when we get aircraft.
With this information of the military capability of the surrounding countries (we will not get all we need before a spy is at hand), it is possible for the General Staff to assume a treat. This treat is compared to the defense possibilities and vulnerabilities in our topography. It means we should be able to predict where an enemy can make a surprise attack, and place adequate forces to repel such an attack.
Tactical considerations
This leads us to a re-definition of defense areas. The size of a single defense area will now be as far a unit can travel in one turn (on railways). Troops from surrounding cities will be able to gather in an exposed city to meet the enemy before the hostile forces reach the citys gates. In some cases the enemy borders are so close to a city that fast units can attack in a single turn. Here we place the bulk of the defenders in the defense area.
(Our General Staff uses the strategy layer to draw lines between the different defense areas. But they do not mess to much; a straight line only. Possible attack corridors both on land and sea can also be marked.)
Strategical level
Bogustrumper has an excellent article on Balancing Growth and Warfare in CIV IV. If we have played according to his advices, we should have rather updated armed forces. We also have the option to accelerate the upgrading of the remaining units by lowering science.
Our Department of Defense has decided we do not need the economic burden scores of obsolete units of little military value inflict upon us.
Deployment
Grenadier, rifleman and infantry can to a great extend act as all purpose soldiers at this stage of the game. (Despite some special abilities, no one match those of a spearman against a mounted unit) The only real specialist is the Machine Gun. It is an absolute wonder against grenadiers and riflemen, but has a firm hand with infantry too.
Now the General Staff has a number of defense areas, and deploys the troops according to the considerations above. Each of the defense areas can be seen as self sufficient in the meaning it can withstand an enemy attack for a certain time. This holding time is necessary so reinforcements can be hurled in from other parts of the empire.
Saved by the cavalry?
Fast units (cavalry, tanks, gunships) have a far greater area of operations (AO) (in one turn) as foot soldiers and artillery. This means a squadron of cavalry can have an AO consisting of two defense areas, and is deployed accordingly.
Now we have a structure with capability to respond to different sorts of threat (grenadiers attack rifleman, rifleman attacks cavalry, cannons/artillery depletes enemy SODs) in each defense area. Inside a defense area we have a certain freedom in deploying the troops because all the forces in the area act as a whole.
Keeping the defense structure
The situation is different when the General Staff feeds troops from others defense areas into the war theatre. In such cases the total military capability of the defense area is depleted. But we try to keep a capacity to face different treats. It means that if we are attacked in the north by cavalry, we do not take all the riflemen from the south and leave only grenadiers left.
If we have upgraded to infantry, we value the promotions when choosing which units to transfer.
Siege weapons are a powerful against personnel. We have some cannons/artillery in each defense area. And as for the armed forces as a whole, number is determined by the total political, military and economical situation (again: see Bogustrumper). Massed against an enemy SOD, siege weapons inflict considerable damage. This can be the main factor to save a not to well-defended city.
Cities of greatest importance
Even if the main defense doctrine is to take out the bulk of the enemys attacking force on our own soil, sometimes the situation gets so dire we can not. Let us say we have transferred units from the peaceful south to Defense Area North where an attacker now is bogged down. With fewer units than normal peace level, our southernmost defense area becomes the subject of a surprise attack from another ruthless neighbor.
Under such circumstances it is impossible to attack. We must concentrate on depleting the enemy using cannons/artillery and hold on until reinforcements arrive. If we succeed in holding the city, the enemy will probably pillage our improvement. So let it be. Our main object is holding the city. The city is worth more than all the terrain improvements.
If we loose a city, we also loose the area, tiles improved or not. Naturally.
Ships can not stop the first assault
It is important that ship building cities have dry-dock; the location does not really matter. But it is of the greatest importance where we put our naval bases. The all time protection of fishing boats is not as important as earlier; a work boat is built in matter of a few turns.
The Admiralty knows we are not able to repel the first echelon of a surprise seaborne invasion. Our task is primarily to prevent the second to occur.
The ships of an invading force will enter our borders and land an expeditionary force in one turn. Our navy will then in turn destroy the enemy ships and prevent them to be used to transport a new force.
To achieve such a success the ships must be placed near the invasion. We have already determined where those places are likely to be, as a part of the General Staff brainstorming before making marks on the strategy level. It should be needless to say sufficient naval firepower must be present.
If the navy is victorious, we try to move the pressure against the enemy coast as soon the vessels again are battle ready. First we try to take out all the enemy ships on the sea. Later we pillage fishing boats and eventually oil platforms and look for remaining hostile ships in the harbors. Then we blockade the sea lanes from this harbor.
Flight!
With both artillery and flight as alternatives on the path to rocketry, the Technical Committee of the Department of Defense prefer to research flight, although artillery is a powerful weapon. What these two have in common, is bombardment of cities and collateral damage.
General Galland, who is in charge of the fighter branch, is quite enthusiastic: In addition a plane can fly reconnaissance missions, bombard ships or resources, and intercept enemy bombers. Further can a carrier taskforce project military power over distances far beyond the reach of our other weapons, and it is fast deployable.
The history of Africa and Asia between WWI and WWII has shown that even small aircraft are an excellent weapon against an enemy without countermeasures. If we are the leading empire in technology, we build fighters to use them as jabos (Jagdbombers fighter bombers) towards improvements, cities and personnel.
Interceptors
If some other nations might have bombers (or certainly will in the near future), we give full throttle for fighter production as soon as we get flight.
If we are attacked by air, it is possible to have all of our fighter power fully operational in the exposed area in two turns.
Carrier warfare
At sea, fighters are on aircraft carriers deployed in carrier groups. A carrier group consists of one or more flat tops plus destroyers and submarines as defense. The technological development is so fast Admiral Nimitz of our Imperial Navy considers the battleship of little use because it can not defend itself against aircraft.
A carrier group can be used in different ways. The carriers are attached to the existing destroyer groups. The new name carrier group mirrors a change in priorities. The destroyer goes from a highly offensive role into the defensive as the carriers protector. The carrier-based aircrafts are now the main aggressive weapon.
I will just mention the tremendous combined arms power now available for naval warfare; the highly efficient suite played by reconnaissance aircraft, jabos and then the escort destroyer to finish the ball.
Power projection
When an overseas enemy has no countermeasures against aircrafts, strategical bombing from carriers can cripple both production and income, and lead to famine and declining population. If the military situation permits it the carrier group is not needed elsewhere our General Staff might decide to let the bombing go on until the country no longer has any worked tile. At least as far as carrier based jabos can reach.
(Note: Chief of Staff, general Zhukov explains: It sometimes occurs; an overseas enemy attacks without aircrafts. He is the biggest, meanest and most powerful emperor, far ahead in strength. But we are on the technological edge, and his landing forces and ships can be destroyed. So when he puts all his effort in research to get destroyers, our Admiralty (our carrier aircrafts are part of the Navy) has all time it needs to destroy every single improved tile reachable from sea. A few frigates or destroyers mean no real threat to our carrier groups and they can desert large parts of the country in peace and quiet.
After such a treatment this enemy will hardly be able to launch a serious attack again. This is a possible action if we do not want to invade.)
With bombers the effects can increase substantially. Most of the time we can not reach overseas targets from the motherland, and the bombers must be deployed in friendly countries near the enemy. But be aware our host does not have open borders with the enemy. If so, our Air Fleet can be destroyed by a single hostile unit.
Bombers; brute force from the air
When time comes to start bomber production, we probably have enough fighters for a peace time military and the efforts can be directed towards bombers.
General Harris, the bomber expert explains: We must get as many bombers as we can before those ( deleted of state security reasons) tanks must go into production and it takes a ( deleted of state security reasons) too big part of the resources available.
He goes on: The Air Force try to mass bombers, the more the better. And the bases of our bomber branch are placed so they can cover as many hotspots as possible with so many planes as possible.
He probably means the possible invasion sites previously defined by the General Staff, where an invader can be met with massive air power. For their own safety, the bomber bases are placed in cities not in danger of be taken in one turn.
The bombers are as fast as the fighter: in two turn the entire bomber branch can be in full operational service in the war theatre regardless previous deployment.
A defense scenario
With a set up of troops like described above, what can a defense scenario look like? We assume our strategic bombing has neutralized our enemy overseas, and that we have got a peace treaty.
Suddenly we get the message we are invaded in the north (from a telex to Commander in Chief, General Zhukov):
At 0500 hours this morning, the French invaded our Northern Defense Area with substantial forces consisting of tanks, cavalry, artillery, infantry and a few air defense units. The SOD now stands two tiles from local capital Agony.
Our fighters shot down three bombers trying to pillage recourses to the loss of one fighter.
As the French is in no position to attack other cities, I will transfer as many units as possible to the defense of Agony. In the next two turns I will use all available air power to try to weaken the SOD.
The hostile forces are of such a magnitude I probably can take only one turn of attack at Agony with the available forces. Reinforcements are urgently needed. The defense of the other cities in the Northern Defense Area is below the acceptable.
Generaloberst Heinrichi, Commander Northern Defense Area
Telegraph messages from the General Staff to the other defense areas:
The following units are to be freed for defense of the North:
from Poorboy: 2 tanks, one infantry
from Armerkerl: 3 tanks, two infantry . (and so on)
NOW!
Zhukov
To Bomber Command:
Redeploy all aerial forces to conduct operations in Defense Area North and subsequently over French soil.
To the Navy:
Clear the waters on our western coast towards the French border and make sure no invasion force comes through. Close the Librenateno strait to deny the enemy entrance to Mare Nostrum.
Telegram from Generaloberst Heinrichi two turns later (decrypted version):
First attack on Agony repelled. Most enemy units destroyed. Can not hold a renewed attack of this magnitude before more reinforcements arrive. Offensive operations impossible
From Admiral Nimitz:
Hostile invasion group sunk en route to Misery Harbor. Return to harbor for repair and refitting. Combat capacity not sufficient for any kind of action for the carrier-groups Dreyfus and Adonis. Carrier group Ekkel Fisk is battle-ready, plugging the Librenateno strait.
From General Harris:
The bombers are offensive weapons. Let us conduct strategic bombing of recourses and improvements
From General Rotmistrov:
The cooperation between air- and armored units works excellent. The remaining elements of the Northern Panzer Group will be battle ready in two to three turns.
Notes taken down from a meeting in the War Cabinet:
Prime Minister: Short summary.
General Zhukov: We need more troops of all kinds. The frog-eating ( deleted of state security reasons) in the north are building troops like ( deleted of state security reasons). He is churning out tanks en masse.
PM: How fast? Can we afford one or two turns of revolution?
Gen. Z: ?
PM: I would like to implement vassalage and theocracy. Do we have time to stop arms productions for two turns?
Gen. Z: No, we can not take such a risk. Not yet. We do not know how much armor the French ( deleted of state security reasons) will have to his disposal in three turns.
The commissar from the Committee for the Security of the State (these guys will never reveal their names, but I believe this one is named Colby ): What we know is that the enemy can produce tanks, bombers and fighters. How great the production capacity is, that is another question. But we know he has taken troops from his costal cities to take part in the initial assault, thanks to our submarine patrols.
PM: What do you think General?
Gen. Z: No. Sorry. No revolutions. It is too risky yet. If the French has four tanks in reserve and produces four the next turn, Generaloberst Heinrich will not have a chance to repel a renewed attack without reinforcements. And we know there still are some cavalry units on the other side of the border.
Admiral Nimitz: I could rebase the carrier-based aircrafts. Ships from two groups will not be battle-ready in some turns, so they do not need the planes. And the Ekkel Fisk-group is not expected to be more than a trap for raiders and do not really need air support in this role.
PM: You mean the planes can act as jabos against attacking tanks? Yes? Zhukov? Yes? OK, we go for revolution, vassalage and theocracy!
Silence for a while. No new mass attacks come from the north; he is building strength like us. But we have a larger production capacity. (In an interview with the Daily Peoples Observer, Lord Beaverbrook who owns the land and is responsible for production, could proudly observe: We have never worked an unimproved tile.)
Now the operational organization for our standing forces has proved its worth. We have lost a lot of units, tiles are pillaged, but our cities remain ours.
Our future units will be stronger than before the revolution. Further warfare is a question of arms production output and which strategy to victory we should choose.
But behold; a telex from General Chuikov, Commander Defense Area South:
At 0400 hours vast quantities of Indian armed forces violated our borders, spearheading against Depression and Notsoimportant. The cities are subject to heavy bombing. To a loss of three fighters two bombers have been repelled. Extensive damage of fortifications.
I can not see it is possible, even if I stripped all the other towns in the defense area, to hold Depression and Notsoimportant. As the situation emerges, we must face the loss of these two cities in the matter of not more than four turns.
The main defense position will be Ironfist, where the hill the city is build upon will provide a badly needed boost of defense capacity. I can commit most of the military resources to this task because Ironfist controls the access to the rest of the Defense Area South. But I cannot guarantee to hold unless I get reinforcements.
Notes taken down at the War Cabinet meeting the same turn:
PM: This attack was certainly not expected. We used to be on good terms with the Indians.
The commissar from the Committee for the Security of the State (probably was this the one called Beria): Why did you listen to the Foreign Ministry and not pay attention to our reports. This von Ribbentrop is totally useless. Shall I deal with him?
PM: Yes and no
The commissar from the Committee for the Security of the State: ?
PM: Yes he is useless. I will dismiss him and call for the Old One. And no. It is I who shall deal with him!
The commissar from the Committee for the Security of the State: How came he was appointed foreign minister at all?
PM: Connections, connections, connections. But that does not matter any more. Now it comes down to results. But we are here to discuss the military situation. General Zhukov, please give us the grim picture.
Gen. Z: The General Staff is of the opinion Chuikov is right in his view of the situation in the south. We must give land for time. The garrisons in Depression and Notsoimportant will hold on as long as possible, killing some units and wounding other. When the Indians reach Ironfist, enough troops will be transferred to hold the city. But not more.
PM: Why can we not do the same in Depression instead and save two cities? I mean, if we hold Depression, Ironfist will not even be attacked.
Gen. Z: Ironfist is the only with natural obstacles. Artillery and bombers will crush any man-made fortifications in a matter of turns.
PM: OK, I understand. And you should also be informed that it is given orders to abandon all growth and transfer it into specialists as a part of the overall war effort.
The next turn, telegram from Generaloberst Heinrichi (decrypted version):
The enemy are massing forces for a renewed assault. With the reinforcements from other defense areas I will be able to repel the attack. The French field anti-aircraft crews are effective, and aerial raids will not be conducted before the enemy is ready to attack.
Part of a letter (undated) from General Guderian, the overall Tank boss, to the General Staff:
It was never my intention to put the tanks formations piecemeal into battle, and I regret the tactical situation makes this kind of warfare necessary. For future armored warfare, I recommend we wait until we have built enough units to form a formation of sufficient strength to utilize the tanks special abilities.
In the north, things have become a little easier. Wireless telegram from Generaloberst Heinrichi (decrypted version) after the second battle of Agony:
Despite heavy losses, our garrison has repelled the second French attack on Agony. Heavily wounded elements of the French force are scattered around in the terrain. Unless reinforcements arrive, these units are likely to get back to France for healing, as my units are in no condition to attack.
But in the south, pressure is mounting. Telex from General Chuikov:
The main assault on Ironfist is expected in three turns. Without reinforcements and aerial support, I will not be able to hold the city.
Order from the General Staff to General Guderian:
All available armored units are to be transferred to Ironfist immediately to take part in the defense
Telegram from General Rotmistrov to General Guderian:
Why can I not keep the few remaining tanks to take out the wounded French units? They are so weak; the cost will be almost none. Now they will escape.
Notes from a meeting in the General Staff:
Admiral Nimitz: Now I must have my planes back for carrier duty.
General Galland: No. I need them as jabos for the defense of Ironfist.
General Harris: He is right. Jabos do some damage on ground forces, I must admit that. So we need them. The bomber branch can not manage this alone.
Adm. N: Two carrier groups left Misery Harbor last night. The protection of the carriers is on a minimum due to lost ships. We need those fighters. Besides, they are mine.
Gen. G: Yours? There is not so many of the original carrier-based fighters left, you know. I believe you, like all of us, must ask nicely and say please to get new units.
General Zhukov: We need all the firepower we can get at Ironfist the next few turns. So I believe the Admiral must wait at this occasion.
Adm. N: Let me have those planes, and I will crush the French oil fields for you.
Gen. Z: I propose the Admiral will have to wait for any air power until after the situation at Ironfist is dealt with. Then he will have the aircrafts he needs, regardless other possible tasks.
It went according to plan; we held Ironfist with substantial losses, but the Indian losses were greater. The Indians returned their wounded for quicker healing and came again, wave after wave. Medics made healing quicker and our loss smaller. The new helicopters proved their value.
In the meantime the arms industry produced on high gear; a lot of new tanks and bombers were massed behind the front line. Now we must attack!
We will attack when we are ready. And I will tell you when we are. said General Montgomery, leader of the Army Group One. General Harris did not like it, but also the bomber branch became a part of the army group under Gen. Ms command.
It was a great political pressure on General Montgomery to attack. But he was supported by the overall tank commander General Guderian: Klotzen, nicht kleckern!
Suddenly the carnage ended at Ironfist. The Indians did not throw in more units. A lot of wounded ones did not return home to heal, but remained in the vicinity of Ironfist.
Notes from a meeting in the War Cabinet (undated):
PM: What lies behind this new Indian tactic?
General Zhukov: They are probably gathering a new enormous SOD, and did not bother to withdraw wounded troops because they think we are too weak to attack.
General Rotmistrov: Let us use the tanks to destroy them before the French launch a new attack.
PM: Let us wait before we decide anything. What has the Foreign Minister to say in this situation?
Fürst Bismarck: I have been to Montezuma, the Vikings and Washington. All will declare war on the Indians the next turn for a few techs and some money. Here are the figures.
PM: `ey, you have given away our most secret defense technologies and all our money to three small backward countries! We need a big ally, a really big and powerful ally.
Fürst B: They have been backwards because they always had a strong military. I gave them techs, and money to upgrade. Now they are forces we can count on. Besides; they have always hated the Indians because of close borders.
General Montgomery: Sounds well. By the way, now I am ready to attack.
Report from Generaloberst Heinrichi:
Healed French units from the second battle of Agony start to return to the battlefield. They appear in small formations and are rather easily taken out by the defense area's own aircraft and tanks.
Four turns later, a report from the Foreign Minister to the War Cabinet:
The French will have peace. The bombing of the oil wells was too much for them.
Attached was a valuation from the General Staff: Even if the French get oil, they will not be able to build a force big enough to be a threat before the war with India is ended.
Report from General Montgomery to the General Staff:
At daybreak, aerial reconnaissance revealed a substantial Indian SOD en route to Ironfist. Nevertheless it was decided to go on with the original plans for the campaign, and our bomber forces were thrown in against Notsoimportant. Fighters took out three of our bombers, and two were shot down by anti-aircraft units. We then took the city with the loss of two tanks.
After the liberation of Notsoimportant, the enemy SOD suffered from reduced mobility because he now was on our soil. The bomber branch punched the SOD for two turns as our fast units regrouped and healed.
After initial bombardment, it was no big deal for our tanks to liberate Depression. The air cover was even poorer than at Notsoimportant.
The depleted SOD tried to get back to India, but was wiped out in a matter of turns.
