DaftNES 2: Throne of Destiny

677 to 687 AD

Main Theme | Snow | Sand

Map 677



Years with no Summer

Starting around 680 AD, the weather changed for the worse across most of the world. The weather was generally colder in all seasons. Some areas suffered drought, others experienced floods; crops failed in both cases. Marginal farming areas now became inhospitable. The greatest tragedies were seen in Asia - untold millions died in the United Empire alone. Food prices rose, sometimes soared; there were widespread uprisings by desperate peasants, and merchants suffered as demand for luxuries fell. Some of the northern sea routes, normally made hazardous by ice in winter, were now impassable for years at a time - Videssos was now unreachable from the east, while Vancuissi was sometimes cut off from its western outposts including the whole Humidiss river valley.

Some dared to suggest these were not simply vengeful acts of god(s), and made connections with other strange events - perhaps a massive cloud of ash seen erupting from the Tho mountains in Chaunka was to blame, or a great ball of fire seen plummeting towards the icy wastes of the north. Pangans and Thuleans exchanged ideas about climatology; the Sung Taej consulted old records, concluding that this cycle of cold weather could last for another century.



Events

Asturia - Daran - The Barostian League
Hebrideans - Ys - The Great Thulean League - Ceinurissian Aonsaise - Yihamcoross
Rove - Ceinurissian Aonsaise - Awahan - Doctrines of Establishment and Arbitration
Ceinurissian Aonsaise - Vancuissi League - Pangari - Silash - Chaunka - Zeyris Guild
Videssos - Shimazu - Vancuissi League
Norgar - Koruzia - Libria - Videssos - Antalya
The exile of Prince Louis - Aeonism - Africa
Antalya - Tusca - Vengano - Barostian League - Lenierde
The Two Kings of Rove - Germanica - Lenierde - Freiland
Antalya - Macrabi - Battles in Kzame - The Kaliate of Hadarass
The Fall of Kzame - Arzamber - Barostian League
Rationalism - Antalya
Rationalism - Rytarrian Empire - Gaiyvaria
Asian Serenity - Counter-Rationalism - United Empire - Pangari
Pangari - Pegu
War in Qi Taej - Tyansua - Sung Taej - United Empire
The Transcending Sphere - Sung Taej - Barostian League - Himutshakla
Zhizhou - Pegu - Sung Taej

Asturia - Daran - The Barostian League

In 679, after years of negotiation, the Leagues of Daran and Asturia were dissolved, and the new Barostian League was declared. The great project centred on the city of Barost, at the heart of the Euris Ocean, an island city that was to be expanded into a trading metropolis, with great shipyards, palaces and monuments, grand plans which had to be postponed - the new League was beset by problems from the outset; nobles from Astura and Phaos refused to uproot and ship out eastwards; the old Eurisian city of Saint Guniisberg resented being upstaged; old Umidian colonies were paralysed by unrest against imagined Thulean conspiracies, despite the fact that 'Regional Councils' with considerable power were the building blocks of the new League; some ethnic Cataylans of Oriant and Valade agitated for full independence; relations with Vengano, Rove and Gallica all deteriorated for various reasons; religious riots broke out where Ultimism, Theosim and Aeonsim mingled; Segah raids targeted the African cities; a forced blockade of trade with Oryx did not earn much gratitude from the Aeonist powers; Oluhanik felt encircled, and panicked by rumours of Barostian invasion, it drew closer to the Aonsaise. But most serious of all, the old Asturian 'Merchants League' bitterly resisted being stripped of power, as desired by the new Barostian order. Political and legal wrangling continued for years. Civil war was possible on this point alone; some merchant houses simply transferred their ships and stocks to Ys or the Aonsaise. It didn't help that the market for Eurisian luxuries took a dive around the same time.

The Barostian League survived its first few years with a mix of compromise and displays of force by the most loyal elements of the navy. None of the outer territories were really in a position to go it alone - the southern colonies were suffering from freezing winters and increasingly dangerous neighbours; thousands shipped north to Barost or elsewhere. A separate influx of Rovien and Venganese-Valderi exiles after 679 was a mixed blessing. Gradually, new academies and industries began to take root in the central islands, and a strong leader emerged from amongst the Barostian Council in the form of Garail Duvann, battle-scarred from his days chasing Eurisian pirates. But the combined League was weaker than the sum of its parts; some navy ships had to be sold off or scrapped; unpaid captains became privateers or smugglers. The danger now seemed to be in losing far-flung territory to other powers.

Hebrideans - Ys - The Great Thulean League - Ceinurissian Aonsaise - Yihamcoross

In 686 the Yssian Republic reunited with the Hebridean League, to the surprise of many. Pictish leaders had lost enthusiasm for independence - they faced awkward disputes with the separatists in Dunottar and Olesia; Juht refugees and rebels put pressure on the Hebridean enclave at Baro; economic problems were made worse by severe winter storms that were making the northernmost islands uninhabitable. Thousands fled south to the mainland - some to Gelderland and Ys, while record numbers also ventured across the Euris ocean to the Ceinurissian Aonsaise.

Meanwhile a new spirit of pragmatism flourished in Ys and Saint Gustparsberg; writers and politicians referred to the past century as a dark age of idiocracy and corruption, wherein the once noble Thulean leadership had been perverted by malicious Saxonguille influences. Recent episodes such as the failed South Euris Company and the apparent mishandling of relations with the Hebrideans were not exactly encouraging. Restitution of the Yssosphere was called for. The 'progressive' nature of the Aonsaise was an inspiration; the Yssian Guild Council sent delegates to Nuys and Moray to study Ceinurissian politics and economics. After 680 the dangerous slump in agriculture and Eurisian trade only added to pressure for reform.

Guild Council elections in 682 saw the title of Lord Protector pass to Marcus Lutii; originally campaigning for re-militarisation, he ended up as champion of 'Pragmatic Reforms' in general, alongside increasing investment and political ties with the Ceinurissian Aonsaise. New approaches were made to the Hebrideans for a more even partnership; in 686 the seat of power returned to Saint Gustparsberg and the 'Great Thulean League' was declared, or re-declared, a title that caused some annoyance for other Thulean offshoots; relations with the Barostian League remained uncertain; the apparent closeness of the Great League and the Aonsaise caused concern in Vancuissi. But the new order inherited territorial disputes with Juhtland, Dunottar and Olesia, and it could not prevent riots in the larger cities over growing poverty and food shortages, particularly in the Old Yssian heartlands; by 687 it was facing a potential flood of émigrés to the Aonsaise and elsewhere.

Over in the Yihamcoross, the 'United Islands' collapsed into anarchy, driven by a slump in exports to Europe and ongoing problems with the formerly-enslaved population. Its annexation by the Republic of Gunthii was initially supported by the Aonsaise; but in 683, when the Gunthii fleet extended its reach to force the capitulation of Saint Belda - supposedly a haven for piracy and smuggling - some in the Aonsaise began to protest. Gunthii soon restyled itself the Yihamco League, renewed its alliance with the island kingdom of Amik, and invited the Ceinurissian Congress to advise on trade and politics. The resentful Saxonguilles of Saint Belda remained a problem for the Yihamco-Thulean majority. 'Heretic' exiles from Rove were undeterred in trying to establish their own havens of reformed Aeonism amongst the smaller and virtually uninhabited islands; for the most part they were ignored, and enjoyed an idyllic - although primitive - lifestyle, so long as they remained no threat to the new League.

Rove - Ceinurissian Aonsaise - Awahan - Doctrines of Establishment and Arbitration

It only took a vague statement by King Henry II of Rove to bring forth the Doctrine of Establishment from the Ceinurissian Congress. The Ceinurissian Aonsaise and Vancuissi both agreed that colonisation in the Americas should be kept within existing spheres of influence - of which Rove technically had none - while Lord Protector Lutii of the Great League preferred to leave agreements informal; approval from outside the Yssosphere was limited to the United Empire. But for now there was nothing much to oppose; Rove was occupied at home, and to some it seemed the Ceinurissians were only trying to forestall Barostian interference in the Yihamcoross and South America; the Barostians had made a point of rejecting this Doctrine 'in principle'. The accompanying Doctrine of Arbitration was again supported by the United Empire and the pro-Ceinurissian states - Yihamco, Kulo and Kopeng - but there were second thoughts about the proposed centre of arbitration - the sprawling island city of Quichen was sinking, literally, into a stinking swamp of poverty and disease.

Kinland, the north-west corner of the Aonsaise, suffered especially cold weather. Natives and Europeans alike migrated southwards; Kestraul was virtually abandoned, and the northern passage was frequently choked with ice from 680 onwards. Territorial disputes with Socota and Imawa resumed. The industries at Moray were sustained by a flow of immigrants - many Picts arriving here from the Hebrides - as well as new developments with steam power; 'Moray Engines' carried iron ore, coal and timber to the coast; tracks were gradually extended and weaved together to form a true rail network, soon to be copied by industrialists at Yahani in the south; Yssian observers were impressed.

In 682, Lord Protector Arturii Dumail, the architect of the Doctrines, lost power to war veteran Hal Gelevii, leader of militarist faction and former Protector of Naogar. Old feuds with the Naochi in the south were resumed right away, but the main target was Awahan; citing attacks against Ostian villages and various atrocities against Europeans and natives alike, Gelevii convinced Congress to support the Aonsaise's largest war effort thus far. Expeditions were sent east, seeking new alliances in order to surround Awahan with enemies, but results were haphazard; as the Ostians got stuck in - driven by the recent failure of their own crops - they pillaged and massacred whole Awahan villages; reprisals were feared, and wild rumours spread; the Socota and Imawa looked on nervously and stockpiled arms, despite Ceinurissian reassurances.

Brute force was needed; the Aonsaisei poured thousands more troops across the western frontier. Unable to stand up to the enemy's massed firepower and cavalry, the Awahan warriors melted away into the wilderness. Ironically, the roadways constructed by the Awahan kings provided the Aonsaisei with clear routes of advance. Mahonan was set ablaze by artillery after a desperate last stand; King Ganwagan II escaped, but was ultimately moved to take his own life. Some Hawan chieftains fled east, settling with their new allies the Kaska, but others stayed to keep up the fight; predictably, they took to ambushes and skirmishing, with success - unscrupulous arms dealers in the Aonsaise had a history of selling their wares to potential enemies. By 685 the Aonsaisei were being forced into a difficult ethnic cleansing of Awahan, rooting out dug-in centres of resistance in the wilderness, and replacing most of the ethnic Hawans with ethnic European settlers, or Thuleanised natives from Ohiwa. Aonsaisei troops were also needed in the south, in support of Zalachan and opposition of the Naochi; by this point expenses and losses from all fronts, on top of falling trade revenue and general food shortages, were upsetting the Ceinurissian Congress. The achievements of the Awahan in agriculture and engineering were not forgotten either; sympathetic writings challenged the Gelevii regime and dampened the otherwise patriotic mood in Nuys.

Ceinurissian Aonsaise - Vancuissi League - Pangari - Silash - Chaunka - Zeyris Guild

Meanwhile the Aonsaisei closed in on Humidiss, eager to set a formal frontier with Vancuissi, forge relations with the locals, and perhaps even press claims to the whole western bank of the Humidiss river. But freezing weather and Vancuissi stubbornness conspired against these efforts. Vancuissi ships bared their cannons; an Aonsaisei expedition was forced to turn back, but not before a gruelling overland march and the founding of Fort Saint Yemde. Both sides feared the other collaborating with native enemies upriver, and Vancuissi still feared the Aonsaisei would foment unrest in westward-leaning Old Humidiss. Icy seas now prevented contact with Vancuissi city for much of the year, adding to paranoia. The frontier was far from decided; but despite the best efforts of some on both sides to start a war, peace prevailed. Rival forts and outposts got on with the task of day-to-day survival. Various Thulean adventures all along the Humidiss valley were publicised in both Nuys and Vancuissi.

Vancuissi itself struck a balance between liberalism and militarism - with its creed of free enterprise, a gradual growth of industries and railways out of Vancuissi city, a shift from trade goods to armaments, intrigues amongst the natives, and rumours of ethnic cleansing in former Pangari colonies, Vancuissi had a lot in common with the Aonsaise; the east-west rivalry was often ridiculed in the literature of the day. Hunters and fishermen where driven out of the northern outposts by persistent winters; many of these old-colonist families had no choice but to re-settle in the continental interior, or try their luck in the big city. Vancuissi remained the only 'democracy', although there was still no referendum for Humidiss, and self-reliant Vancuissi women began to raise the issue of their having no say in politics; the election of Lord Protector Glyndiss brought few real changes in policy. After 680, unreliable trade routes with Humidiss, combined with a steep decline in tobacco exports to Asia, almost brought Vancuissi grinding to a halt - some hope came from increased sales of manufactured goods and trinkets to Shimazu and Pegu. At the same time, the 'itching sickness', now known as the 'red plague', swept through the southern territories, and Vancuissi leaders were accused of not doing enough to help; in 686 an outbreak hit the burgeoning slums of the capitol itself, killing thousands and sparking dangerous riots. For a while at least, the elegant Pangari colony of Engui was the brightest beacon for Asian immigrants.

In 682 a United Empire diplomatic mission to Silash found the country in disarray - gripped by civil war, rampant disease and failing crops; Silash also suffered the spill-over from the fight between the western Videssians and the native Chaunka armies. The United Empire's agents helped one of the more 'cooperative' chieftains to reunify Silash by 687, and in the process they did their own probing of the Chaunka borderlands; between this and the writings of Pangari and Vancuissi travellers, more light was shed on the mysterious Chaunka empire - one that was apparently suffering from all manner of disasters, from volcanic eruptions to severe drought and a devastating spread of the 'red plague'; yet despite all the carnage, Chaunka's authoritarian regime held firm and still had enough warriors to keep the Videssians at arms length. Wild horses - descended from European and Asian escapees - had roamed across central North America for centuries; it was noted that the Chaunka were turning to riding on horseback, and had also acquired a stockpile of Thulean firearms - the same could be said for many of the remaining hunter-gatherer tribes on the continent.

The Zeyris Guild of Rytarria continued its support for the warlords of Taxal against the fractured Hocatelcans - an unconventional army of Rytarrian veterans and Pegurian mercenaries was sent into action around Atehtlam - and even extended its reach to Temec in South America, on invitation of the ambitious King Takulinaku. The Guild was now in conflict with Aonsaisei and Pangari interests, but was well aware it lacked the resources to push too far; outbreaks of disease still gripped the Zeyris islands; priority trading in Rytarrian ports was not enough to offset falling demand for exotic goods; forced labour from the Maru natives was unreliable; most of the Guild's workers, sailors and captains were ethnic Rayamese - a hotbed of dissent, especially following events back in Asia. A portion of shares were put on public sale, but this soon turned sour. By 687 the Guild was basically draining money from Rytarria, and despite all the unfulfilled ambitions, there were rumours of selling out completely to Vancuissi or the Aonsaise.

Videssos - Shimazu - Vancuissi League

The Eternal Empire was in trouble; the disturbed Avtokrator Alanis II was declared unfit to rule by unanimous ruling of the Torus. Prince Aronaphos was declared regent, facing ongoing rebellions and a Patriarch reluctant to give up his 'temporary' powers. The first great freeze in 680 added desperation to the Nakuri cause, now a fight for food and refuge as well as independence. Thousands fled south, while ice blocked the northeast seas, cutting trade with Europe. The Videssian treasury was hit hard by events; unpaid armies were soon on the brink of mutiny. Eastern rebellions by the Hojo and Champa gathered pace. The capitol was slow to react; Patriarch Kyphos challenged the authority of the Regency, and was blamed for spreading rumours that cast Aronaphos as a subversive Rationalist. But Aronaphos bravely confronted the angered masses, reasserting his faith at the Great Temple of Phos, by all accounts a great display of dignity and charisma; the death of Alanis II in 682 cleared his way to becoming Avtokrator with strong support from the old heartland.

By now the Nakuri had sacked Akurna, but were halted in a battle near Kybistra in 683, where Videssian firepower and cavalry only just managed to repel terrifying charges by Nakuri swordsmen. Aronaphos then led an army westwards, crushing a disorganised Champa uprising at the gates of Ranpor, leaving them open to final assimilation under the ongoing 'cultural reforms'; but he failed to defeat the Hojo, who had occupied Tanoka with the aid of Videssian deserters, and were now united under their able general Hagurakal. The far western territories were left in some disarray - Admiral Kaizu of Shimazu was exiled for some scandal involving ladies of the royal court, and formed an unlikely partnership with the ambitious governor of Moros, who was trying to extend his authority over nearby islands; in response, the governor of Maralus declared himself 'Arkon of the West', upholder of imperial authority, with a simultaneous mission to convert the Chaunka natives to Phosism; both claimed to be acting in the name of the Avtokrator and requisitioned large chunks of his fleet. Vancuissi took a natural interest in these events - there was an old Thulean claim to what was now Arlus, Philosar and Karalus - but there were few obvious tensions; most of the Vancuissi fleet remained at Humidiss.

Norgar - Koruzia - Libria - Videssos - Antalya

The young King Nortvand III of Norgar showed himself to be no puppet of the former regency; with his graceful and well-educated wife Sohviia at his side, he boldly pushed for huge reforms - dismantling feudal estates, establishing a formal parliament, centralizing the practice of Aeonism and Phosism, and reforming tax system. The great freeze played into his hands - feudal lords of the stricken northern lands were eager to make the transition to state-funded nobility - but it was all too much, too soon. Rebellion broke out; neighbouring Germanican lords interfered, citing the interference with the Aeonist church and thus Lenierde's holy authority; vital trade with Koruzia and Videssos was blocked by ice; things were aggravated by desperate Juht peoples - most of them Aeonists - moving into Norgar to escape even colder weather at home. An army of conservative Aeonist rebels, backed by Germanican firepower, stormed and occupied the capitol Tanlok in 683. Nortvand III escaped with his supporters, but faced a long struggle to regain his authority.

The city of Aster had long been a place where Nordic, Videssian, Skovyan and Librian cultures mingled. As the northern seas froze over, refugees trickled in from the cold, and redundant captains looked for alternate employment; there was long standing dissent amongst the Librian majority against Koruzian rule. Riots broke out, and when the Norgarian lord of Hundar - supposedly seeking allies and funds to support Nortvand III's cause - arrived in Aster with barely a thousand men-at-arms, he was able to forge a pact with prominent locals; together they set about pillaging the eastern territories of Koruzia by land sea. Ethnic Librians flocked to join them; in 684, they defeated a Koruzian fleet against the odds and captured the island of Tanbri along with a number of Videssian dignitaries. Prince Valsud II of Koruzia - even younger than Nortvand III - was soon deposed by his own councillors, and crisis gripped the country; the Koruzians were not in a good position when it came to helping their Videssian overlords first against the Nakuri.

A Nordic-Librian dynasty took hold in eastern Koruzia, calling itself the Gyllenorn - nominally Phosist, and styling itself as the liberator of Librians. Attentions soon shifted south; a rough treaty was made with the 'barbaric' Tavuri, and a joint campaign into Germanican-held Libria met with success. But the new regime was undermined by constant in-fighting, and the locals - sick of variously fighting alongside or against the Nordic-Librians and Koruzian reprisals - turned to the ideals of Rationalism, and variations thereof, which had taken hold along the border with Cyramenya; an army of inspired peasants based at the humble town of Vosk fought against all comers with surprising success. Phosist loyalists in Koruzia now had the additional worry of Rationalist intervention from Antalya.

The exile of Prince Louis - Aeonism - Africa

Rivalry between the two princes of Rove had been followed with interest in much of Europe. In 679, with King Phillip III on his deathbed, Louis finally set sail from Astura with an escort of Barostian warships. Henry was already gathering support from the Aeonist church and powerful nobles across Europe. The first shots were fired before Louis made landfall; King Artur VII of Gallica had sent ships posing as 'Oryxian pirates' to intercept Louis outside Caedenbourg, and the Barostians refused to turn back. The guns of the coastal fort speeded the Gallican retreat; Caedenbourg, with its Thulean leanings, triumphantly welcomed prince Louis, but elsewhere Henry's propaganda had taken hold; the people of Oathenbourg rose against the 'heretic' Louis and blocked his progress to Robime. At this point Phillip III conveniently died and Henry - allegedly cursed by the dying words of his father - had himself proclaimed King Henry II. Louis escaped to Ys, and then back to Astura, vowing to return; Henry set about strengthening Aeonist power in Rove and organising another Rovien-Gallician expedition to Africa.

In 678, Emperor Gunther I of Germanica and Holy Patriarch Jaronus I of Lenierde called for a new Aeonist League to unite all of Aeonism. The following years saw a highpoint of the Aeonarchy's influence in Libria, Norgar, Rove, Utica and Vengano. But a new generation of Crusaders were disappointed; aside from the bombardment and capture of the Oryxian port of Orez by a combined Aeonist fleet in 681, all sides stayed on the defensive in Africa. Oryx was hard pressed by floods, by the loss of Eurisian trade, and by Segah raids in the south; the Roviens and Gallicans were eager to advance, but the Germanicans - with the most and best equipped troops - wanted consolidation; there was to be less outright persecution of Theosim, and more Aeonist missionaries. In 684, territory claimed by Vengano, Germanica and Rove was merged - superficially at least - into the new Aeonist Kingdom of Umidia, with its capitol at Abiona and its kings to be personally appointed by the Holy Patriarch of Lenierde, subject to Germanican approval. Aeonism did not take hold easily; most of the kingdom's subjects still regarded themselves as an oppressed people.

Antalya - Tusca - Vengano - Barostian League - Lenierde

The whole Aeonist project in Africa was threatened by civil war in Vengano. With the death of Prince Alcento in 679, there was an unexpected backlash against the African and Thuelan-Ultimist influences he had brought to the capitol. An Aeonist mob ransacked the old palace; senators blamed each other for stirring up unrest, and the normal process of electing a successor was impossible. A banking collapse added to bad times from 680 onwards. Samil Valderi, equally an egomaniac and champion of citizen's rights, was eventually declared victor with backing from the Aeonarchy - although hardly a model Aeonist, he was able to guarantee shipping to Africa, and was agreeable to changes of territory. In 686 a new republic was declared; the capitol moved to Dorzo, which Valderi renamed in honour of his family and hoped to rebuild in a mixture of grand classical Argosian and Anguille styles. Attitudes towards the Thuleans had changed during the civil war; Asturian - later Barostian - influence was squeezed out of the Mediterranean, taking some of the more open-minded Venganese scholars and patricians with it; distant Barost was fully occupied with problems on the Euris Ocean.

Some Asturian and Venganese troops stayed behind in Viroconium - now known as Vironaea - joining a diverse crowd of mercenaries and adventurers drawn to Tusca from as far away as Pangari; another chapter in the Tuscan wars began with an unexpectedly massive Antalyan invasion in 682, to punish the Razynists for - allegedly - supporting sinister occultist subversion in Mycenae. After a bloody battle for the island citadels of Empheros - a complex job involving the Antalyan fleet and specialised heavy artillery - the way was clear for three Antalyan armies to trample across northern Tusca, each led by competent commanders and wielding strong arms of cavalry and artillery; Utica and Tarcedon were obliged to join in, grabbing bargaining points while they still could. The Razynist cause was soon drained of all remaining enthusiasm and - unlike the simultaneous war in Kzame - the Antalyans achieved their goals quickly; the last Razynist stronghold at Romae surrendered without much of a fight. Antalyan troops, led by the Saraian Guards, were accused of massacring thousands of prominent Razynists, but the Bazilev's actual territorial demands went no further than the ruined city of Empheros; as the Antalyans withdrew, they took boatloads of Tuscan, Mycenean, Almothian and Argosian antiquities with them for 'safekeeping', many of which ended up on display in Agre and Altyn Sarai.

Tarcedon made modest gains and drew closer to Antalya, while Utica eventually claimed most of the rest, proclaiming itself the true Republic of Tusca - an unstable entity based at Vironaea, dealing with the aftermath of decades of war, while attempting to balance the growing weights of the Aeonarchy and the Antalyans; Aeonist mobs rooted out Rationalist conclaves, which formed their own militias for protection; yet trade with both east and west was vital for rebuilding the shattered country. Tuscan refugees were now spread around the Mediterranean; a dispute with Valderi over the status of Buto was resolved when Lenierde claimed the island for itself, an act made easier by Germanican endorsement and by the existence of heretical cults on Buto requiring 'Spiritual Restoration' - Lenierde's new brand of terror tactics which it threatened to extend to Tusca, Rove and Africa. Razynism still lurked in the background of Europe, but it no longer had the leaders - what some would call agitators - or the susceptibly cultured people such as it had once found in Tusca.
 
The Two Kings of Rove - Germanica - Lenierde - Freiland

The appearance of powerful Antalyan armies in Tusca caused alarm in Europe. Tarcedon seemed lost to the irreverent west, and it was clear the mighty Antalyans had little difficulty in approaching the borders of Germanica itself; the concept of the Aeonist League gained momentum. Germanica's armies were still the strongest in Europe, but the Empire found itself surrounded by real and potential enemies. The problem of bandits and profiteering along the Emperor's highways had been solved, but poor summers after 680 had led to starving peasants and pockets of unrest that had to be repressed violently. Germanica was as dependent on agriculture as any other state; trade and labour reforms were still a work in progress. The African campaigns and the purchase of vast amounts of new cannons and muskets had eaten away at the treasury; the struggling merchant class could only be taxed so far; feudal customs were on the rise again as the crown had less to bargain with - aside from the lords of Libria, who pleaded for urgent assistance, the martial lords of the other frontiers looked to their own interests first; fewer professional soldiers answered directly to the Emperor. Merchants banded together in the northern cities of Stadburg and Oldenbourg, adopting a Thulean-inspired 'League', probably not what the Emperor had in mind. The Reichstag, a formerly-weak assembly of nobles from across the Empire, plotted and schemed for more power, doing nothing to halt the course of decentralisation; perhaps unfortunately, Africa was a magnet for some of the Emperor's strongest supporters. As Gunther I neared the end of his days, he could at least count on popular support - especially under the banner of the Holy Aeonist League - and he had an able protégé in his eldest son, Prince Theodoric 'the bold'.

In the meantime, Rove seemed uncertain under King Henry's rule; public sentiment turned again, as disastrous flooding, disease, and poor harvests seemed to signal the displeasure of the Divine; abuses of power by the Aeonist church made the idea of reform more attractive to nobles and peasants alike. A few thousand Roviens found themselves willing and able to try for a new life somewhere across the waves; Prince Louis spent almost decade travelling the Euris Ocean, enduring various plots against his life and keeping in contact with supporters; in 686 he returned to Caedenbourg, and this time his progress to Robime was met with cheering crowds. Henry gathered a roughly equal force of loyalists, while his young and well-schooled daughter Alexandrine acted as a mediator and - either being cynically manipulated, or acting on her own virtues - was vital in preventing an immediate civil war. Henry apparently lost his nerve and retreated to the Duchy of Axemhaus - newly inherited by the House of Rove - where he awaited support and reinforcement from the Aeonist League; but even while Aeonist bishops with personal armies held down strongholds for Henry all across Rove, Louis was proclaimed true king by will of Aeonis and the immortal soul of Philip III. Expectations were dangerously high; Louis wasted no time in issuing proclamations against Aeonist corruption and diverting funds to relieve the plight of the peasants. Freiland - which had suffered less compared to most of Europe, and was more in touch with Thulean developments in industry and armaments - offered its recognition and support to Louis, which was noted with both alarm and excitement in the west; former crusaders were now being inspired by the idea of a great holy war to rescue the east from heresy.

Antalya - Macrabi - Battles in Kzame - The Kaliate of Hadarass

In 678 Macrabi renamed itself the Kaliate of Hadarass, a title that concealed few changes to the Saurkian systems of power, but showed intention to reclaim past glories. It was a Kaliate without a Kaliphan; Jammen Sayyad dropped the title of 'blessed one' for something less contentious. Sarukians felt safe, but others across Africa were wary - in the recent past, Macrabi had persecuted Ismailists and also waged war on the ultra-Theosist peoples of Tamlki, antagonising most of Africa in the process. Now, as the Kaliate of Hadarass, it offered renewed toleration for Ismailists and promised to ride to defence of its neighbours. But in the minds of many, a Kaliate was still something that waged wars of expansion and caused great schisms in the Theosist faith. It was against this unsettled background that Antalya and Hadarass went to war in Kzame.

For the crime of engaging with Asia on its on terms, Kzame was torn between competing forces - both styled themselves as defenders and liberators, polarizing the populace. The Antalyans were already established in some of the coastal cities; usually, the urbane merchants and scholars, rich and influential, sided with the Rationalists, while peasants from the slums and the hardy dwellers of arid countryside sided with Hadarassian armies, or supported any number of roving Theosist or Ismailist factions - united only in their opposition to the Antalyan, un-African incursion. Tamlki exiles conspired with both camps. To the north, the divine kingdom of Haman kept a close eye on events, eager to retake lost ground, but waiting for an easy opportunity that never arrived - there was still much bitterness towards the southern Theosists; Haman's Ismailist fanatics were equally enemies of both sides.

The Antalyans were constrained by their reliance on ships, of which there were rarely enough, even after much of Kzame's fleet was requisitioned. It was something new; neither Altyn-Kanalat or the Agrinese Empire had ever attempted to mount such a campaign across the Ak-Dynghez. Ethnic Ibir cavalry and Narian camelry were reluctant sea travellers to say the least. Antalya never managed to push far inland, which was perhaps fortunate; at the 'Battle of the Standards', fought near Tamlki in 683, exhausted and outnumbered Antalyans narrowly avoided defeat and annihilation by the army of Ibrahem Sayyad, eldest son and heir to ihb-Madahren Jammen; a battle won by Antalyan firepower and discipline. But such events were rare. Hadarassian armies formed up and melted away as needed; their desert cavalry was relentless in harassing and cutting supply routes.

The Fall of Kzame - Arzamber - Barostian League

Kzame's original borders lost any meaning - the Antalyans took the fight beyond Kzame, daring to round the southern tip of Africa; the island of Nysar was captured temporarily; the mainland city of Timbu was bombarded and raided, to the shock and outrage of the Hadarassians, whose small fleet fought back with surprising success under Admiral Narak Knza, formerly of Kzame. By 685 the Antalyans were fully occupied supporting the besieged cities and fortresses along the western coast, with food shortages, outbreaks of disease and deteriorating social order in the larger cities; yet superior Antalyan artillery, from land and ship, kept supply lines open. Archers and war elephants were of little use against Antalyan strongholds; the capture of al-Kai'ad in the north was the only real success for the Kaliate. This was encouraging in many ways - some in Antalya dared to imagine a huge modern fleet, supporting a Rationalist colonial empire with fortified ports all across the world.

As the fighting went on, different parts of the expanding Kaliate suffered droughts, floods and plagues; the aristocracy and the Theosist priesthood distributed just enough food to prevent mass starvation - it was disease that ultimately claimed millions of lives. Still Hadarass was united in war against the Rationalists; a renewal of Theosist fervour was evident from the rebuilding and restoration of old Ihalis across the Kaliate. The only rumblings of real dissent came from the cautious reappearance of Ismailism in the south, and from ethnic-tribal tensions in the north-east. The Kaliate was however unfortunate in losing some of its best generals in the fighting from 680 onwards. Some of the survivors were perhaps gaining too much power and influence - in the north, the successful general Alahim Darhmn established a protectorate centred on al-Kai'ad, with a strong Tamil element; general Salim al'Hadn formed a protectorate in the south. As their ruler ihb-Madahren Jammen gradually succumbed to old age and illness, and with his eldest son Ibrahem stained by defeat, there seemed to be a real danger of fragmentation.

There was no formal peace; Kzame was reduced to the Ak-Dynghez islands of Sawa and Amil, becoming an Antalyan puppet by necessity, while the mainland territories were now under foreign military control one way or another. Many of Kzame's former elite fled overseas - some to Antalya, some going as far as Pangari or the Thulean lands. Ongoing drought and mutual pillaging displaced much of the inland population towards the river cities of the Kaliate. Kzame's isolated eastern and southern territories surrendered to the Hadarassians without a fight; they came to be ruled from al-Huan, a city granted freedom under the rule of pro-Hadarian nobles, rumoured to have ambitions of invading the unstable Tarrist kingdom of Tanyis; al-Huan's trade with the Thuleans and Sung was maintained, under agreement to keep Taoist and Ultimist influence out of the Kaliate proper. This left the Theosist outpost of Arzamber all alone in the Euris Ocean, under blatant threat from the Barostians; the island's rulers sent delegations both to the Kaliate and the Ceinurissian Aonsaise, seeking any kind of support.

Segah - The Barostian League - Oyrx - Kaliate of Hadarass

Segah was hit by severe drought from 680 onwards, turning already-arid land into hostile desert. Segu tribes went raiding across the borders; the Barostian cities of Phaos and Caedph were briefly besieged, with the surrounding countryside ransacked, and religious issues stirred up; the Oryxians were forced to divert reserves southwards to defend Tarsis. King Guru IV tried to reign in the raiders, eager to avoid war with the Kaliate in particular, but was undermined and finally ousted from the capitol Kaisir in 684; his attempts to regain the Segah throne with the aid of Thulean mercenaries - including some Asturian veterans from the Tuscan wars - stalled at the town of Emaru; control of the central gold mines was contested, although there was no longer enough manpower to work them. Peculiar sects of Theosim and Ismailism predominated, influenced by the old Umidian pantheon and ancient African mysticism; this was another excuse for the Hadarassians to shift up from the south, claiming all ethnic Koan land for the Kaliate. Kaisir was abandoned to the desert; the old Umidian city of Pithas became the capitol of the Segu Magah dynasty, rivals of Guru IV in Emaru. Neither of these splinter-states looked secure; at least half the former Segu population had now fled elsewhere, many settling in Haman on the condition of adopting Ismailism.

Rationalism - Antalya

Even inside Antalya's borders, Rationalism was merging with older philosophies, sometimes mutating beyond recognition; the movement showed different faces to the wider world, some of them at odds with each other. The magnificent Golden Conclave was perhaps intended to be an anchor, a means of standardising what Rationalism meant; but beneath the great dome itself, a bitter dispute began, starting in 678 and dragging on for years - influential figures were more concerned about the integrity of their cause, fearing that it was becoming little more than an imperial cult, a propaganda tool in the hands of the Bazilevs and the military, forsaking the core values of openness and awareness; a slow decline that had really begun two centuries earlier, during the bloody birth of modern Antalya. The Golden Conclave of Agre may have been built by Demetyr I, but now it dared to demand independence from the apparatus of imperial power, as a foundation to the renewal of universal Rationalism in pursuit of personal truth.

It may not have been coincidence that the Bazilev chose to commemorate his 30th year on the throne in Altyn Sarai, rousing his people to war in 'defence' of Rationalism with a grand state spectacle held in 682, one that gave little hint of other problems in Antalya: droughts and floods were disrupting agriculture, displacing countless thousands to the already-overcrowded cities were Municipal Guards struggled to maintain order - there were ultimately several million victims of starvation and disease; the remnants of feudal privilege were at odds with ideas of 'progress', especially among the obstinate aristocracy of the north-west; writers and poets decried the sorry state of Antalyak, an expanse of poisonous slums that was supposed to be the third great city of the empire; the makers of armaments prospered, and new markets were opened, but the already-stretched imperial treasury was well on the way to bankruptcy as a result of expensive foreign wars; fears of plots by Phosist terrorists and Mycenaean cultists forced the rapidly-aging Bazilevs to move around in secrecy - his most unseen and ruthless servants were kept busy, especially in the bloody and restless streets of Mycenae itself.

But there was no doubting the intellectual energy of the empire; with the decline of Tusca and Kzame - and the absorption of many of their scholars and academic works - and with the more mercantile orientation of the Thuleans, there was nothing outside of Asia to match the academic culture now established in the urban centres of the south and east. The Rationalist pursuit of 'truth' encouraged progress in almost all fields - human anatomy was better understood; the effects of electricity and magnetism were better documented; atomic elements were beginning to be understood and isolated, building upon earlier Kzamian works - which were themselves built upon the philosophy and mathematics of old Saruk, not that this was emphasised by the Antalyans.

Rationalism - Rytarrian Empire - Gaiyvaria

Some would say the Rytarrian Empire of the age was still searching for its identity - the Tianese hesitant about dissolving into a melting-pot of the western world, while the old Ulak, Tarkan, Ibir, Karthir and Avar traditions struggled for a place in the future. Khaizar Tovaul III renewed his interest in new technology; new bridges spanned the Tiepe river, while primitive steam boats scurried along beneath them, as they did in the waterways of Antalya; by 687 a primitive railway stretched across the plains from Aral Tiyu to Tarai, something hailed as a sign of progress by the elite but regarded as a useless abomination by the old guard. Yet there wasn't the intellectual culture or the spirit of enterprise seen elsewhere - rather, the Khaizar's taxes supported colonies of foreign engineers and metal workers from Vancuissi, Panga and Antalya; a climate of fear descended as prominent Phosists and pro-Videssian nobles began to disappear or suffer 'accidents'. The Kaizar was accused of conspiring with his foreign friends to impose a new Rationalist order - and accused of breaking the old ties with Videssos at the time of its greatest need. Meanwhile the Rayamese continued to make their opposition of Rytarrian domination known; the seeds of rebellion were well and truly sown across the empire when a series of droughts and trade collapses began in the early 680's.

During the greatest drought in 682, even the centuries-old irrigation system around Altin Tiepe and Aral Tiyu began to break down, by which time most of the north and east were already starving. Ethnic Tianese settlers had been moved into the enclaves of other cultures as part of imperial reforms - they were an obvious target, and easily blamed for stealing the best land; some nobles from the old cultures dared to voice their many grievances within the Yutyr, but events in the far-flung provinces moved faster than the political wrangling in the capitol. The western Ibir rose first against the Tianese, quickly going far beyond the normal pattern of disobedience. Massacres were committed on both sides; when Tianese generals sided with the rebels - either devout Phosists, or political opportunists, or both - the empire was facing real civil war. A great rebel army soon grew too large for the dust bowl of Manulan; swelling with the hope of rekindling old steppe lifestyles and safeguarding Phosism, and already planning a campaign to assist Videssos after dethroning the Khaizar, it was unexpectedly and crushingly defeated by the loyalist general Sardukyn in a spectacular and horrifying series of cavalry battles around the city of Tarai. The other side of the ethnic divides showed itself - some steppe factions sought to gain the Khaizar's favour through displays of loyalty, even to the point of becoming more dependable than Tianese regulars. Sardukyn was himself of partly Ibir descent; he was able to crush many smaller rebel armies in the following years, earning a reputation as a great commander and politician, and positioning himself as an unofficial contender for succession.

No less than ten million people died from the fighting, famine and plagues; large areas of the Rytarrian Empire were virtually depopulated by 687, which was nonetheless beneficial for the reforms of Khaizar Tovaul 'the cruel'. The Yutyr had been purged of any dissenting nobles, arguably out of necessity; old steppe ways were now being eroded faster than ever, while ethnic divisions were being reduced to a symbol of honour within the Khaizar's army. But an empty treasury now encouraged armies and garrisons to enforce their own 'taxes'; the Khaizar refused to let his generals carve out feudal estates, leaving him with fear as the only tool with which he could inspire loyalty. Aside from the ethnic Ormashi tribes roaming the southern jungles around Mantu, only the Tarkan remained in rebellion - their ranks flooded with refugees from other failed uprisings. The expected Rayamese revolt failed to materialise - their resistance was organised but elusive, doing no more than make its presence known with small acts of defiance throughout the puppet state of Gaiyvaria and bordering regions that still considered themselves Rayamese; the sabotage of spice shipments to Rytarria was a favourite tactic. The Rytarrians responded with the usual massacres and mass overseas transportations to the forced labour villages of the Zeyris Guild - doing little to help its fortunes - but a new twist was the taking of child hostages to be indoctrinated as loyal and fanatical soldiers, a practice that began to extend to other areas of rebellion. Simmering anger remained beneath the surface of the pacified provinces.

Asian Serenity - Counter-Rationalism - United Empire - Pangari

Aside from small border conflicts, and regardless of grave disorders within their borders, the great powers of Asia had now been at peace with each other for over a century and a half. There were different schools of thought on this phenomenon: one was that the empires were now so well entrenched in the minds and cultures of Asia that they could never disappear, but each had grown too big to be able to expand any further, and so each was condemned to a constant cycle of minor rebellion and occasional civil wars - Antalya's adventures in the east were seen as a kind of natural re-adjustment of power, a prelude to a new status quo; another school of thought cited the stabilizing - some would say depressing - effect of Taoism and Orhadism. Perhaps surprisingly, it was traditionalists in Pangari that led the charge against Rationalism in Asia; a new generation of 'progressive', mainly Orhadist philosophers rebelled against the growing trend in Panga, dismissing Rationalism as an 'amateur philosopher's club' and praising the understated virtues of the ancient Asian philosophies; this cause was taken up with enthusiasm all across southern and central Asia; by 687 a renaissance of some kind - either Orhadist, Taoist, something altogether new - was shuffling into view.

The United Empire enjoyed its perceived position at the heart of this era of peace and - Asian - enlightenment. Although suffering a great deal of catastrophe within its borders after 680, it was no less conceited in observing the misfortunes of its neighbours. Atash Tajarak I died in 679, entrusting the Grand Canal project to his third son and chosen successor Taidhan II; the section connecting Otikash with the Oro rivers was a marvel in itself, but the ambitious attempt to cross the mountains to Gouranash was finally 'postponed' after a series of earthquakes, landslides and collapses - a giant tunnel section was left unused, a testament to both ingenuity and futility. In order to keep hold of his foreign engineers, Atash Taidhan commenced a great new project, the 'Sphere' of Oro, intended to be a greater monument than the Golden Conclave; work slowed to a crawl as the empire was forced to divert funds to famine and disaster relief. The Atash was partly undermined by a renewed fashion for pragmatism and austerity amongst the nobility; he continued with other reforms in academia and industry - managing to reduce the empire's reliance on foreign advisors - but by 687 the Sphere was still nothing more than a huge and mysterious pit in the middle of Oro.

Natural disasters were not unusual in the United Empire, but the bureaucracy struggled and failed to cope with simultaneous droughts, plagues and earthquakes; the empire's southern vassals also pleaded for assistance. The level of lake Oro dropped far enough to leave the pleasure marinas high and dry, and expose strange ruins on the lakebed which some claimed to be a lost outpost of ancient Altyn-Kanalat; by coincidence the only serious rebellion was that of the ethnic Baraki of the east coast - the governor of Sarbaralyk made the transition from bureaucrat to inspired demagogue, claimed descent from the semi-mythical Bazilev-Taralyk-Khanal and attempted to forge a new Barakyd-Altynai empire; this rebellion claimed at least one million lives, took five years to dismantle and provided ample experience in siege tactics and gunnery. Apocalyptic Oru cultists were another problem in the north around Manash, gaining many more converts as their vague prophecies apparently came true; the older Oruist-Orhadist warrior monasteries of the Orion mountains were both a liability and a source of stability. Atash Taidhan had already sent armies out on war games; their manoeuvres generally served to discourage rebellion elsewhere. Gyutshian had serious problems with Taej rebellions, but ethnic divides across the greater empire were not the same trigger for unrest as they were in Rytarria - previous empires had done the hard work in creating a kind of balance between different groups, and the current Ormashi establishment was careful not to push too hard for conformity. Nonetheless, countless villages and towns were abandoned to sickness and starvation, while the dead and dying piled up in the slums of the big cities; between 677 and 687 the combined population of the empire and its vassals declined by at least twenty million, and perhaps as much as fifty million - a trauma that worked its way deep into the mindset of the empire, and encouraged it to look outwards for new inspiration; by 687 a large naval expedition to assist Videssos under the terms of the 'Zeyris Triad' treaty was being considered.

Pangari - Pegu

Pangari was spared the worst of the droughts, but suffered severe winters leading to frequent floods; in 683 large parts of Panga city were inundated by a rising river, and a years worth of crops were flooded in the surrounding valley; deadly outbreaks of disease followed. The newly impoverished and homeless masses were easily seduced towards radicalism of one kind or another. The slow-but-steady growth of a Rationalist, industrial, entrepreneuring element only served to highlight the dysfunction of the ancient Science Houses - the Pangari equivalent of feudal dynasties, which still had their tendrils in almost every aspect of daily life and wielded great influence; Atash Taidhan II was adopting a similar - although more restrained - system for the United Empire. Taoist and Orhadist critiques of Rationalism were of course sponsored by the Science Houses; thus the unfinished Diamond Conclave, having been filled with stinking mud from the floods, was now the site of battles between rival mobs and militias - the enlightened progressives against those trying to prevent an evil Rationalist conspiracy from taking over. The increasingly-inept Pangari army did nothing, paralysed by its own divided loyalties and kept occupied by signs of trouble on the borders; the infiltration of Sung rebels and exiles after 683 only caused further upset.

But while the stricken city of Panga lurched into anarchy, Pangari as a whole could not quite motivate itself for a civil war; the mid 680's saw the rise of Sega Teka-Kuru as head of the Ri-Panga, with an agenda of minimal reform; a precarious balance was reached that didn't really suit anyone aside from the fact that peace continued. The Science Houses maintained most of their powers and privileges, while the new industrialists fought to expand their business and the counter-Rationalists gradually separated into a volatile third faction. In the far south, the ethnic Tonsung returned to their traditional lifestyle as severe weather pushed Panganised populations northwards, and issues of dominion were raised again; it was a similar story across the southern islands, with the added excitement of strange, giant cold-water creatures that were being encountered by Pangari biologists for the first time. Meanwhile the trans-Zeyris merchant families suffered from a decline in trade, and struggled to fend off encroachment by Aonsaisei, Vancuissi and Ormashi traders into the markets of Pegu, where the conflict between traditionalists and industrialists was mirrored on a smaller scale. In 687 and amidst great controversy, the great dome of the Diamond Conclave of Panga was finally opened for use; work on an adjacent spire was still ongoing - pending additional funding from industrialist sponsors - but Pangan Rationalists already had their own monument that rivalled the Golden Conclave in elegance, if not in size.
 
War in Qi Taej - Tyansua - Sung Taej - United Empire

The lasting fragmentation of the Taej seemed to disprove the theory that the ancient monoliths of Asia were indestructible - a third of the former Taej empire remained under the overall authority of Otikash, and the modern Zheju 'emperors' who frolicked in the sumptuous environs of Tianzou Palace had nothing more than symbolic status outside the small state of Qi Taej; the erudite writers of the day either skimmed other this fact or assumed that Taej reunification was imminent and overdue. The kingdom of Sung Taej was the leading contender, yet both the Sung and the United Empire seemed content to avoid the whole precarious issue; the Sung were quick to back down regarding the recent border dispute with Gyutshian. In 679, the Taej kingdom of Tyansua took the initiative; King Jiajing personally led an army into Qi Taej, and after one decisive battle - a textbook engagement of muskets, pikes, cannon and cavalry - he was able to dethrone the last of the Zheju monarchs and lay claim to the whole Qi territory. This act would have been controversial enough, but when the core of Tianzou Palace was set ablaze and reduced to charred ruins - destroying many priceless artworks that had not already been 'retrieved' - there was a wave of outcry from neighbouring states. King Jiajing claimed with some credibility that the fire was an act of sabotage by Qi Taej loyalists, yet equally it served his ambitions to create a new and powerful Taej state free from the associations of the past - and thus more acceptable to the United Empire; the dying Atash Tajarak I sent threatening messages of disapproval, but these were not followed up by his successor. As for the Sung, a 'volunteer army' soon crossed into Qi territory to seek retribution for the crimes of King Jiajing, adding to disturbances already caused by failed harvests and starvation; Sung involvement may well have escalated were it not for the turmoil gripping their own country.

The Transcending Sphere - Sung Taej - Barostian League - Himutshakla

In 677, after years of argument, the Majestic Court of the Kingdom of Sung committed itself to the 'Great Splendid Transcending Sphere', a set of radical reforms put forward by Lord Han Weijin of Cheju. The government began to merge peasant farms into large estates and relocate the 'excess' population to the big cities, where they worked on government projects while waiting to be shipped out to the colonies. What began as a noble ideal of freeing the peasants from agricultural servitude was easily translated into other forms of exploitation, especially as various events began to eat away at the kingdom's finances. But there was surprisingly little unrest at first; the process was deliberately slow, and Taoist attitudes - especially prevalent in the south - served to discourage rebellion. Nonetheless, the displaced peasants faced poverty in the cities, and the overseas voyages were cramped and treacherous - the peasants soon missed their ancestral homelands; Rationalism, although a weak influence on the kingdom, was easily blamed for inspiring the upheaval; dissent steadily grew both at home and in the colonies. The first droughts in 680 exposed the fact that the new farming estates yielded much less than hoped; the benefits of using farming machinery - which was nothing new in Asia, though rarely practicable on small peasant farms - seemed to disappear amidst blatant greed, corruption and mismanagement. By 682 the Transcending Sphere had barely touched upon a third of the kingdom, yet it had created sprawling slums around the big cities and contributed to a severe food shortage as drought intensified; the same year saw flash floods in the east which combined with a freak storm surge to inundate the entire delta of the great Taejon river, killing around a million in both Onga and Sung territory. This was enough to spark the eastern Yutanese into rebellion, while noble Lady Yeoju - the wife of a prominent official who was imprisoned and later executed for his outspoken hostility towards the government - led a separate, home-grown peasant revolt around Iri Heju, demanding that King Haoming use his power to officially dispel the Transcending Sphere. Yet by this time Han Weijin had entrenched his influence; in 683 he led a movement to reform the reforms and to punish the worst examples of corruption.

Taej colonists also faced hard times across the southern seas; many of those who shipped out to Zura and Aeyu in 680 did not survive their first winter. The Sung government gained little return for its efforts - some colonies were abandoned to the cold; others expanded, but risked conflict with the Barostians and various natives; hunting and fishing grounds were not given up lightly. Valuable trade goods were a rarity, and the fortunes of Sung merchants were not helped by the war in southern Africa. And in the distant Himut lands, what had once been the extensive Sung settlement of Murazu was reduced to a extraneous territorial claim; even hunting and fishing declined until only a small subsistent population was left, barely distinguishable from the natives. Thousands of Taej transportees died in the cold, but some found a surprising welcome in the kingdom of Himutshakla - over the course of two centuries the Himut population had been decimated by foreign diseases and displaced from its ancestral lands, yet the kingdom felt vulnerable without a counter to the Barostians and Ormashi. And so the king of Himutshakla gained a Taej woman as his principle wife; by 687 his new capitol, Taiyuanha, was said to look much like old Murazu; Taej armaments were used to fend off encroachment by the ethnic-Darians of the Barostian League. Survival itself remained a struggle - the continent's giant marsupials were probably all hunted into extinction at this time.

Meanwhile, opposing armies campaigned across the Sung mainland while starvation and disease took hold. Some regions were almost unscathed, while others were littered with death and destruction. In 684 the rebel army of Lady Yeoju briefly laid siege to Ning Po itself; Sung loyalists used brutal methods to keep the capitol - with its vital ports and industrial quarter - under control until a large government army arrived, and the rebels splintered; Lady Yeoju was later killed in a skirmish near the Pangari border, but not before becoming a folk hero in the western territories. The small kingdom of Onga surprised the Sung government with its cooperative attitude, but by 687 the Yutanese rebels still had strongholds in the east - this situation threatened to spark off three-way ethnic war with the Gyuts. Still the Majestic Court persevered with the Transcending Sphere, generally supported by the urban elites; Lord Han made sure that even the most powerful figures of the kingdom were punishable for wrongdoings, but this opened cracks in his political support at the same time as the countryside remained full of hostility. Overall the Sung population had declined by at least ten million, perhaps more than twice that, with barely half a million moved overseas; King Haoming amazingly managed to avoid too many negative associations, which was either deliberate or because he was more interested in events across the borders; the upper classes, largely oblivious to the true suffering of the countryside, still clamoured for war with Tyansua and the restoration of some kind of Taej Empire - symbolic or otherwise.

Zhizhou - Pegu - Sung Taej

After 683, Zhizhou in South America became the main destination of Sung transportees; the 'degenerate' offshoot of the former Taej Empire now had just as many native and Pangari influences. The Sung had an obvious agenda to expand their influence; the ambassador from Pegu was dissuasive, but King Hui-Tan was under threat from rival family members; he and his court were willing to play along for now - the offer of marriage to Princess Liyang, younger sister of the King of Sung, was something that Hui-Tan could not refuse, and the Zhizhou court put on the greatest display of eccentric grandeur it could muster for the occasion. Thousands of Sung Taej settlers were moved deep inland, fortuitously escaping several disastrous floods along the main river and establishing farms that became vital for the whole country; the borders were secured in the north, and order prevailed so long as the conquered ethnic-Arkat natives did not find a champion for revolt. Pegu was stirred to strengthen its western outpost at Zanilo; Sung attempts to gain greater share of trade in Kulo and Oluhanik were not appreciated by the Thulean or Pangari spheres.

Politik Map 687



Terrain Map 687



Notes:

Semicolons are awesome and I have invented my own rules for using them!

The 'shroud' on the map is no more (no longer worth fiddling with each time :)) but the interior of North America should still be considered unknown to most. The 'average' extent of ice is shown, it may be much less or more than that on any given season. And 'uncivilised tribes' now have names, the same font as nation titles except in yellow.

Seems I can't upload a PNG over 1 meg, either on photobucket or here on civfanatics, so I had to forgo the blended coolness.

Thankyou :salute:
 
OOC: I almost had a heart attack O__O
 
Present Daft, Present!! For Rytarria!! :D

BTW, do you know all the map functions have gone down on your other threads? :hmm:

And leave the Vancussi alone Iggy, self-determination is good!! Except for natives, who cares about natives :p
 
Self determination is good- pity that Vancuissi militia feel a constant need to assault Engui.

Oh well, it's not a huge deal, since they agreed that ethnic Pangans who are now living in Vancuissi have the rights of voting citizens.
 
Videssos is always ready for the return of Phos.
 
Which reminds me, someone needs to lure Josef back here. ;)

I don't know Thlayli, he seems to have upended himself for good. Too bad, but I'll be among the first here to advertise the Vancussi spot for all those interested in working with me to further the glory of North American development :D
 
I'll step in for any departed. CBA starting a tiny nation on such a developed map.
 
If Dis doesn't show up, I'd like to claim Ceinurissian Aonsaise if that is possible.:)
 
I'll step in for any departed. CBA starting a tiny nation on such a developed map.

Cool, you can be my wing-man in Vancussi then Abaddon, make sure to study up and feel free to ask me anything in terms of our respective nations dealings ;)
 
Present daft for the kill although I did not play this game :p
 
Josef has expressed some interest in returning as the Vancuissi, Daft. Maybe you should send him, dis, and jalapeno some PM's.

May be fun for the month or two before Daft gets bored again ;).
 
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