General News Regarding China & Hong Kong

More Semiconductors, Less Housing: China’s New Economic Plan​

Policymakers, wary of inciting reckless borrowing in real estate, are instead investing heavily in factories and trying to help indebted local governments.

China’s Stalling Economy

China’s political leaders, under pressure to support the country’s fragile recovery, are slowly steering the economy on a new course. No longer able to rely on real estate and local debt to drive growth, they are instead investing more heavily in manufacturing and increasing borrowing by the central government.

For the first time since 2005, when comparable record keeping in China began, banks controlled by the state have started a sustained reduction in real estate lending, data released last week showed. Enormous sums are instead being channeled to manufacturers, particularly in fast-growing industries like electric cars and semiconductors.

There are risks to the approach. China has a chronic oversupply of factories, well more than it needs for its domestic market. A greater emphasis on manufacturing will probably lead to more exports, an increase that could antagonize China’s trading partners. China’s extra lending also poses a challenge for the West, which is trying to foster extra investment in some of the same industries through legislation like the Biden administration’s Inflation Reduction Act.

The shift to manufacturing loans underlines Beijing’s reluctance to bail out China’s debt-burdened property market. Construction and housing account for about a quarter of the economy and are now suffering from steep declines in prices, sales and investment.

China’s investment push might stir more growth in the coming months, partly offsetting troubles in the housing sector. But more central government borrowing, as a replacement for local borrowing, will do little to defuse the long-term drag on growth caused by accumulating debt.

“I don’t think there is a problem for short-term development, but we have to be concerned about medium and long-term development,” Ding Shuang, the chief economist for China at Standard Chartered, said at a recent forum of Chinese economists and finance experts in Guangzhou. “It’s fair to say real estate is not at a floor.”

China’s housing crisis has its roots in four decades of debt-fueled speculation that drove prices to levels far above what could normally be justified by rents or household incomes. China’s policymakers triggered the sector’s recent decline by starting to rein in lending several years ago, and now are reluctant to rescue the sector by kicking off another binge of housing loans.

The government believed that China’s economy would snap back in 2023 after the country’s leaders lifted most “zero Covid” restrictions that quashed the economy last year. But after an initial burst of activity, growth lagged in the spring and summer. Vulnerabilities remain: Manufacturing activity stumbled again last month, after showing growth in August and September.

Last week, at a conference presided over by Xi Jinping, China’s top leader, Communist Party and government officials met in private to discuss finance policy. According to an official statement afterward, the conference ordered that more financial resources be channeled to advanced manufacturing industries, as well as assistance to local governments.

China has already built enough solar panel factories to supply the entire world’s needs. It has built enough auto factories to make every car sold in China, Europe and the United States. And by the end of 2024, China will have built in just five years as many petrochemical factories as all of those now running in Europe plus Japan and South Korea.

Economists at the recent gathering in Guangzhou, held by the International Finance Forum, a Chinese think tank, acknowledged that the country faced challenges not encountered since the years immediately after Mao’s death in 1976. But they predicted that big investments in new manufacturing technologies would pay off.

“Today we have comparable difficulties as 1978, so the question now is what will be the future of innovation-driven growth?” said Zhang Yansheng, a former senior official in the central government’s economic planning agency who is now at the China Center for International Economic Exchanges.

The China banking system’s switch from real estate loans to manufacturing started several years ago, Bert Hofman, the director of the East Asian Institute at the National University of Singapore, said at the Guangzhou event.

Before the pandemic, China’s banks were increasing their lending to real estate by more than $700 billion a year. In the 12 months through September, the total loans outstanding to real estate fell slightly. Banks lent less to developers, and households paid off old mortgages while taking out fewer new ones.

By comparison, net lending to industrial companies skyrocketed from $63 billion in the first nine months of 2019 to $680 billion in the first nine months of this year. That money has gone partly toward building a semiconductor industry that may allow China to wean itself from imports and bypass American export controls, as well as toward categories like electric car manufacturing and shipbuilding.

Many economists have expressed concern that throwing more money at manufacturing might not fix the broader economy. The real estate sector is still decaying and is so large that offsetting its troubles with growth in industries like car manufacturing, which is 6 to 7 percent of economic output, won’t be easy.

The factory construction splurge threatens to antagonize other countries: Much of the additional output is likely to be exported because many Chinese households have curtailed spending.

But the United States and the European Union have become less willing to accept further increases in their trade deficits with China. The European Union is already investigating the use of government subsidies by China’s electric vehicle industry, opening a new trade rift between Brussels and Beijing.

Aware of these risks, China is wooing developing countries. These countries still have sizable but often aging manufacturing sectors that provide an opening for exports from newly built, highly efficient factories in China. Many developing countries are struggling to renegotiate large debts owed to Beijing for infrastructure projects, which puts them in a weak position to raise tariffs on Chinese goods.

China’s factories have been gaining dominance for decades. The country’s share of global manufacturing has grown nearly five times, to 31 percent, since 2000, according to data from the United Nations Industrial Development Organization. The United States’ share has tumbled to 16 percent, while the share of developing countries not including China has stayed level at 19 percent.

Of course, one thing isn’t changing in China’s approach: its reliance on borrowing to fuel growth.

Officials have tried repeatedly for years to tame its debt addiction. Liu He, a vice premier, promised in a speech in 2018 that it would happen within three years.

Instead, local government debt has surged since 2020, reaching nearly $8 trillion last year, and the semi-independent borrowing units of local governments have accumulated trillions of dollars more in loans. China’s overall debt has ballooned until it is considerably larger, relative to the country’s economic output, than debt in the United States and many other developed countries.

Yao Yang, the director of the National School of Development at Peking University, said in September that debt control efforts had not succeeded. “Between 2014 and 2018, which should have been a window for defusing debt, the debt skyrocketed; the situation became worse after 2020,” he said in a speech. “This indicates that previous debt-defusing measures were ineffective and, in some cases, counterproductive.”

 
The Unfinished-Homes Problem In China Keeps Getting Bigger
BY REBECCA FENG AND CAO LI

China’s housing market has a big problem: millions of unfinished homes that were sold but not delivered.

Solving that is crucial for a recovery, but the problem keeps getting bigger. More property developers are defaulting on their debt and adding to the logjam of construction delays and stalled residential developments across the country. Potential home buyers have lost confidence in the housing market because they fear developers won’t be able to complete their projects. That sentiment created a vicious circle as falling new-home sales imperil more companies. Households that have been waiting for years for the apartments they paid for have become desperate for a resolution. People who are awaiting the delivery of their apartments are collectively the largest creditors of China’s real-estate companies. Before the downturn, developers presold apartments in scores of partially built high-rise developments and promised to deliver them in one to three years. The cash from presales was a major source of funding for developers—until the housing bubble began to deflate.

Chinese authorities told property developers—including financially stressed ones—that they need to give priority to completing and delivering the homes they presold. There isn’t an official tally of unfinished homes, but five of the country’s largest developers that failed to pay their offshore debt had about $266 billion in total contract liabilities as of June—a rough proxy for the value of homes they sold but have yet to deliver. That includes around $83 billion in contract liabilities at the property giant Country Garden, which defaulted on its international debt in October. The developer said recently that it delivered about 460,000 apartment units so far this year. Nomura’s chief China economist, Ting Lu, reckons there are around 20 million units of uncompleted and delayed presold homes across China. He estimated more than $440 billion would be needed to finish those homes and predicts Beijing will have to fill that funding gap.

The huge volume of undelivered apartments left many Chinese households in limbo. Last year, frustrated Chinese citizens who purchased partially built apartments from China Evergrande Group and other struggling developers threatened to stop paying their mortgages after lengthy construction delays. In the ensuing months, China’s central government earmarked the equivalent of $48 billion in funding, through its policy banks and local governments, to help cash-strapped developers finish construction of projects they presold. On top of that, the country’s central bank said it would provide large commercial banks with up to $27 billion of interest-free funding if they made loans to developers for the same purpose. A large chunk of that money is sitting idle. Commercial banks had taken up only 3% of the zero-cost loans as of September, according to the People’s Bank of China’s latest quarterly update.

China’s Ministry of Housing and Urban-Rural Development, Ministry of Finance and other government agencies haven’t disclosed how much they have disbursed to fund the completion of homes. In August, the housing ministry said more than 1.65 million presold apartments had been completed and delivered one year after its “guarantee home delivery” initiative was launched, without saying how many remain unfinished. Executives at some distressed developers said they weren’t able to meet commercial banks’ lending criteria to obtain funding for their uncompleted projects. They also had difficulty getting loans from local governments and said the selection process for qualifying projects was opaque and varied from city to city.
“It all comes down to the banks’ aversion to risk,” said Bruce Pang, chief China economist at Jones Lang LaSalle. In some cases, banks told developers they would only grant loans if there was sufficient collateral in the projects to protect the lenders against defaults. Such collateral could include land and unsold apartments. At the same time, only residential projects that were largely presold and weren’t delivered on time would qualify for state aid. That often meant there wasn’t sufficient collateral to back a new loan for its construction, according to people working at developers and industry analysts.



Residents at an unfinished building in Tongchuan, China, cooked at a shared makeshift kitchen in September. TINGSHU WANG/ REUTERS

While extending loans to developers so they can complete homes has become a political imperative for state-owned banks, they still need to assess the risks associated with lending to unfinished projects and avoid losing money, according to analysts. “Without clear signs of a bottoming out in the sector, I think banks will tend to take a cautious view in facilitating home deliveries,” said Betty Wang, an ANZ economist.

The housing market’s downward spiral means the value of developers’ assets is falling, which affects how much they can borrow to finish construction of their projects, said Song Hongwei, a research director at Tongce Research Institute, which tracks and analyzes China’s real-estate market.
 
@Birdjaguar Nice article and lovely illustration picture :love:
The subtitle could be: "As long as there is food in your plate, you should not complain about the economy." :)

This is exactly what I am telling my cat everyday, except it does not understand a thing about economy and I have no idea what it is complaining about. :crazyeye:

In other words, the concept of kappatalism is intrinsically harmful (in China and everywhere else) because it forces us (humans) to either be a wolf (a cannibale) or a lamb offering its own flesh to the wolf's insatiable hunger. :sheep:
 
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Remember that Two Michaels debacle where Canadian and American governments were up in arms over the detention of two Canadians and that it's a retaliation to the arrest of that Huawei princess? It seems like they could actually be engaging in espionage for Canadian after all. It'd be interesting if that' true as it would be put into question on a lot of the government and media narratives that occurred during that time.

 
There is a possibility both sides are bad!

;)
 
China’s Corruption Purge Paralyzes Party
Millions punished as Chinese leader uses Mao’s ‘continuous revolution’ idea
BY CHUN HAN WONG

Chinese rulers have long used campaigns against corruption to sideline rivals and consolidate power. Xi Jinping is increasingly tying his authority to a new variation: a purge that never ends. With echoes of Mao Zedong’s “continuous revolution,” Xi has sent fear rippling through the ranks of the Communist Party for more than a decade with the largest campaign against corruption in modern Chinese history. It is now threatening to petrify the party as it tries to steer the world’s second-largest economy through its greatest period of uncertainty in a generation.

Since he came to power in 2012, party enforcers have punished roughly five million people for offenses as serious as abuse of power and as innocuous as creating excessive red tape. In 2023 alone, the unrelenting campaign swept through the worlds of finance, food, healthcare, semiconductors and sports—taking down scores of senior officials, bankers, hospital directors and even soccer administrators. China’s foreign and defense ministers went missing in the summer before being abruptly removed from their posts, leading to suspicions that they, too, have been purged. Beijing’s recent ouster of a dozen senior military and defense-industry officials from the national legislature and a government advisory body have fueled speculation about a broader shake-up of the country’s military establishment.

There is no end in sight. The Chinese leader recently outlined his plans for how the campaign would proceed in the next few years and has even targeted the very agency tasked with carrying it out. Critics of Xi say the campaign’s extension into a second decade is a result of his refusal to accept structural changes and greater transparency that are necessary for cleaner governance. The Chinese leader has instead cast the blame on the moral failings of individuals, while doubling down on his centralized and opaque style of governance, according to a Wall Street Journal analysis of Xi’s remarks, party directives and official data. Only a continual cleansing can ensure the party remains potent and pure, he has argued. “Battling corruption is the most thorough form of self-revolution,” Xi said days before starting his third term as party chief in October 2022. “As long as the soil and conditions conducive for corruption continue to exist, the fight against corruption can’t cease for a moment.”

Such an assertion clears the way for Xi to use disciplinary purges indefinitely as a way to enforce fealty, through fear, to himself and his vision. “In China, campaigns are supposed to be an intense but short burst of enforcement,” said Yuen Yuen Ang, a political science professor at Johns Hopkins University. “Xi has invented a paradoxical policy tool: a perpetual campaign.” While the forever purge buttresses Xi’s authority, it also has instilled a constant apprehension and reluctance to act decisively among party members as challenges mount. The economy is struggling to shake its Covid hangover. Youth unemployment has skyrocketed, and the property market and consumer sentiment have tanked. Meanwhile, debt is piling up and foreign investors are increasingly turning their backs on the Chinese market.

In the early years of the campaign, many officials saw it as a longer and more ambitious version of previous efforts. Roughly 180,000 people were disciplined for infractions in 2013, a number that climbed to some 621,000 in 2018, the year Xi proclaimed a “crushing victory” over corruption. Official data show at least half a million people being disciplined every year since 2017—around four times as many as were typically punished annually when Xi’s predecessor held power from 2002 to 2012. By some measures, corruption has indeed fallen under Xi. Berlin-based advocacy group Transparency International ranked China 65th in its 2022 index on perceptions of public-sector corruption in 180 countries and territories, an improvement from 80th out of 176 jurisdictions in 2012, the year Xi took power.
A survey published in 2020 by Harvard University’s Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation found that the proportion of Chinese citizens who saw officials as being generally “clean” rose to more than 65% in 2016 from roughly 35% in 2011.

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Chinese President Xi Jinping, in Beijing recently, has outlined plans for how his anticorruption campaign would proceed. SHEN HONG/ XINHUA/ ZUMA PRESS

There are other indications, however, that Xi hasn’t curbed corruption so much as pushed it deeper into the shadows. The new five-year plan for fighting graft released in September pledges to curb new and hidden forms of corruption where officials use murky corporate structures and “revolving doors” between the public and private sectors to seek illicit gains. A recent case involving Zhang Jing, a former local official in southwestern China, shows corruption has remained insidious and persistent. Zhang’s offenses date to the early 2000s, when as a township party chief, he started accepting “red envelopes” of cash from entrepreneurs and friends in return for providing inside information, according to an official account.

Investigations involving more visible forms of corruption have fallen in recent years, according to official data. People punished for dining on public money dropped to around 9,300 in 2022 from 13,600 in 2018, and those disciplined for holding lavish events slipped below 3,000 from 7,000 over the same period. Meanwhile, the number of people disciplined for improper giving and receiving of gifts—a more hidden form of graft—have steadily climbed, rising to 23,000 in 2022 from about 6,800 in 2015.
 
Nice article @Birdjaguar

So the Xi guy is applying the best political recipe (the only recipe) of his idol the Mao guy. (purge, purge, purge)
And it works! Forever stay in power :woohoo:

Apart from that, I think the "party paralysis" concept is mostly speculation / wishful thinking.
 
Boris Yeltsin said you can build a throne out of bayonets but you can’t sit on it for very long. Xi can command all the political power he wants, but that doesn’t mean the little red arrows on GDP will point up.
 
Boris Yeltsin said you can build a throne out of bayonets but you can’t sit on it for very long. Xi can command all the political power he wants, but that doesn’t mean the little red arrows on GDP will point up.
Please check your facts. This is embarrassing :o

Edit: To clarify my answer: China GDP keeps on rising (estimates for 2023 are around 5%) so... "the little red arrow keeps pointing up" :lol:
Spoiler recent years as per wikipedia :
 
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Please check your facts. This is embarrassing :o
I'm not making a statement of fact about their GDP now. The potential for disaster lies in the future, where there are few if any checks and correcting measures remaining in the system.

edit: p.s. thanks for answering my PM regarding clarification
 
I'm not making a statement of fact about their GDP now. The potential for disaster lies in the future, where there are few if any checks and correcting measures remaining in the system.

edit: p.s. thanks for answering my PM regarding clarification

That and Chihese data may not be that accurate.
 
Thank you both for illustrating perfectly the concept of "wishful thinking"
- potential for disaster in the future
- data may not be accurate
:lol:
 
it's hard to be optimistic about long term gdp growth when population is nearly guaranteed to contract at a scale only seen in history very rarely over the course of a few decades.

accurate financial reporting isn't something i'd bet on from china too.

population shrinking won't just be a problem in china, it's an issue in much of the modern world. but china is way up there in terms of nations that will be particularly hammered by it.
 
Immigration is one way to offset it though. China is unlikely to want a lot of foreigners moving in nor are there a lot of foreigners wanting to move to China. Language is a huge barrier.
 
anti-Capitalists should take notice that it was Napoleon who said you can do a lot of things with a bayonet except sitting on it or multiples of it but it was probably a time when Yeltsin was popular enough to get a star in Honor Harrington's Honorverse and plus whatever about the Game of Thrones or something . Like it is ages Ameticans are doing more profitable than mere bayonets afterall .
 
Now is a really good period for giving wishes.
@TheMeInTeam wishes "China gets hammered by it".
Happy new year bro! Best of luck to you and your family!
 
Thank you both for illustrating perfectly the concept of "wishful thinking"
- potential for disaster in the future
- data may not be accurate
:lol:
The data problem is also a legitimate one. People respond to incentives, and if you put in a system that rewards political loyalty above all else, you will get lots of political loyalty.

That is the basis for my pessimism. That and the times it has happened before. However, it is possible to fix these problems but I have doubts Xi will be the one to do it since he is instigating so many of them.
 
I just threw some rat bones and they said China is overdue for a meteor strike and it might hit their biggest city, that’s really gonna screw them.
 
somewhere in magnificient trip Gavin Menzies had in claiming for contrary reasons that Zheng He discovered America and whatnot there has to be a section that says a meteor destroyed the Chinese fleet off Australia . So , like "proper" Americans around will fail to see allegation above as sarcasm or anything .
 
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