Under Trump, neutrality has become a difficult position for any individual or institution to maintain. Everyone is expected to take a side
. Even attempts to articulate safe, bipartisan points of consensus run afoul of tribal suspicions. Journalists who serve up anodyne platitudes about a free press suddenly seem like militant anti-Trumpers, while commonsense pleas from no less than Barack Obama not to ignore someone’s ideas solely on the basis of his race or sex are mocked as wrongheaded or naive. Where the early internet, with its blogs and comments, had put pressure on the mainstream media, social media have amplified that pressure many times over—with Twitter enticing officially neutral reporters into staking out positions, voiced with sarcasm, snark or notes of partisanship that would be verboten in the news pages. No sooner does someone try to set up a new kind of neutral arbiter—like the invaluable fact-checking sites PolitiFact and FactCheck.org—than that, too, comes under fire for bias, as these sites have from the right. PolitiFact founder Bill Adair is trying to create an automated tool that conservatives will accept as neutral—though allegations that Facebook’s algorithms are politically skewed suggest that
not even a computer program can attain that holy status anymore.
On campuses, departments now offer courses in “social justice,” which usually means the advocacy of left-wing politics, and university presidents feel pressure to take liberal political stands. Republicans
no longer consider universities forces for good. In law, opposition is growing to widely respected concepts like viewpoint-neutrality—the idea that the government can’t punish speech based on its content. Even legal scholars on the left, as the
New York Times’ Adam Liptak wrote, “have traded an absolutist commitment to free speech for one sensitive to the harms it can inflict.”
The First Amendment, in some eyes, isn’t really neutral anymore.
The demise of neutrality lies behind the dominant political problems of our age. It is responsible for all the chatter about a “post-truth society” that we have heard lately. Truth still exists, of course, but agreement on the truth feels more elusive than it has in a long time.
That spells danger for democracy, which depends on constructive argument and deliberation. Without trusted sources of information or respected vehicles of settling differences, there is only partisan argument and the triumph of the powerful.