The German Federalist Alliance: Strategic Military Review - 1937
Recent fighting record: Araguina Offensive (May-July 1932, Brazilian Civil War, low-scale
Sudamerika Volunteer Corps action), Operation “Graf von Spree” (Fall 1933, police action in Bohemia), Operation “Boiorix” (March-May 1934, Trieste Pact War, failed ambitious offensive in Slovenia), Operation “Teutobod” (August-September 1934, Trieste Pact War, successful invasion of Croatia and Bosnia), Battle of Genoa (April-June, September-November 1935, , Trieste Pact War, unsuccessful part of Operation “Alaric”

, Treviso-Padua Offensive (May-September 1935, Trieste Pact War, limitedly successful part of Operation “Alaric”

, Trento Pocket (July-early September 1936, Trieste Pact War, early success of Operation “Theodoric”

, Genoa-Milan Encirclement (October 1936, Trieste Pact War, mop-up action within Operation “Theodoric”

, Storm of Firenze (November-early December 1936, Trieste Pact War, final stage of Operation “Theodoric”

, Arezzo-Perugia Offensive (April-June 1937, Trieste Pact War, opening breakthrough of Operation “Theodemir”

, Battle of Central Apennines (May-June 1937, Trieste Pact War, support action of Operation “Theodemir”

, Battle of Rome (July-August 1937, Trieste Pact War, key part of Operation “Odoacer”

, Bremen Counter-Offensive (October 1937, SocIntern-British Commonwealth War, defense of Bremen).
Historical reference: The GFA’s
Bundezmacht is considered by many to be the core of contemporary East-German statehood. Even despite most recent attempts to delegate many responsibilities to civil branches of the government and increasing influence of Fortschrittist intellectual elite in Federalist politics, the military has retained its grasp on the key issues of the state, and is acting at least as a gatekeeper and a warden of existing East-German regime. This military-centric model of government defined the development of
Bundezmacht in the late 1920s-early 1930s. While not being able to compare with the Ruhr and other members of the Socialist Internationale in economic power, the GFA did its best to preserve its superiority in military quality, viewing its state-of-the-art land forces and ever-developing military aviation as invaluable assets of diplomatic projection. Chairman-General Reyher’s desire to preserve historic continuity of military command forced the Federalist regime to keep talented old regime officers off limits of socialist purist advocates. Perhaps, unintentionally, this, in turn, created a dynamic, meritocratic environment in which political, ideological, and, eventually, intellectual mavericks were allowed to hold their position and push the military forward to new advances in theory and applied practice of modern warfare.
First attempts in experimentation with modern theory of combined arms combat came, surprisingly, not as a government-driven effort, but as a quasi-private initiative. The
Sudamerika Volunteer Corps was a shadow paramilitary force, sponsored by East-German industrialists and socialist enthusiasts and deployed tacitly to fight for the Democratic Republic of Brazil in local Civil War. It was
Sudamerikakorps’ offensive operations in Para that effectively ended Imperial Brazilian hopes to control the countryside. Despite the rag-tag quality of equipment, the
Sudamerikakorps action in Brazil gave the first real-life feedback on modern applications of combined arms warfare, and majority of the most prominent theoreticians of
Vernichtungsschlacht doctrine were ex-members of that short-living volunteer mission. Subsequent reforms of the air force and its support infrastructure (expanded air fields, radio towers, improved hangars, expanded flying schools), combined with establishment of token synthetic oil and rubber industry, signaled gradual preparation of the GFA industry to support a new type of military force; a force that wouldn’t see combat against an equal, modern military opponent until the beginning of the Trieste Pact War following the “Pacification” of Austria-Bohemia. However, as it often happens in such ambitious enterprises, the first try turned into a fluke: East-German swing offensive through Slovenia managed to achieve only limited, short-term objectives and failed to penetrate into Italy. Subsequent two years of bloody fighting, however, were beneficial for
Bundezmacht grasp on their revolutionary theory of mechanized war of maneuver. The Italians turned out to be great “sparring partners,” fielding a modern, diverse, well-put-together force that could teach East-Germans a lesson or two in air and tank battles. Summer campaigns of 1936-1937, however, finalized the adoption of the “battle of annihilation” doctrine by the GFA military. Utilizing keen exploitation of breakthroughs and pincer movements, the East Germans proved once and again that their strategic and operational concept was as good in theory as it was in practice. Now, that the GFA is mobilizing its fighting capacity for a war with a dangerous foe – the Black&Tan Britain, - its doctrinal concepts are once again required to pass a test against a much more formidable opponent. There’s no doubt, more lessons are waiting to be learned in that struggle.
Overview as of winter 1937: One unquestionable parameter that defines
Bundezmacht as a unique fighting force is its unprecedented maneuverability. In the time when evolution of war machines has taken the majority of standing armies toward higher lethality of weapons, the paradigm of the
Vernichtungschlacht doctrine forced the East-German military to evolve their mechanized units toward greater mobility. That was achieved, of course, not as much through mechanical improvements (after all, there are objective limitations to how fast a 20-ton war machine can move on a modern chassis), but rather through a complete overhaul of hierarchy of command and order of battle. First of all, East-Germans completely abandoned the concept of an infantry-support tank with its short-barrel ordnance cannon. Instead of supporting slowly-moving infantry in its assaults, tank units were formed into separate, tighter formations, combined with self-propelled artillery and large numbers of trucks, tractors, and other support vehicles. Each of these formations had at least a regiment of motorized infantry assigned to it, but tactical roles of infantry and armor were changed: now the tanks were acting as key goal-achievers, and infantry was acting merely in support. Classic field infantry divisions didn’t disappear from the battlefield altogether, of course, but they now were required to advance after the spearheading armored and mechanized divisions, pinning down encircled pockets of enemy forces and gradually “digesting” them. In order to keep the pace of advance, they, too, were provided with plenty of logistical support; while not every division was fully motorized, trucks have become standard units of logistical support, and tractor-driven field artillery became a norm.
Roles of combat aviation also changed: no longer concentrated on pummeling enemy strongpoints with bombs, close air support planes and multi-role fighters were concentrated on tactical tasks of removing obstacles from the panzers’ avenues of advance. That coordination between armor, infantry, artillery, and air force required a qualitatively different approach to command integration. Combined arms detachments became key operational drivers, and coordination of inter-branch service was brought down from the HQ level to the level of divisions. To achieve this, wide use of radio-equipment, encryption, and other modern electronic tools was introduced into practice, with every other tank and airplane being upgraded with a radio transmitter-receiver by the end of 1937. These measures, however, proved to be limited compared to the excellent level of inter-branch coordination achieved by the Royal British Force, and while East-German generals tend to dismiss operational
élan of British generals, they have to currently admit they have been humbled by the perfect tactical support British land forces enjoy from their aviation and navy.
Lack of specialized support units of pioneers and fortress assault detachments also seems to be a gap in the current East-German doctrine. While recognizing the importance of mobile engineers in operational and tactical success, Federalist command failed to organize enough of effective pioneer units to meet the demands of its sizable military. More than once advancing East German infantry and even armor have been unable to effectively cross rivers under fire or penetrate well-entrenched or fortified positions of the enemy. It is argued that German air superiority in Italian campaigns is to blame for that, since a lot of such tactical challenges were simply resolved by calling in dive bombers. It is to be seen how the East German military will deal with this shortcoming.
Combat mentality of the Federalist troops seems to be another point of concern among the higher command. In the early days of testing and trying the
Vernichtungsschlacht doctrine (1934-1936), extreme independence of local tactical command was a cornerstone to effective operational execution. With radios being not always available, and with quick, intuitive decision-making being critical for exploitation of any sort of tactical success, East-German officers were given unparalleled freedom of command. It could be pointed out that such notion was a natural result of ideological and intellectual plurality that existed in the Federalist high command, which in the end trickled down even to the NCO level. However, as the latest campaign against the British army pointed out, such freedom of command had its side effects. More often than not, East-German officers were known to disengage from combat when they considered that continuous bloodshed could be too costly for their units with little tactical gain to show for it. As wise as such choices could at times look on the tactical level, they were often proven to be detrimental on the operational level, not always obvious for lower-ranking officers. If anything, the North-European campaign of fall-winter 1937 has exposed morale inferiority of the East-German military compared to the extreme resolve displayed both by the British and the Ruhr fighting forces (the latter fact especially humbling, since these were the GFA officers that supervised the officer reform in the Ruhr in 1936). While still a disciplined, well-organized standing army, the
Bundezmacht is yet to find a resolution for the conflict of command paradigms it is suffering from.