AFSNES II - Quintessence of Dust

I hope overall I'm approaching this NES the right way, both historical and fun for you guys. I think that although certain aspects of our early BT histories may seem derivative, as more and more time passes, the historical mutations will accumulate to a greater degree, to the point where we're looking at truly original cultures and geopolitical situations.

I just need to finish up CZ 3 stats, which will be done whenever I finish N3S orders. Everyone else should be good though.

videonfan and TMG can expect commentaries sometime tomorrow.
 
I might need a few extra hours but I'll be done by Sunday
 
I'm in the process of moving and the PC was already moved. I may be late but I'm only planning to kill of the Gedolm so I can't say I'm very important lol. And I can always migrate next bt...
 
I'm really sorry about this, but something unexpected came up precluding me from completing orders today. Is it alright if I send orders tomorrow?
 
Orders of consequence that come after the deadline will just delay the update. So yes, it's fine. :p

Given that the technical deadline has passed already and I've hardly received any completed submissions, I'm going to go ahead and extend the deadline to midnight Friday.

Obviously I'm disappointed, but evidently we need the extra time.
 
My charger broke I'm in a rough spot ok? :p
 
Jiang BT 2

Spoiler :
Detailed History:

The era from roughly 1500 BC to 1300 BC was known in the Jiang as the Third Great Darkness. While not as bad as the millennia long First Great Darkness, it was much greater than the generational long Second Great Darkness. The era was not completely without advancement, though as it suggests, Jiang society went through major upheavels that they were lucky to survive.

The first was the Cáifùi: the long awaited war between Jinzé and Xuzée starting around 1487 BC. A collapsed political wedding led to a grand alliance of the Sìdàgjūn: the four generals of the Xuze that would march on Jigon. Jigon offered absolute submission, which caused for the Sìdàgjūn to eventually collapse into a war between one another for influence across the Shēnlaú. A legendary tale of the account, Tears of Gold and Blood was written about the conflict by the monk known Tuan. Supposedly recording during the conflict, poor writing did not allow for the chronicle to be published until much later, and by then the tale had become greatly heroicized, such as the legendary duel between Zhi-Gao and Zhuxei, the two leaders of the conflict and the Lady Jian’s lamentful suicide after the death of her brother, though still a viable enough source for the conflict. What we do know is that the entire conflict was changing with a constant shift of alliances, betrayal, and the rise, fall, and rise again of the various players. At the end of 25 years of war, the Ma Clique and the Zhi Xuze could be said to have “won” the conflict by establishing control over the Shēnlaú and the Shāndì. Their hegemony would last until around 1430 BC, when the newly carved “empires” completely collapsed. The pieces were various Xuzé and Rénwùzé, and the complete collapse of the Jinzé, the Three Great Cities now husks of their former glory

It was a divided and war torn region that was ripe for conquerors, and the Qíyù tribe (As a note, it was not one single tribe, rather a group of tribes, though they were unified under one leade. This was the name of arrived in 1400 BC at the perfect place at the perfect time. Searching for lands to settle in, they arrived in Jiangzhou and saw a land that they would not merely live in; they saw a land they would rule while their subjects would labor under their yoke and give them the fruits of their labor. Their brilliant leader Zhìàndòu led the Qíyù people in their campaign with a quickness that surprised even the most optimistic. The Jiang were completely unable to unify in face of the Qíyù threat, and in some cases allied with them against a rival state. By 1388 BC, Zhìàndòu washed his sickle blade in the waters of the Tiānlaú.

Zhìàndòu established his rule with a rank and order in his new empire. He established estates for his loyal Qíyù lieutenants, and the best lands along the Shēnlaú were reserved for his many siblings, half siblings, children and other relatives. Each province was required to provide a set amount of taxes, either through crops, goods, or for the poorer provinces, laborers.

However, Zhìàndòu took an interest in his new subject’s culture. He regarded the idea of the Xuzé as the basis for future Qíyù society, and imagined long term a group of tightly knit communities of Qíyù that would make up large full time professional armies, supported by the labor of their Jiang subjects. He found little interest in the idea of the Jinzé, but did partake in some of their luxuries such as their fine silks.


Zhìàndòu died sometime around 1381 BC, and with the Qíyù still maintaining their tribal ideas of inheritance, there was little thought of someone inheriting the empire that Zhìàndòu had established. Instead, his holdings were parceled off, piece by piece to the various relatives, and then squabbled over. While before, the Qíyù would be fighting over a prized stallion belonging to their father by fighting in single combat (often only until submission or first blood), some of the Qíyù enjoyed their positions as rulers and instead sent armies to claim what they thought should be theirs.

The civil wars following the death of Zhìàndòu and the subsequent generations actually benefitted the Jiang greatly. Had the Qíyù stayed united and kept an active effort to promote themselves over the Jiang, the Jiang may very well have dissapeared as a subject race to the Qíyù. Instead, the Jiang formed the bulk of the Qíyù armies, Qíyù Rénwù would marry Jiang women, and their children would often marry another Jiang woman, and soon would be having Jiang children.

At 1300 BC, there is nothing resembling a centralized authority, and Jiangzhou is shattered into hundreds of fractitious warring states. The Qíyù as a culture has been completely assimilated into the Jiang, though their rulers, especially in the North and along the Shēnlaú, are all descended from the Qíyù. In the south, along the Tiānlaú, the Qíyù Rénwù were overthrown a generation after their conquest, and a new Xuzé was established. Throughout the Shāndì, a hybrid of Rénwùzé and Xuzé was created, where the Rénwù is advised by a council of his warriors. The Rénwùzé have, by the year 1300 BC, become too small to be divided any further, and instead have been consolidated into the control of a family. Though a Rénwù is still the holder of power, he is chosen by the family, and his power is dependent on keeping his family members supportive of him.

Generally the Rénwùzé are consolidated around a five sided fort made of mud or sometimes even wooden walls and control several small villages of Jiang farmers. For the most part, deurbanization occurred heavily in this timeline, though the rise of a few cities did occur.

Cultural Changes:

The Qíyù eagerly adopted the worship of the spirits, though some of their native gods found their way into the Jiang pantheon of spirits, most notably the three headed horse Sāmǎtóu, the spirit who held the domain of war. Also finding their way to the Jiang was the blue feathered hawk Fēbù, the wind spirit that carried tidings both ill and fortuitous, and Yúnto, the prankster cricket who would sing you a beautiful song. But then, his song would call upon the cloud spirit Fèn who would cause it to rain all over you. Yúnto and Fèn’s relationship was great fun for the former and anger for the latter, and seen with delight by the Jiang, who enjoyed the fun loving Yúnto. At the end of summer in peaceful times, children would gather crickets, and on the last summer sunset, they would release the crickets to call for a great rain in a festival known as Wǔbǎn

The Qíyù also brought the style of beards for the upper classes of society. Both warriors and rulers sought to grow beards, and many would style their beards. Jewelry from this era actually tends to be beard ornaments, such as a golden coil to style their beards in a certain way, as well as ornate beard combs.

The written script of the Jiang was far superior than that of the Qíyù, so that was implemented, though the Qíyù naming practice of one longer name instead of two smaller names was implemented among the ruling castes. The Qíyù style was included in other words, where instead of breaking a description of something into multiple words, it would be condensed into one. In the old Jiang style, Large Black rooster would be Du Hēi Gjī, though under the Qíyù, the word became Duhēgjī.

Geographic Stuff: The Shāndì-OTL Loess Plateau. The Zhǎfǎng-Otl Central Plain. The Yi River- Gǒlaú.
Luo River-Zhenlaú. Shēngǒ-Major city on the Gǒlaú. The Yi-Luo River Basin-Gailén.
 
Gwonsaum:

Detailed History:
Megshekemate of Tusendakru:
The great city of Tusendakru is led by Megshekem Illyro, a man remembered as one who would change the dynamics of power within the Gwonsaum, and even outside it. It was said that Illyro wore a bronze crown given to him by Migwon himself, a crown forged in the cold fires of the Mawr Ansa itself, which let him call upon a seven thousand minor Ensha. It was known that Illyro was visited regularly by the Ensha Jen, and that his pet, the Pirgwon Herm, was a direct descendant of Migwon. It was even whispered that Uraga, angered by the boasting of Migwon in Illyro, came to visit on the backs of a storm, and left cowed and fearful. At any rate, Illyro, in his time, was one of the more influential figures in Gwonsaum Society, if not the fertile crescent, and he did much to prevent the fall of the Gwonsaum City-states to their more aggressive neighbors, even giving his name to the few centuries of Gwonsaum ascendance.

One of the key parts of his plan was an effort to placate the Kakshi of the north. Sending the most beautiful of his many daughters to the younger prince Argdis, Illyro sought to create from the otherwise hostile north a friendly neighbor. As such, with his daughter, he sent a retinue bearing many gifts, not least being a breeding population of Pirgwon (The first established outside of a Gwonsaum city, so that his daughter “may feel more at home.” In addition, he pledged the support of the military of Tusendakru to the beleaguered prince. When the prince called upon this pledge, Illyro sent 24 thousand men to fight for the prince.

Not waiting for confirmation that his overtures of friendship had been accepted, he sent letters to the other city-states, calling them to action. For too long, he argued, the foul Ensha Hegel she who appears beautiful but is infact rotting, her children Trolk of the bloody member and Reean the thrice-drowned, and their foul retinue had fed on the good people of the Tshufrel, and now it is time to free them. He even sent a letter to Shuhai, knowing of the enmity between that city and the Tshufrel, though it is unknown if they sent troops.

Those armies that he assembled met at the city of Jen before marching on the disunited Morai. The Renah of the conquered Tshufrel were allowed to renounce their foul masters, those who refused were put to the sword, while those that did remained as rulers of their Morah, and were rewarded with the morah of princes who refused. Sparse records seem to indicate a system of “Gifts” to the city of Tusendakru by all conquered Morai. Additionally, it seems that Illyro assigned trusted Shekem to many of the Morai conquered, either as direct administrators or advisors to Renah, who immediately began raising up and training Tshufrel shekem, making the Tshufrel more and more like the Gwonsaum, all the while giving Tusendakru access to the sea and the trade that that provides. Supposedly, Illyro had the city of Thabor razed to the ground, declaring it “the nesting ground of those who would enslave humanity to their sickening ways.” While the other city-states of The Gwonsaum remained independant, most sought to align themselves with the clearly Ensha-blessed Illyro.

Throughout his life, Illyro continued to send regular gifts and letters to the Krek of the Kaksi. Some believe that Illyro’s expansionist attitude was in part to feed the tribute that would keep the Kaksi from invading the Gwonsaum.

Illyro’s last act before his death was to order the founding of the city of Purtmawr, on the coast of the Megmawr, giving Tusendakru certain access to the sea (Some sources places this city directly on the ruins of Thabor.)

While all of Illyro’s plans could have collapsed upon his death, and his shekemate consigned to oblivion and the predation of rivals, he was succeeded by his daughter Resheca, who herself was a renowned shekem, known to have singlehandedly placated Plu, an Ensha of the rains, and ended the drought he had spread over the land. While not so expansionist as her father, Resheca, sought to bring wealth and glory to the domain ruled from Tusendakru. While it can be argued that Illyro was one of the first to wield the power of the Megkrekshekem, Resheca is the one who was given the title by the Shekems of Tusendakru on her thirty-fifth birthday. Though she continued her father’s policy of sending gifts to the Kaksi, she ordered the construction of many roads, patronized many merchants and traders, pushed for the construction of colonies on the various islands in the Megmawr, and worked to create a truly monolithic Enshasal. Most significantly, however, she sought to make the already close ties between Tsudenakru and Shuhai even closer, going so far as to seek permission to build Enshasal and to send Shekems to live among the people of Shuhai. There are even trace records that she may have offered the leaders of the Shuhai to join the Megshekemate of Tusendakru.

By the time she died, The Megshekemate of Tusendakru was a significant force in the area. Until Shris, not many of the megshekems who followed her truly shone, as the light of Illyro and his daughter was too bright too allow others. Generally speaking, though, It became tradition for the various Megshekems to patronize the creation of numerous Gwonsaum colonies throughout the near Megmawr. The colonial cities and regions were often named after their patron or a resident Ensha, and formed the basis for an extensive trade empire. These Colonies Include the Islands of Johtan (for agriculture and luxury goods in the form of bits of the petrified forest, identified by the Gwonsaum as an artifact of Ensha presence on earth), Resheca and Illyro ( for the fertile agricultural lands), and Phyrwent ( for obsidian, sulfur, and oranges) as well as the settlements of Snetsal, Perletkba, and Astresal.

The Megshekem Shris (c.1384) rose to power in a city that ruled an unprecedented amount of land, and sought to increase this power, launching campaigns of expansion against the disunited Kaksi, seeking to subdue and incorporate the southern tribes.


Krekdom of Penkdem:
The Krekdom of Penkdem did very little but exist in the early parts of the Illyran age. Records indicate that they did send troops to assist Tusendakru in freeing the Tshufrel, they remained passively insular.

Some scarce records indicate that the Krek of the time hired a number of assassins to murder the various authority figures of the kaksi, hoping to break Kaksi into a number of feuding tribes, convinced that others were responsible for the deaths. This policy of assassination to divide the Kaksi was one that various Gwonsaum citystates used over the next few centuries to keep the Kaksi divided, bickering, and no threat.

It was only under the reign of Krek Tobosco (c. 1386) that Penkdem broke from it’s relatively insular habits, sending an expedition north along the river to find it’s source, reasoning that the home of the River Ensha would be there. He pushed for the creation of a trade colony at the source of the river, and there built a city he called Estra.

Tobosco also realized the benefits of submitting to the vastly richer Tusendakru, willingly creating a compromise with that empire which left Penkdem with a degree of self governance, while still being part of the empire.

Shekemate of Ther:
The Ancient city of Ther has stood on the banks of the Theran river for almost as long as the Gwonsaum have lived in the material world. In that time, it’s power has waxed and waned, but it always remained what it was: The center of the spiritual light of the Gwonsaum.

While Ther sent many troops to assist Illyro, understanding the good spiritual work being done there, Johnat, Megshekem of Ther was reported to resent the great power and influence of the rival Megshekemate. Realizing the foolishness of moving directly against Tusendakru, as weakness and dissent amongst the Gwonsaum would have immediately been pounced on by ambitious neighbors, Johnat sought instead to remind the Gwonsaum of what they owed to the great city of Ther.

Understandably distraught by the actions of the Mergis and it’s krek, who seemed more interested in placating the Shanalash than the spirits. As, historically, Mergis was a city known for standing against Shanalashi predation, this could not be allowed to stand. Johnat made it his life’s work to bring the city back into the light. His first action in attempting to achieve his goal was to denounce the Krek of Mergis, a woman named Sheyna, and calling for the Shekems of that city to rise up and take power.

Additionally, he had carved, to the exact measurements of the gates of Mergis, new doors, in the shape of a snarling dog’s head. He gave this to Mergis, so long as they were installed in the southern gates of the city, in the direction of the Shanalash.
When the Shekems of Mergis eventually rose, Johnat made sure to assist them, sending some troops, an action which meant that Mergis ceased to exist as an independent entity, the shekems in that city subservient to the Megshekem Johnat.

Johnat’s successors turned his attention much less successfully to their northern neighbor, Penkdem. Though the kreks of Penkdem had a reputation of being easily bullied, the refused to give up their independence, and the shekems in that city were content serving the Krek.

The later Megshekems of Ther did attempt to export Gwonsaum culture southwards, into the cities of the Shanalash, sending shekems and merchants who spoke highly of the faith the Ensha have in the Gwonsaum.

Krekdom of Mergis:
The history of the Krekdom of Mergis in this time period is an abortive one, ending with the loss of power of the Krek Sheyna and the subservience of it’s shekems to the city of Ther. They did send soldiers to assist in the freeing of the Tusendakru, and were very proud of the Migwon gates given to them by the people of Ther, but not much else exists in the historical record for the city of Mergis.

Cultural Changes:
If there is one way to describe the Illyran age of Gwonsaum history, it is with the word “Centralization,” though it is tempered by a healthy appetite for expansion. Perhaps in simple reaction to the outside pressures, the Gwonsaum actively worked to make their culture a strong and vibrant one. This was reflected in a more militaristic bent, as the Gwonsaum cities, in seeking to carve out a defensive and protected niche, in turn became expansionist and domineering powers.

Societally, the position of the Shekems in relation to that of the Krek become even more secure, as time after time, Shekems proved themselves able to call upon the blessings of Ensha to secure the position of the Gwonsaum in the world, and called upon this power to build great public works projects, such as roads and canals, allowing or greater unity between the various cities. This, and the greater exposure to other peoples, introduced a whole slew of new ensha to the Gwonsaum, some of whom became fixtures in Gwonsaum cosmology (Including Stemp the wild, and his retinue, the Ensha responsible for the ocean storms that plague trade ships, as well as the one responsible for good winds to speed them to their destination.)

Meanwhile, the colonial efforts of the Gwonsaum introduced the Gwonsaum elite to new forms of high culture, art, and peoples, some of which diffused into mainstream Gwonsaum culture. More interesting, though, is the culture of the colonies, which, while imposing the mainstays of Gwonsaum culture on the tribals, also incorporated much of the local folklore and cultural practices, shaping them to fit gwonsaum cosmology. In this way, the Gwonsaum as whole grew to be more tolerant and culturally flexible when encountering societies much more alien to them than the Shanalash and the Kaksi.

Military Efforts:
The Gwonsaum undertook, under the leadership of the Megshekemate of Tusendakru, two major offensives in the Ilyran period. The first was against the Tshufrel, seeking to free them from slavery to Evil Ensha who demand actual worship. As such, the city of Tusendakru called upon the other Gwonsaum cities, and even some of the shanalashi cities, for support. Those armies that he assembled met at the city of Jen before marching on the disunited Morai. The Renah of the conquered Tshufrel were allowed to renounce their foul masters, those who refused were put to the sword, while those that did remained as rulers of their Morah, and were rewarded with the morah of princes who refused. Sparse records seem to indicate a system of “Gifts” to the city of Tusendakru by all conquered Morai. Additionally, it seems that Illyro assigned trusted Shekem to many of the Morai conquered, either as direct administrators or advisors to Renah, many of who immediately began raising up and training Tshufrel shekem, culturally subverting the Tshufrel more and more like the Gwonsaum.

The second offensive action, hundreds of years later, was taken against the now disunited kaksi Tribes, seeking to bring their southern tribes into the fold of the Tusendakru Megshekemate.

Gwonsaum armies of the Illyran Period were characterized by strict divisions between proffesional Heras. Nobles were required to have at all times a trained and equipped a 49 person Hera, which would be organized with 49 other Hera into a Meghera, commanded by a Sekrek, who, along with all other Sekreks, are under the command of the Krek. Each Hera has a patron Ensha, they symbol of which are tattoed onto the arms of the members of the Hera, while the symbol for the Ensha Patron of the Meghera is tattooed to the chest. The rest of the army were poorly trained levies, raised in the same size divisions as the professional armies, but only during times of need, from amongst the population of commoners.

Geographic Errata:
Colonies:
Johtan - Lesbos
Resheca - Andros
Illyro - Naxos
Phyrwent - Milos
Snetsal - Western Greece
Perletkba - Eastern Sicily, near Mt. Etna
Astresal - Southern Italy
Shiris - Carthage
New Cities:
Estra
Purtmawr
 
Okey then.

Spoiler :
History (1500-1300 BC)

From the north, a second wave of major Desa migrations will begin in the early 15th century and last until the late 14th century, with two “peaks” of migration, the first in the 1470s and the second in the 1390s. Kayula records from the period will indicate that a number of the far northern, Desa-controlled states collapsed into quasi-anarchy by the 1470s, as their already weak governments simply could not withstand the major migration.

Enter Dhanvadaka, which emerges truly ascendant after a coup in 1492. During the reigns of queens Jayathi (1492-1457) and Kakathi (1457-1429), the Dhanvadaka state will turn its focus from south to north. With the southern states distracted by a series of bloody and indecisive conflicts between Salmanaka and Kamathaka, and Dhanvadaka deciding against involvement in said conflicts, Dhanvadaka under Jayathi and Kakathi will launch a series of campaigns with the intention of uniting the north under one nation (see below). By 1400, Dhanvad rules supreme over much of the north as the hegemon in a loose but stable coalition (relatively; there are the occasional internal conflicts from rebellious coalition partners, but this is no more a problem than in any other Kayula state), a motley crew of allied Desa tribes and powerful jhavi. Dhanvad will also have replaced Kamath or any other southern city as the jewel of the Kayula civilization, as it were. Unofficially, some will refer to Dhanvad’s hegemony as a second Vijayaka; officially, however, the Dhanvadakan rulers do not adopt the title, for unknown reasons; perhaps the fact that they have not yet conquered the south, or simply do not wish to.

The struggle that follows is the inevitable conflict between Dhanvad and its nominal allies and coalition partners. As the 14th century passes, a rudimentary provincial system of administration is formed, wherein the provincial leaders are nominally appointed by Dhanvad (reappointment is something which almost never occurs) and hold great authority, and by the latter half of the 14th century Dhanvadaka has begun to transform from a loosely cobbled together coalition into a proper complex state. The idea of the Roklaya – an “assembly of provinces,” wherein the provincial leaders or representatives vote on matters and thus wield some amount of supreme power in the state – takes hold, evolving from the earlier periodic or annual councils of coalition members presided over by Dhanvad. The rulers of Dhanvad respond with what can be considered reluctant resignation, and by 1300 the Roklaya and the ruler of Dhanvad have reached on an unspoken power-sharing agreement. The ruler does have one advantage – he or she retains control of the increasingly superior military, which is critical in keeping the provinces in line and fusing the state together.

The south, for most of the 15th century, will be torn by frequent periods of conflict. The main conflicts are fought between Salmanaka and Kamathaka, and despite both countries throwing their all at each other, and the occasional reaching of neither will gain any form of lasting supremacy or advantage during the conflicts. Both believe the Desa to be an ever-present threat, but in reality the Desa are too busy fighting elsewhere to pose much danger to the security of the southern states. Ultimately, the fighting will fizzle out into a stalemate of sorts, as the later 15th century is a period of severe political instability in both countries; multiple coups occur over just a few decades, and the situation is exacerbated by the Kayula’s loose political structures. Kamathaka is able to reestablish some semblance of control under the reign of the king Jayalash (1399-1376), one of Kamath’s first male rulers, and by 1380 Jayalash has conquered Salmanaka, having taken advantage of continuing unrest in Salmanaka. Jayalash executes a purge of Salmanaka’s nobility and leadership in a series of events known and recorded locally as the Year of Blood (1379).

In Nagrajaka, a roughly forty-year-long period of instability ends by the 1440s. During the 1420s, Nagrajaka will bring the loose areas directly to its south, including the city of Dwarak (the one marked in the grey area on the map) under its control; the campaign will ultimately be led by a rising female general in the city-state’s army, Mukherani. As she is returning to the capital after overseeing the construction of a permanent fortress along the coast, Mukherani discovers that the queen of Dhanvadaka was plotting to have her eliminated, fearing that Mukherani was becoming too powerful. Angered, she will lead her army to the capital, making the previous queen a self-fulfilling prophet, establishing herself as queen. After her death in 1372, Mukherani, the warrior queen, will fade into history as a legend, slowly mythologized, and as early as 1300 is in fact venerated by some southerners as a deity, or something close to one, especially after what happens next.

The period between the 1370 and 1350 will be marked by three major wars (1367-1364; 1360-1359; 1355-1352) between Kamathaka and Nagrajaka. Although Nagrajaka wins the first, it is a pyrrhic victory if anything, for Nagraj’s gains are reversed in the second, and Nagraj is decisively crushed in the third. The Kamathakan “blood queen” Kariya (1358-1329) revels in the opportunity to slaughter Nagrajaka’s nobility in droves as her armies overrun the cities of Nagraj and Dwarak – it is rumored that she takes regular baths in blood as this happens. With the nobility wiped and the military hardened by years of war able to keep the peasantry and the lowlife down, there is little to stand in the way of Kamath from establishing an increasingly unitary state in the south, although the not-to-be-used-lightly title “Vijayaka” is not yet applied.

So it is that by 1300, two states remain: unitary Kamathaka in the south and federal Dhanvadaka in the north. But in the east, Arjivh stirs. Aside from trade links and (in Dhanvadka’s case) the occasional funding of trade expeditions, the two states have done virtually nothing to address or even acknowledge Arjivh.

Cultural Changes

As the Desa continue integrating themselves into Kayula society, the gulf, in regards to the level of power and influence, between the jhavi (nobility) and the madhi (catch-all term for everyone else), will continue to expand. A rudimentary, less complex (and thus seen as barbaric by the elites) system of writing, with, will begin to arise, especially amongst the lower merchantry in Kamathaka; this will only serve to exacerbate the aforementioned gulf’s expansion. On the other hand, the integration of more Desa into the jhavi will begin to expand the jhavi’s influence at the expense of the ruler; this is observed especially in federalized Dhanvadaka by 1300.

Dhanvadka itself undergoes moderate cultural transformation, as aspects of Desa culture begin showing themselves as local facets. Dhanvadaka itself is in 1300 a(n increasingly colorful) mosaic of various subcultures; thanks to the nature of the state’s demographics and its administration, the generation begins of in each individual region a slightly unique cultural identity within the overarching sphere of the polity, although they are not different enough to tear the state apart; this is becoming an increasingly noticeable problem in what is becoming a rather unwieldy state. The Desa tongue begins displacing the previously prominent Kayula one as a lingua franca in Dhanvadaka, although the Kayula tongue remains the language of administration and state.

Initially, worship of the Desa dualistic deity – the Kayula call it Jayenge, and its worshippers Jayengi – will be popular amongst some of the disaffected lower classes, particularly in north and east Dhanvadaka following Kakathi’s death. A fusion religion, incorporating some of the more attractive elements of Kayula religion, particularly the use of psychoactive substances and the worship structure of finds its way downriver, and shrines to Jayenge can be found throughout Dhanvadaka by 1300. Relations between the Jayengi and the other Kayula will remain relatively cordial, as the Jayengi do not actively seek to convert, and the non-Jayengi view Jayenge as merely an especially popular (if unique thanks to its all-encompassing nature) divine. Jayenge begins to spread into Kamathaka, but there is great resistance.

Other divines emerge as popular. A cult of Mukherani becomes especially popular among certain disaffected madhi in locales in the former Nagrajaka. The cult of Myaati spreads throughout Kamathaka, with subtle encouragement by the state; Jal and Myaati become the “state gods” (the proper term escapes me at the moment; it’s kind of what like Athena was to Athens) of Kamathaka. Kariya, the Blood Queen of Kamath, was an open devotee of Myaati.

All this translates into an ever-expanding rift between the north (Dhanvadaka) and the south (Kamathaka). The north will become increasingly Desa-influenced and open, with trade links to Arjivh and (if at all possible) the far north and Central Asia, whereas the south will become increasingly inwards-looking, sheltered, and Desa-resistant, although trade and communication exists with the north, and there may be the occasional trade link with CZ1 (if any comes from the Shanalash) or Arjivh or elsewhere.

Unified cultural aspects (like a calendar for the entire region) still do not come into being, or even begin fading away, thanks to the region’s decentralized nature. In Dhanvadaka, some dakshina establish a consensus calendar (for their own purposes; it has not come into any form of widespread use) by labelling 1492 (the year of Jayathi’s reign) as year zero. Their year begins and ends on midsummer, since Jayathi ascended the throne of Dhanvad on midsummer.

Military Efforts

As mentioned in the history above, Dhanvadaka will attempt a series of campaigns against the Desa states to the direct north amidst a second wave of Desa migrations. Allied with a number of sympathetic Desa leaders (with no shortage of gold and silver and gems being passed around to aid), Dhanvadaka will seek to expand, taking cities as priority. What remains in the aftermath (by 1400) will be a loose coalition as detailed above, with various components of the coalition in control of individual areas.

Nagrajaka will attempt a military campaign against the gray areas to the south, with the primary goal of capturing the city; this will be led by Mukherani.

Geographic Errata

Dwarak is the city south of Nagraj, and will be conquered by Nagrajaka. The Zagros Mountains are the Taalthal. The Barad is what the Kayula call the Thar Desert. Rumors reach the markets and dakshina of Kamath and Dhanvad of a land called Jiyah in the west, across the sea, which they call the Lalpuri.
 
Rushed, of course. I will put far more effort into the next set when I don't have my update to write.

Detailed History: I’m going to disregard the “detailed” modifier due to an acute pileup of commitments this week. These are the principal events I would like to see happen:

The Fall of Ieresah: While locked in a long conflict with the Jaidarah, Ieresah’s fall only comes with a lull in the border wars to the north. As the Gonsham are distracted by the civil war amongst the Gashi, Keishah and Shuhai put their resources into taking a piece of Ieresah’s empire. Attacked on three sides, it is only a matter of time, and eventually, Ieresah falls into ruins; the city is sacked and annexed by one of the partners -- most likely Keishah or Jaidarah. As a result of this war, Keishah’s power rises sharply, but the Jaidarah Confederation is still left as the most powerful remaining Shanalash state. Probably the most important figure here is the last jaishmagi, Lederesh (c. 1515 - 1464 BC).

Keishah’s Northern Campaign: Though one of the more marginal Shanalash states at the beginning of the period, Keishah rises to prominence after its major role in the Fall of Ieresah. Fueled by its new conquests, and with the Shuhai focused on foreign adventurism among the Shufrael and Gonsham, and the Jaidarah locked in combat with the Kedu, Keishah is freed to do whatever it might decide to do. In this case, it decides to go north, conquering a large chunk of the OTL Armenian highlands and founding a vast transmontane state there, swelling in size until it rivals the Gashi Empire at its height. Most of this is thinly populated, and only weakly held, but with a powerful military and a strong core at the northern edge of the Shanalash, Keishah remains a major power through the end of the period, with one king, Bardah (c. 1345 - ?? BC), building a beautiful summer palace city in the highlands and considering moving there permanently.

Shuhai’s Foreign Adventure: Called upon to aid a minor Gonsham state in the destruction of Shufrael, Shuhai ends up rather overcommitting. Though Shufrael is reasonably easily dealt with, Shuhai’s armies get caught up in trying to stabilize the region afterward. In the euphemistic sense. A long series of campaigns ends either with a narrow, OTL-Israel shaped state, or abject failure, military weakening, and eventual subsumation into Tushendakrah. Notable figure: the jaish Barshek (c. 1475 - 1410 BC), whose brilliant military exploits manage to keep a stranded battalion of Shanalash soldiers intact as they weave their way out of the Negev Desert and back to civilization; depending on the outcome of the rest of the war he might become a prominent figure in a resulting Shuhai state, or the lone wolf who holds out against Tushendakrah domination.

Squabblings: This is a contingency within a contingency. If Shuhai fails and becomes a puppet of Tushendakrah, it is likely that this will be viewed as something of an intrusion by the other local states, especially Jaidarah, who regard the Shanalash as a sacred hold which should be kept intact -- or at least under autocthonous control. A prolonged conflict will probably take place, then, which could sap Tushendakrah power over the course of the BT. If, on the other hand, Shuhai maintains its independence, it will try and play the other local powers off of one another, especially Tushendakrah and the Keishah; all three of them will likely jockey for position over the lesser Gonsham states. Prominent figure of the time: vaish Amaish (c. 1405 - 1360 BC), one of the most hawkish vaish of the Jaidarah Confederation, who redirects their focus from a brutal series of campaigns against the Kedu. If there is no Tushendakrah threat, Amaish still holds that the Jaidarah should be more focused on intra-Shanalash hegemony than foreign adventurism.

And a general summary:

Ieresah collapses, and with it, the first tradition of the jaishmagi. Cultural and military developments lead to an efficient and productive empire arising out of the Jaidarah Confederacy, but a long conflict with the Kedu saps their strength and prevents them from establishing a regional hegemony. In the north, Keishah becomes the second most powerful of the Shanalash states, especially after it expands far beyond the usual borders of the Shanalash. There is a high likelihood that they will not be considered true Shanalash by the end of the next BT. The Shuhai participate in a convoluted series of wars which will likely lead to their subjugation underneath the rising Tushendakrah imperium. The end result is two efficiently lead and competent Shanalash states vying for hegemony with no clear favorite. The deciding factor will probably be external, but when one does unite the valley, it is likely to create one of the more enormous empires of the ancient world, leading directly to the next BT, where… well, we’ll see.

Cultural Changes: Religious organizations undergo significant change during this period. It became quickly evident that the numerous non-religious duties of the priesthood were too extensive to make things function, and that meant the actual religious rituals -- viewed as vital to the survival of the state and people -- were undertaken by a smaller and smaller minority. Soon, there became a priesthood within the priesthood, or more properly, the priesthood became subsumed by a larger bureaucratic apparatus. The end result was that a third and quite powerful leg of the society had been raised.

The Sack of Ieresah by coalition forces might be the single greatest loss of stored art in the ancient world. That said, it actually also might have had a net positive effect -- the talent of the city was put to flight, and they went to the most receptive of the rest of the world. This would include the Keishah in particular, as well as the Gonsham and their colonies, and even the people south of Shufrael.

Architecture would continue to be along radial lines, though a more sophisticated variant of this arose in the Jaidarah Confederation, where radial lines would extend from numerous points, interconnecting to form cordoned courtyards, bright, sunlit spaces, and a floor plan that would be a maze of fractal geometry -- though obviously no one at the time would call it thus. A particularly impressive building, the Assembly Hall in Jaidarah, was of a rather simpler design -- a simple radiant sun pattern -- but of impressive size; the various colonnaded passages to the central, circular chamber where the Assembly met rose high above the heads of those below. Naturally, it collapsed within fifty years, and a new Assembly was built a ways away from the ruins.

It is likely that little influence will pass to the Kedu; the linguistic and written barriers make that a gradient too steep to overcome. On the other hand, we can safely expect a lot of aspects of the Shanalash to pass to the Gonsham, and to the disorganized tribes to the north. Of particular interest would be the institutions of the vaish and jaish, the complicated array of the priesthood, architectural styles, art, and certain mythology. Probably not God, though. The Shanalash tend to be fairly private about their faith.

Linguistic Note: Divergent dialects have begun to form. Ieresah/Keishah Shanalash has an “sh” sound that is more fricative than the south – rather like a Mandarin “x”. Southern Shanalash has maintained a more classic “sh”.

Military Efforts: Ieresah falls to a combined alliance of its neighbors. With its northern flank more or less secure, as Keishah and Shuhai focus north and west, the Jaidarah Confederation focuses its efforts eastward, attempting to subjugate the Kedu. These may be successful or unsuccessful -- either way they will be protracted, and it will force the Jaidarah cities to develop an even more sophisticated military than that which they once had. Drill and order will become the name of the day, with various moving parts directed from afar by a system of communication banners. A streamlined command system will be implemented after a serious military defeat, and the Jaidarah will rally at the end and either drive the Kedu out of the Shanalash, or complete their conquest, depending on how things went before.

Geographic Errata:
Cities (sorted by importance):
Ieresah
[tab]Hais
[tab]Sosok
Jaidarah
[tab]Efer
[tab]Rah
[tab]Koshai (the marsh-dwellers' city)
[tab]Ershai (occupied)
Keishah
[tab]Narah
Shuhai
Elash
Darodah

Other Peoples:
[tab]Gwonsaum: Gonsham
[tab]Chufriel: Shufrael
[tab]Selamai: Shalomai
[tab]Kaksi: Gashi
[tab]Eshylam: ...seriously, folks, that's a Shanalash transliteration already.
[tab]Tusendakru: Tushendakrah

Features:
[tab]The two rivers: River Tharan (East) and the Janashak (West)
[tab]The land between the rivers: the Shanalash
[tab]The northwestern mountains: The Helash
[tab]The southern desert: The Korushah
[tab]The far western sea: The Maishak
[tab]The southern sea: The Urshak
[tab]The marshlands by the sea: The Hahshak
[tab]The cedar hills of the Shufrael: The Seish
[tab]The far northern mountains: The Bainash
[tab]The far northern sea: Erashak
 
The Tribe of Jerab
Military Power: Medium
Cultural Influence: Influenced
Info: The great patriarch Jerab has united his people around the worship of Mohal, the winged bull, and has built a great temple around the hilltop city of Zaphelim. Ambitious and looking to expand, though unwilling to clash with Eshylam.

Historical Narrative:
Line of Patriarchs (Abuli=Lord Father)
???-021 Abuli Jerab the Blessed
021-037 Abuli Enat the Chosen
037-039 Abuli Tarkim the Forsaken
039-053 Abuli Haluz the Bricklayer
----------------(this update)-----------
053-075 Abuli Noash the Warrior
075-099 Abuli Nathen the Conqueror
099-114 Abuli Hidurim the Zubayde
114-138 Abuli Zovar the Legless
138-142 Abuli Xuluph the King

First Line of Kings (Zayex=King, Zayexab=Royal Father)
142-161 Zayaxab Xuluph the King
161-186 Zayaxab Hadax the Assdriver
186-189 Abali Zoan the Prune
189-207 Zayaxab Ramak the Beardless
207-222 Zayaxab Katnak the Godhearing
222-248 Zayaxab Rodix the Wise
248-??? Zayaxab Komen the Dry

Abuli Noash the Warrior focused on warring with the Chufriel and Kidurabet, safe in the knowledge that Haluz’ walls will hold Zaphelim against any half-hearted desert assault. Although Noash fought many wars he made few gains. Many would argue, however, that his battles trained his son Nathen in the ways of war and politics, which Nathen mastered.

For it was his son Abuli Nathen the Conqueror who made the most gains. Nathen’s reforms transformed Zaphelim’s raiding militia into a conquering army. Nathen also allied with the Zubayde by marrying his eldest daughter Hirax to their chief, Abali Maruki. Finally, Nathen completed the conversion of the large Kidurabet clan Uxaron to Mohal-adoration. This combined force smashed into the yet free cities of Chufriel, and those of Shuhai and the Megshekemate and carved an empire from the chaos of semi-conquered Chufriel.

Hirax was not idle amongst the Zubayde. Spreading the word of the mighty Mohal she founded a city of her own, naming both it and her son Hidurim. Plunder from the conquest of Chufriel and other Zubayde adventures made Hidurim an impressive city to behold, establishing a rivalry between it and the slightly older Zaphelim on which was the more beautiful.

Abuli Hidurim the Zubayde united the two sedentary Kidurabet (Semetic) tribes. Regardless if this union lasts or not, Hidurim’s forces spread deep into the Kidura, establishing trade and alliances amongst the tribes he found there, while destroying the camps and herds of those who are less than favorable to his expeditions. Hidurim consolidated Jerabayde hold on Nathen’s conquests. His epitaph, “Zubayde”, was less than favorable. It references the high taxes he “steals” from Zaphelim to fund his projects in the Zubayde city of Hidurim and conquered Chufreil territories. These high taxes might also have been raised to pay tribute to Eshylam, who have noted the union of the two small tribes at least then, if not earlier. Although Hidurim fought several battles in Chufriel, they are rarey mentioned (likely due to defeats at the hands of Jaish Barshek, see below).

Abuli Zovar the Legless was a philosopher-patriarch. Zovar lost his legs in a hunting accident (against Dragons, so says some accounts). Zovar was the first patriarch to openly accept the official worship of other gods beneath Mohal. Before Zovar, worship of other gods must be either private or at preexisting temples: new temples of other gods would not have been built. This was perhaps incited by his Shuhai wife, Kynnunt. As a distinctive figure in ancient history (not many leaders still lead after losing both legs) changing designs and caricatures of the legless king are sometimes used to date other artifacts.

His son Xuluph learned much from both his mother and his father, and made large reforms. Spelled “Shalef” in Shanalash, Xuluph adopted the title “Zyexab” from the “Jaish” of his mother’s family. This also initiates a Jarebayde-Shuhai alliance against the growing power of the Gwonsaum.

It is of note that these three Shuhai-leaning Patriarchs lived during the time of the military genius Jaish Barshek (Zayex Barxek, 75-140). Although perhaps too young to match wits with Nathen the Conqueror himself, Barshek fought campaigns against his descendents, leading to growing respect between the two powers, and the eventual Jarebayde adoption of Shanalash-style monarchy.

Under Xuluph, the military was reorganized once more, leading to tiers of professionals, urban militia, and desert raiders sent by allied Kidurabet. Additionally, Xuluph sponsored a great growth in architecture after the fall of Ieresah, adopting both the Eshylam Pillar and the Shanalash Spiral to form the unique Spiral Triumphs, huge (relatively small, of course) carved columns meant to be climbed from the outside, then descended in the inside and covered with carvings dedicated to impressive victories.

Xuluph also tolerated the bureaucratic priesthoods of his neighbors and granted them local authority over various decisions. (although it took until Ramak the Godfearing to integrate such into the greater society) Naming the Zayexab’s the “High Priests of Mohal” he both expanded and limited the powers of the King within Jarebayde society.

While Xuluph troubled himself with converting Zovar’s philosophical musings into reality, his own son Hadax spent his reign converting that reality into practicality. Great roads were built, connecting to those of Shuhai and the Gwonsaum. New temples of newly accepted gods were built, while those of Mohal were expanded with Spiral Triumphs. Great palaces filled with loot were constructed in Zephalim, while great mines in Chufriel produced the copper and tin Hadax paid in tribute to the overbearing Eshylam. It is also this time that the Shekem begun to establish their own roots in Jarebayde in large numbers.

Zoan was a reactionary in every sense of the world. He despised the changes in Jarebayde society, the evergrowing list of gods and high priesthoods, and the immense taxes and tributes, projects and palaces. His reign was one of terror, quickly overthrown and discarded. Perhaps other states took this as a chance to intervene. Perhaps his end only strengthened a Shuhai-Jarebayde alliance.

The last four kings were of another branch of Xuluphs’ family. Ramak the Beardless was completely mediocre, at least compared to the excitement of his predecessors. General prosperity and fortune compares poorly to high flying conquests or dramatic collapses.

Katnak the Godhearing ruled during a time of growing religious upheaval and conflict. Most of the Kings maintained their duties as High Priest of Mohal, and ignored other gods and cults and high priests be they may. However, conflicted doctrines and beliefs begun to tear the nation apart. Katnak’s council brought together these religious leaders, into a fierce debate. After forty nine days and nights of nonstop debate, Katnak isolated himself for another forty nine days and nights.

When Katnak emerged he declared that he has divined visions from Mohal, that all gods are all gods, and all gods are all gods of other names. Saying such, he organized the high priests and their physical organization to continue their good work in stabilizing the country while granding the Shemeks the power as direct consultants of individual spirits or lesser gods, wherever they may be, while the high priests work under their god’s greater plan.

Rodix the Wise perfected the temporal and spiritual aspects of this system, and established a massive palace complex to house the entire High Priestdoms. This, combined with the roads, the assimilation, and adoption of local concepts would complete the conquest (though likely not yet the assimilation) of the Chufriel.

Komen the Dry is known for his dry taste in both wine and humor. He has yet to achieve much of note.

Cultural Changes:

1) Adopting Kingship over Patriarchy (Shanalash)
Jerabayde was initially lead by Patriarchy. The eldest of the holy bloodline, then sons, then brothers, then son’s sons, then brother’s sons, then brother’s brothers etc. After the conquest of Chufriel this system kept the Jerabayde outside with both an alien system of government, and an alien mixture. Adoption of adoptive Kingship not only solved the first issue, but also opened up an alliance with the Monarchian Shuhai.

2) Eshylam/Chufrial-esque Bureaucratic Priesthood forms (Eshylam/Chufrial)
I’m not exactly sure how this works and I need to read more, but these High Priests are standardized into a set of portfolios/gods by decree of Mohal, and they serve to oversee and direct said portfolio. A combination of Eshylam Theocracy, Chufrial enlightened Pristhood, and Shanalash priestly bureaocracy. The King himself is the High Priest of Mohal, which explains the adoptive Kingship. Mohal himself, through the King, selects the next High Priest of Mohal and thus, the next King of Jerabayde.

3) Whilst the High Priests above handle the temporal aspects of the Gods, the Shekem handle the spirital aspects. (Gwonsaum) S
imilarly, not exactly sure but the Shekem seem quite evangelist, which means they’ll get here anyways. Shekemite magic and communion are more focused on minor dieties of specific locations or small import. Greater rituals more common in Gwonsaum are cast in alliance between Shekem and the High Priests. Due to their rivalry, this rarely occurs.

4) Adoping Pillars, especially to mark great battlefields or religious centers (Eshylam)
Giant phallic symbols are welcome in our patriarchial society.

5) Adopting craftsmen from the fall of Ieresah (Shanalash)
Through Shuhai, our rough desert architecture gets a few level up’s/

6) The Spiral Triumph
The average spiral Triumph is approximately 3-6 stories tall, spiraling upward to end at a spiral stair/ramp/case, which leads down and exits at the opposite side of the entrance. The entire spiral is carved with scenes of victory and proclamation.

I’m like very very very tired thlayli. Not nearly enough word count, but f*ck it, I think I accidentally put it in historic instead.

Military Efforts:
1) Conquest of Chufriel
Similar to Gwonsaum we will refrain from destruction based on certain attributes. Unlike Gwonsaum we tend not to annex those we spare, merely after they give up. We generally ask for tribute, acceptance of Mohal as their Highest Lord, and right of passage and other minor rights. Those who reject us will be conquered in full. As Jarebayde society becomes better equiped to annex Chufriel cities, Jarebayde leaders would conquer and hold more of them.

2) Conquest-Marriage of the Zubits (Zubayd)
Marry into them, conquer them if necessary.

3) Submission of the Kidurabet
Court allies, conquer enemies, map the oasii, especially the escape route of the elusive Jaish Barshak.

a) Contingency against Eshylam
If they make it through the desert, pay lots of tribute, anything but sack our beautiful city. Otherwise, our eventual dominance on the nomads of this region gives us the advantage.

b) Contingency against Zubites
Hide behind our walls as we gather allies, prepare for a counter strike, or appeal to Eshylam.

c) Contingency against Kidurabet
Similar to above, except we need not appeal to Eshylam. Simply wait for boredom, hunger, or thirst to overtake them.

Geographic Errata:
Arabian Desert -Kidura
“Semetics/Arabians” -Kidurabet/Mohalayde
Chufrial -Truphyl
Shanalash -Xananax
Eshylam -Xylan
Gwonsaum -Guwanxum
Jordan River -Zalwaymayen
Sea of Galilee -Waynixmayek
Shuhai -Xuhynim


“Father Jerab was once just another wandering tribesman. During a famine, the young Jerab’s clan scattered in the night, leaving him to die alone. Wandering the caves near what would once become Zaphelim he discovered a winged calf, whom he nurtured despite his growing feebleness. After he collapsed in dehydration, he witness a vision during which Mohal, Lord of the Desert and represented by the winged calf, thanked him for his charity and promised him a great nation.

When Jerab awoke he was nearly drowning. A spring had sprung up in the middle of the desert, and as he watched in amazement as it grew deeper and deeper. He drank, and it was the sweetest water he had in his life. There he established an altar. Soon his clan returned one by one, driven by dreams of a winged bull. And there they found Jerab and his growing winged calf.

Jerab went on to defeat and subdue many rival clans nearby, especially that of his envious older brother, Raham. The winged calf grew with him, soon becoming a mighty bull. And as their exploits spread so did their clan, which soon grew into a nation, their altar, which soon became a temple, and their camp, which soon became a city.

When Jerab was over a hundred years old, he and the old bull went into the temple and prayed all night. When day came they died together before the Altar of Mohal, the name of his son drawn in the ash. And so dies Jerab, Father of the Jerabayd.”
 
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