DaftRTOR - A Story Untold

In the interest of being utterly committed to peace, the liberal government of Celtonia will offer one final round of responses to the Inca on the proposed Treaty of Tiwanaku. (OOC: In the event that the Inca accept, we will strike the statement on creating an Incan proxy state from the record.)

TREATY OF TIWANAKU (proposed)

Article I: The Celtonian Union will withdraw all troops from sovereign Inca territory (save the territory of Portugal specified in Article II for peacekeeping purposes) and immediately end its naval blockade of the Inca Nation.

Article II: The Inca Nation will consent to the release of and fully recognize the Free State of Portugal - under the boundaries delimited herein. (Inca-proposed boundaries accepted).

  • 1a. The Celtonian state shall accept the terms of the Luso-Incan Peace Proposal previously offered by the Inca. The clauses, I-IV, on ceasefire, plebiscite, diplomatic neutrality for Portugal with Celtonian oversight and peacekeeping presence, and abetting voluntary citizenship transfers are accepted without modification.
  • 1b. The plebiscite shall be conducted under the auspices of observers from Hatti.
-Reparations article stricken.-

Article III: The Incan government will, the maintenance of their current constitutional structure notwithstanding, reserve 5-10% of seats in their Parliament for representatives of Celtic, German, and other national minorities.

Article IV:

  • The Union of Celtonia will carry out a full investigation of military attacks ordered on the Inca Nation, and if any intentional attacks on civilian areas with no military purpose or any other attacks contrary to the laws of war are found, individuals will be court-martialed and prosecuted to the full extent of Celtonian law in public proceedings.
  • The Inca Nation will allow observers from Hatti to investigate reports of reprisals, deportations and internment of ethnic minorities in Incan territory during the conflict, and will produce a report exonerating the Incan government or recommending reparations be paid to the civilian populations, with the amount to be determined by Hatti based on their findings.

Article V: The Union of Celtonia will enter a 3-year non-aggression pact with the Inca Nation.

Article VI: The Inca Nation will not obstruct Celtonian attempts to pursue a separate peace with the Mayan Empire.

Article VII: The Inca Nation will not host foreign military forces or equipment for the duration of the Celtonian-Incan non-aggression pact.


OOC: The final, final, most final counter-offer accepts the Incan-proposed borders for Portugal. It also accepts the Incan proposal of Hattian observers. It removes reparations, makes the investigations clause bi-directional (using Hattian observers again, since the Incans prefer that), makes it clear the Maya are not involved in this peace agreement, and requires that the Incans not host foreign forces while Celtonia has an official diplomatic pact with their government.
 
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The Holy Kingdom of Hatti, being recognized as a neutral nation respected by both sides of the conflict in the Incan State, will agree to support any requests for observation that may come from a peace proposal.

Additionally, the Holy Kingdom of Hatti will be joining the League of Nations.
 
From The Great Iroquois Nation
To The Celtic Union


We denounce the unprovoked attack on our trading vessels and demand damages be paid to merchants who lost their lives to the tune of $5.

Any effort to further hinder Iroquois vessels from traversing international waters and conducting trade will be considered an act of war.
 
To: The Celtonian Union
From: The Inca Nation

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The Inca nation is prepared to accept the terms presented by Celtonia, so long as our Maya allies also are incorporated into the treaty. Honour demands we not abandon them to the wolves.



TREATY OF TIWANAKU (proposed)

Article I: The Celtonian Union will withdraw all troops from sovereign Inca and Maya territory (save the territory of Portugal specified in Article II for peacekeeping purposes) and immediately end its naval blockade of the Inca Nation and Maya Empire.

Article II: The Inca Nation will consent to the release of and fully recognize the Free State of Portugal - under the boundaries delimited herein. (Inca-proposed boundaries accepted).

  • 1a. The Celtonian state shall accept the terms of the Luso-Incan Peace Proposal previously offered by the Inca. The clauses, I-IV, on ceasefire, plebiscite, diplomatic neutrality for Portugal with Celtonian oversight and peacekeeping presence, and abetting voluntary citizenship transfers are accepted without modification.
  • 1b. The plebiscite shall be conducted under the auspices of observers from Hatti.
-Reparations article stricken.-

Article III: The Incan government will, the maintenance of their current constitutional structure notwithstanding, reserve 5-10% of seats in their Parliament for representatives of Celtic, German, and other national minorities.

Article IV:

  • The Union of Celtonia will carry out a full investigation of military attacks ordered on the Inca Nation, and if any intentional attacks on civilian areas with no military purpose or any other attacks contrary to the laws of war are found, individuals will be court-martialed and prosecuted to the full extent of Celtonian law in public proceedings.
  • The Inca Nation will allow observers from Hatti to investigate reports of reprisals, deportations and internment of ethnic minorities in Incan territory during the conflict, and will produce a report exonerating the Incan government or recommending reparations be paid to the civilian populations, with the amount to be determined by Hatti based on their findings.

Article V: The Union of Celtonia will enter a 3-year non-aggression pact with the Inca Nation and Maya Empire.

Article VI: The Inca Nation and Maya Empire will not host foreign military forces or equipment for the duration of the non-aggression pact per Article V.
 
It is with joy that the Consail, Mairias Holst, acknowledges this transcendent victory for peace-making and diplomacy. Truly, brighter, bolder minds have proven that even as children play without respect to religion or nationality, we embittered adults might too embrace our better natures, our highest selves. And now, with this signature, what Thomsonite bloodlust has wrought, I so undo.

From: The Celtonian Union
To: The Great Iroquois Nation


Given that the merchants under consideration were carrying tanks that would subsequently be used to kill Celtic soldiers, we believe these merchant vessels were legitimate targets of war.

However, out of charity, we will offer the Iroquois $1, on the condition that the Iroquois celebrate an annual Celtic Heritage Day for minorities of Celtic culture within the Great Iroquois Nation.
 
From The Great Iroquois Nation
To The Celtonian Union


The merchant vessels your navy so callously cut down were carrying sorely needed medical aid and food supplies to the besieged Mayan people. Anything else is a fantasy your propaganda ministry spins.

We will accept $3 and this "heritage" day.
 
From The Great Iroquois Nation
To The Celtonian Union


You dishonor the sacrifice of the valiant sailors and merchants whose lives you cut short. Do not insult their memory any further

$2 and a day
 
Radio Free Maya Broadcast Transcript – Tulum, 1930

[Sound of static and a trumpet playing a faint military tune, before transitioning to a calm, authoritative voice.]

Announcer:
"Good evening, loyal listeners, to another broadcast of Radio Free Maya. This is your trusted voice from the heart of the resistance, broadcasting to the oppressed people of Tulum and beyond. Today, we bring you a grim and yet, in its own way, a hopeful report. We speak of the execution of General Ahau Kan, a man whose name was once feared across these lands—once the proud commander of the Apoxpalon Pech's forces, the so-called 'Sword of the Empire.'

But today, his power has crumbled, his prestige shattered. This afternoon, in the heart of the city, in a macabre spectacle designed to instill fear, Ahau Kan was executed—not by the firing squad, as was customary for the elite—but by cannon fire. Yes, you heard me correctly. The general was strapped to a cannon, and the very forces he once commanded turned their guns against him.

[Brief pause]

It is a fitting end for one who led with cruelty, whose iron fist crushed the lives of innocent people without remorse. Ahau Kan, the architect of countless atrocities under the brutal regime of Apoxpalon Pech, is now nothing more than shattered fragments, scattered across the battlefield. This is the end of a man who thought himself invincible. And let it be known that his destruction—though a gruesome display of power—marks something far more significant. It is the final tremor of a regime on the brink of collapse.

[Sound of a distant explosion, symbolizing the collapse]

The great and terrible empire of Apoxpalon Pech—built on lies, violence, and oppression—can no longer stand firm. The walls of the empire are crumbling, and with each tyrant brought low, the dream of freedom, of true democracy, grows nearer. The fascist war machine is stalling, its machinery now breaking down under the pressure of its own corruption.

Ahau Kan’s death is not just the fall of a man, but a symbol of the death knell of this twisted regime. The people of the Maya know it, and now, the world will know it as well: the path of fascism is one of decay, of internal rot. It is crumbling from within, its leaders turning on each other, desperate to save themselves from the inevitable reckoning.

And to you, the brave people of Copan—this is your moment. The Celtonian forces are marching ever closer to your city, bringing with them the promise of freedom, of liberation from the shackles of tyranny. The day is coming when the fascist banners will be torn down, and in their place, the flag of democracy, the flag of a new Maya, will rise.

(Voice shifts to a tone of urgent appeal)
Do not falter in this final hour. Do not let the fear of retribution blind you to the truth that lies ahead. The Celtonians are your liberators—your comrades in arms. They are not conquerors, they are champions of your freedom. They are coming to end the nightmare that Apoxpalon Pech has wrought, to restore what has been stolen from you: your dignity, your autonomy, and your future.

The people of Copan, the true heart of the Maya, must stand together. Resist! Fight back against the forces of fascism that still lurk in the shadows of your streets. Throw off the chains that bind you, and rise as one—because victory is within your grasp. Your liberation is near.

Remember, the Celtonian forces do not seek to dominate; they seek only to help you reclaim your birthright. In every part of the Maya that stands against the regime, the walls of oppression are falling. And when those walls fall, the sun will rise on a new dawn—a dawn of liberty and justice, where all people are free from fear.

(Voice becomes solemn but determined)
The execution of General Ahau Kan is the first in a long line of blows against this empire of death. Stand firm, stand proud. The Celtonians will be at your side, and together, we will end this war, and we will rebuild what has been broken. Victory is at hand, and the future belongs to those who fight for it.

This is Radio Free Maya, broadcasting to all who are listening, to all who dare to resist. Your time is now. Resist. Fight. And above all, hope—for the dawn of your freedom is coming.

[Music fades into a hopeful tune as the broadcast concludes.]
 
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Current Strategic Overview of the Armée Populaire Français

The following condensed briefing was presented at the Saint-Denis conference, held in the southern suburbs of Paris and attended by the leadership of the Armée Populaire Française (APF) and representatives of the Conseil Provisoire des Députés Ouvriers (CPDO) Orléans, as well as the Communes of Berry, Nivernais and Fort Blanc. The Commune of Bourgogne was not present.

Concurrent to the Saint-Denis conference, leaders of the CPDO Orléans, CPDO Paris and CPDO Arras, joined by other Communard representatives, drafted and promulgated the January Constitution, declaring the formation of the French Commune and a promise for the future of France under Communard leadership.


Five of our six organized brigades are currently engaged in the battle for Paris. The outer southern suburbs of the city are under APF control, as are the majority of the arondissements south of the Seine. Imperial forces have demolished several bridges to prevent our crossing, but Communard militias acting independently of our command have held several of these sites. Thusfar the Imperials have proven unwilling or unable to bring artillery to bear on the Seine bridges. Securing these crossings is the current top priority. If they cannot be taken, crossings will be delayed until the river freezes this coming June.

The southern flank of our force in Maine remains lightly held and lightly resisted by Imperial forces. With the enemy focused on the defense of Paris and preventing the eastward advance of our forces south of Paris, they cannot afford to send forces around to this flank. So long as Marseilles holds, the Rheims Clique cannot bring significant forces to bear to threaten our southern flank in Maine, but we must be prepared for this eventuality, which could threaten our assault on the capital.

The Franche-Comté anarchist zone has not made further aggressive moves against us. Their representative, Jacques Gallaud, claims to be willing to cooperate and that they are currently fighting both Imperial forces in Picardie and General de Simon’s reactionary elements in Lorraine. The salient connecting us and the Franche-Comté anarchists has grown thin and will require reinforcement if we are to prevent de Simon from linking up with Imperial forces.

The Fort Blanc and Berry Communes have been unable to expand out of their previously-established areas due to limited resources and the active opposition of Imperial Marshal Forsberg. Cde. General Dufresne was able to drive and support an uprising in southwestern Nivernais, which presently presents a major threat to the Imperial position in Île-de-France.

Reports suggest successful uprisings in rural Bourgogne and the western Alpes. The former have pledged support to the Communard cause, the latter have not yet been contacted. The planned uprising in Lyons was put down rather destructively with Roman firepower.

For our overall strategic situation, we control a peripheral portion of the country. Our main strategically important holdings are the oilfields of Artois and the city of Orléans, with its port and manufacturing industries. The entirety of France’s high-capacity rail network is still under the control of the Imperial government, while the Communard and anarchist regions are disconnected and do not occupy any critical chokepoints.

Historically, control of Nivernais has been crucial in French warfare, controlling the connection between the East, the Loire and the Old Country. If we can control this critical region, or at least deny its use to the enemy, we can destroy the major strategic advantage of Imperial France: their central position and connectivity.

Additionally, we believe that we can count on one critical factor consistently bending in our direction: popular uprisings. While the oppressed and downtrodden peasantry and urban proletariat present a constant threat to our enemies, the risk of a large-scale reactionary uprising against ourselves appears to be a smaller, though still important, concern.

Areas of Potential Revolutionary Support

Disenchanted fighters from the Loire campaigns
The rank-and-file of the Loire Clique have seen their leader flee, while the soldiers of the Rheims Clique have seen Marshal Jourdain switch from fighting Jeanne to obedience. These men threw away so many of their soldiers’ lives for so little and betrayed those who bled for them so easily. Many of them may be vulnerable to defection.

Tenant farmers of the Loire regions of Auvergne, Anjou and Touraine
These landless labourers have long been among the most hard done by under the current system, and with the disappearance of troops from their area might be able to overthrow their landlords, especially if supported by the Communes of Berry and Fort Blanc.

Urban workers of the major metropoles
We can count on strong support in Lyons, Tours and Paris. Marseilles remains under active siege, so its population is not yet in a position to aid the cause. Rheims, like Orléans, remains largely untouched by war but may have potential, although the geographical isolation of the Rheims Clique makes contacting them difficult. The current state of the Lyons uprising is unknown, but we know that Roman troops have been involved in its suppression. This can only generate sympathy for our cause. Tours is no longer in the grip of Marshal Villeneuve, and may have an opportunity for an uprising when Imperial forces are drawn down in the east- and if they remain to garrison the region, then all the better for our western actions.

Critical to our success will be widely-dispersed propaganda. Were we at once acting in unison with every sympathetic Frenchman, our victory over the Imperials would be certain. Through the power of radio we can establish contact between far-flung rebellions in our country, and broadcast the naked truths of the Imperial Government’s crimes against the people.
 
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Current Strategic Overview of the French Empire


The following is an excerpt from the edited minutes of a meeting of Imperial French Commanders at Versailles, a northern suburb of Paris. Present were Empress Jeanne I, Marshal Forsberg, Marshal Villiers, General Lefebvre (representing Marshal Gaspard in Amiens), General Girard (representing Marshal Jourdain in Marseilles) and General Lapierre, Commander of the Paris Garrison. Marshal de Simon was not present and was unable to send a proxy, due to the isolation of his pocket in northwestern France.

Villiers: We have every reason to believe that this is the critical year of the war. Villeneuve is vanquished, half of his men have surrendered and the other half have control over a large, but strategically unimportant backwater region of Capetais, Charolais and Touraine. The Orléans Clique has collapsed, and in its division presents the final, great threat to Paris. Marshal Ignace has declared for the communard cause. Regardless of the sincerity of that action, his forces are fighting less than 20 kilometres from where we stand, and the Paris Garrison must contend with labour disruptions and communard militias operating behind our lines. Our forces appear to be superior to those fielded by Orléans, but with the critical difference that they can concentrate all of their forces on this assault, while we must keep the peace across the entirety of the restive Empire.

Jeanne: Our successful defense of Paris will serve as just a potent peacekeeper as a full division of fusiliers. The people will be disinclined to rise up against a victorious Empress.

Villiers: Your majesty’s commitment to the moral victory of our cause can hardly be understated, but for the moment we must discuss the practical matters of our troop disposition.

Jeanne: Of course.

Forsberg: With what forces that have been left to my disposal, I have kept General Dufresne’s rebellion contained to its initial gains in the Southern Massif, Berry and Auvergne. Regrettably Marshal Jourdain has not, as of yet, committed forces to pressuring Dufresne from the south.

Girard: Marshal Jourdain has followed the strategy as agreed upon at our previous conference, focusing on the elimination of Villeneuve as a threat, which has been achieved successfully in this past year’s campaign.

Forsberg: Respectfully, Jourdain has not gained meaningful ground in Provence since losing Marseilles to Villeneuve.

Girard: Respectfully, you have not mentioned the additional communard rebellions that appeared under your watch.

Jeanne: Marshal Forsberg, General Girard, I will not have either of you besmirching the other’s honour at this time. Marshal Jourdain was instrumental in achieving the surrender of the Marseilles garrison and the recovery of the city. Marshal Forsberg, your performance has been exemplary in limiting Dufresne’s gains as much as you have with the severely limited resources at your disposal.

Forsberg: I apologize, your grace.

Villiers: Marshal Forsberg will be able to receive reinforcements as we draw the bulk of our forces out of the Loire. With the capture of Villeneuve’s urban holdings and the destruction or capture of much of his heavy equipment, a much smaller force can deal with the remaining Alexandrine holdouts in Capetais. However, we must not underestimate these forces and treat it as a mere policing action.

Jeanne: Your lieutenants will have the forces required to pacify the holdouts or keep them contained, as they see fit. The longer this conflict draws on, the more their forces will flag, only victories might rebound their spirits. We will deny them those.

Lapierre: Shall we get to the matter of the City, your grace?

Jeanne: Empress Sophia of the Romans has announced that more reinforcements will be coming to Rheims. General Girard, are you able to bring forces from Maine to bear against the southern flank of the Orléanist offensive against Paris?

Girard: The bulk of our forces are still in Lower Provence, your grace, it will be several months before they are able to relocate to the new front. I agree that an offensive from Maine against the communard flank is of the highest priority. Dufresne’s communards in the Southern Massif, while closer to our current troop dispositions in Provence, are not in a strategically important position.

Forsberg: We are discussing Paris.

Jeanne: Gentlemen.

Lapierre: As Marshal Villiers stated, the situation in Paris is critical. In a conventional war I am comfortable holding the crossings of the Seine, but the actions of communard irregulars are a severe tax on my manpower, the greater part of the loyalist forces in the city are locked down in patrols. Several arrondissements have become all but inaccessible to my troops. I have opted to cordon them off, rather than committing the forces to completely crush them. With the numbers I have- we cannot point our rifles in two directions at once.

Villiers: Our forces are coming from the east.

Lapierre: We need a levée en masse.

Forsberg: In a time of internal revolution, against a domestic foe?

Villiers: The logistics of arming such a group aside. We are at our capacity, unless you’d have them fight with truncheons.

Lefebvre: Should I bring up the Orléanist loyalists in Champagne?

Jeanne: Soon, General Lefebvre. General Girard, the Maine offensive. The Romans will be able to make use of the intact port at Rheims. I pray that Marshal Jourdain moves with great alacrity to bring his forces west, but if he cannot then it will be Roman forces who lead the counteroffensive into Ignace’s flank. General Lapierre, the élite of the French Imperial Guards will ensure that the crossings of the Seine are held, or destroyed if they cannot be held. I will not lose this war because I was too sentimental to blow up a bridge. You are entrusted with the maintenance of peace on the arrondissements north of the Seine, and in the containment of the communard element within them. Marshal Forsberg, what can you tell me of this communard army in Nivernais?

Forsberg: Less an army than a rabble, your grace. If I am given the forces needed, I will keep them away from the city and the rail and crush them outright.

Jeanne: Marshal Villiers, are you in accord that this force should be a priority?

Villiers: I am, your majesty. A link-up with Ignace’s army, an assault on our rear, the seizing of an upstream Seine crossing or sabotage to the rails are all unacceptable risks.

Jeanne: And that, even at the risk of taking the pressure off of Dufresne’s irregulars?

Villiers: Yes, your majesty. Although if that is your concern, perhaps Marshal Jourdain ought to be instructed to direct his Provençal troops against Dufresne rather than the long march west.

Girard: The turncoat Dufresne is of lesser importance than his early rebellion and central geographic position implies. Fort Blanc will be a fiercely difficult fortress to reclaim, but conversely he has few resources with which he can cause us meaningful harm. A small screening force ought to keep him locked down in the mountains and backwoods, Marshal Jourdain can dispatch a small portion of his forces to perform this task from the south if Marshal Forsberg can leave a small force to do the same from the north.

Forsberg: My already-limited forces are squeezed tighter still.

Jeanne: France has asked much of your men, Marshal Forsberg. I pray you determine in the field whether you can address both of these crises. If you cannot do both, reassert control over Nivernais. Marshal Jourdain will maintain your pin on General Dufresne’s rebels. Marshal Villiers?

Villiers: I believe that is appropriate. General Girard, instructions will be relayed to Marshal Jourdain to divert a small screening force against the Fort Blanc communards. He may act alone for a time, but when my reinforcements arrive from the Loire then Forsberg will once more press in from the north.

Jeanne: It is decided. General Lefebvre, your report on the disposition of the forces of the former Orléans Clique.

Lefebvre: The salient west of the Somme holds still, under the command of Marshal Gaspard, from that point we can launch an offensive through Troyes to Orléans as soon as the eastern reinforcements arrive. After Ignace’s misplaced ‘come-to-god’ moment, monarchist cadres escaped his purges of anti-communards and gathered in Troyes before establishing a new command in Châlons. They control most of Champagne and western Lorraine, as well as between a third and a half of the soldiers, although since then Ignace has recruited god knows how many longshoremen, factory workers and street children to reinforce his ‘popular’ army. They Champagne loyalists are cut off from the west Somme but with the arrival of reinforcements we can bridge the gap and begin to tighten the noose on Orléans.

Jeanne: In summary?

Lefebvre: Apologies your majesty. Communards remain control of Artois and her oilfields, Orléans and her port, northern Picardie, Lorraine and Franche-Comté. There is an uprising in the western Alps which appears disconnected. Troop numbers on both sides of the line are very low, but we can bring in reinforcements to turn the tide.

Jeanne: General Lefebvre, you’ve spoken much of what will happen when the reinforcements reach Amiens, but it will not matter if we do not first secure Paris.

Lefebvre: Forgive me your majesty, I did not mean to suggest that Amiens would receive all of the reinforcements. I merely wish to impress that the Orléanist front is extremely weak in the northwest, matched only by our limited force application in the region. A small weight would tip that balance.

Jeanne: Understood. Marshal Villiers, a recapitulation of our circumstances and outlook?

Villiers: A drawdown of forces in the east, leaving enough to maintain order in the cities and counter Alexandrine irregulars in the country. Jourdain leaves directs a small force to the Southern Massif and marches the bulk of his forces to Maine, joined by Roman expeditionary forces to relieve the advance on Paris. Reinforcements from the east reach Forsberg, who can put down or contain the rebellions he has most expertly kept separated this past year, Gaspard, who can link with Champagne and advance on Orléans, and most importantly, to Paris where the Empress, General Lapierre and myself will hold the line.

Jeanne: Paris must not fall. While it may be seen as wise to retreat my command to a safer position, knowing that we control the greater part of the country, growing every day- to fear to stand in Paris is to lose Paris, and to lose Paris is to lose France herself. Do not mistake the jester Ignace as a weakling, for he holds a dagger pressed flush against our beating heart. As I have done before, I shall be seen in Paris, command my Imperial Guards in Paris, and by God I will celebrate victory in Paris.

All: Hear hear!

Villiers: With the Orléanist advance on Paris checked, what remains is the matter of holding out for the Roman reinforcements. Ignace will retreat to the west when flanked, or be cut off and his army destroyed. From there, we tighten the noose on Orléans, establish a blockade, and push in from all sides, while again maintaining a strong police presence in our major cities to tamp down any further uprisings. Our central position provides half the salvation of France, for with our rails linking each major city we can act swiftly and responsively, while our far-flung enemies can only blunder in ill coordination with one another. Our Empress, thrice struck by violence, thrice saved by providence, provides the other half. Through her, we shall see victory!

All: Honour a la Victoire!
 
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Pact of Rome (revised)

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Article I: The Inca Nation and Rome shall cease hostilities forthwith.

Article II: The Inca Nation will cease all support and succour for the Shining Path

Article III: The Inca Nation and the Roman Empire shall conduct a mutual prisoner exchange and amnesty

Article IV: The Inca Nation will cede the province of Chuquiapo (see map below) to the Roman Empire

Article V: The Roman Empire shall immediately withdraw its troops from the territory of the Inca Nation (save Chuqiapo, ceded per Article IV)

Article VI: The Roman Empire shall provide no support or succor to any rebels in the Inca Nation and uphold the principle of non-intervention in the Inca Nations domestic affairs.

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Inca Cession.

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ooc: I forgot to post the terms after completing the inca orders, like I said I would. However as promised they are now in the public domain >.<
 
Celtonian Politics after the Luso-Incan War

Center-Left (Government) Priorities:

The Holst government (Coalition for a Free Celtonia) takes power with an immediate mandate to secure peace, which it does, abandoning the military escalation of the Thomsonite government and repudiating the Roman alliance. It attempts to ride the wave of popularity from securing peace and ending an unpopular escalating war to make major economic and military reforms. Key priorities:
  1. Economic deregulation - lowered taxes, reduced military spending, private enterprise, free market promotion, trade good sales
  2. Anti-militarism - Sale of Nemausus, Treaty of Tiwanaku (see thread)
  3. Profit-maximizing deals - Gain market access through leveraging political influence in Portugal, Acadia, & other allied nations
The government will give itself a pat on the back for securing minority political rights in the Incan Nation, offering reparations to the Iroquois to defuse tensions, and selling land to the Spanish to improve relations. It will attempt to further profit from rebuilding the Portuguese nation to Celtonian standards while aiming its diplomacy towards securing lasting influence over Portugal.

The demobilization notwithstanding, the military establishment continues a policy of expanding the naval air forces, laying the keel for the first Cormorant-class carrier, the CSS Abyssal, to be commissioned in 1932.

Celtonian Far Left (Opposition):

The Celtonian far left is alienated by the government’s embrace of capitalism, and faces a loss of economic power due to the drawdown in military industrial construction. While generally discontented, the far left has chosen to rally a number of war veterans and smuggle “unlabeled” equipment produced by trade unionist factories to promote the French Communard cause rather than engage against the Holst government. This is seen as important for the international workers' movement as Celtonian society becomes increasingly dominated by liberals and nationalists.

Celtonian Right and Far-Right (Opposition):

The Celtonian right is utterly outraged by the actions of the Holst government in seizing defeat from the jaws of victory and guaranteeing the survival of fascist regimes on Tetraea. There is also a wave of fury against conservative “traitors” who aligned with the liberal government against the special military operation. This leads to the Celtonian right becoming severely radicalized and reorganizing for political warfare, building a semi-militarized youth wing and a stronger propaganda apparatus closely tied to Druidic groves.

Tarain Drosten leads a merger of the militant revanchist, pro-war Druidist, and pro-war Conservative factions into a new faction - the Nationalist Druids faction. It advocates increased executive powers, promotion of the Celtic identity & Druidist religion at the expense of minorities, and the re-annexation of Cuzco. Economically it promotes “state capitalism,” high tariffs, and strict environmental protections. Their initial focus is on subsuming the non-aligned conservatives before preparing a coordinated challenge to the liberal government.
 
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From: The Union of Celtonia
To: Scandinavia


Our previous government was, regrettably, too distracted to focus on our historic and enduring friendship with Scandinavia, but we hope that can change now. In the spirit of liberalism and democratic collaboration, we hope to negotiate a new, 5-year defensive pact between our nations.
 
From: The Union of Celtonia
To: Scandinavia


Our previous government was, regrettably, too distracted to focus on our historic and enduring friendship with Scandinavia, but we hope that can change now. In the spirit of liberalism and democratic collaboration, we hope to negotiate a new, 5-year defensive pact between our nations.
proper rp answer incoming, but: agreed :)
 
Scenes from the Battle of Paris

Stop the Presses
On Rue Morin, the grey masonry offices of Le Globe were a hive of activity. Freshly-printed copies of the newspaper gathered in stacks and bundles, the paperboys and girls came in and out to run their routes. Half a dozen ink-fingered typesetters were preparing their blocks for the Wednesday morning edition, their stations clustered around the whirring metal behemoth of the press in the center of the room. Writers filled out the room's periphery, clacking away on typing machines, while a few glass-windowed offices lined the end of the building

Some ten blocks away, General Ignace's army was camped on the far bank of the Seine, but here life went on, as normally as it could.

The normalcy was shattered with a single shriek, as a wood and metal bench crashed through the front picture window. A band of men in dark-coloured streetwear, decorated with tricolour cockades, burst into the office. Two brandished rifles, the rest batons and knives. The typesetters fled, buckets of block letters were overturned, scattering across the floor. Someone hurled an inkwell into the spinning press, another crash as black ink smeared over the sliding papers and the machine ground to a halt.

"What is this!?" a voice roared over the din. Monsieur Leroux came rushing towards the carnage, his face flushed red with anger. The editor of Le Globe was a short, portly man with thinning hair and a small, neat moustache, but he carried himself with mighty confidence.

"We're shutting you down." The leader of the intruders stepped forwards. He was a tall, rough-shaven man with curly light brown hair under his black cap. The rest of the office, intruder and staff alike, froze as their two leaders moved to parley.

"You've no right to do so. Get out. Out!"

"Red filth. Traitor to the Empire. Spreading disease and poison behind the lines, aren't you?"

"The Empress has no truck with thugs like you. Name yourself and who sent you, you'll be paying for what you've broken."

"Félix Lapierre!" A voice shouted in the background- one of the typesetters. The leader of the intruders spun his head to the side, before returning his gaze to Leroux.

"General Lapierre is out on the bridges trying to save this damned city while cockroaches like you eat the piers out from beneath him."

Leroux smirked, he couldn't help himself. "You're thinking of termites."

Furious, the intruder struck the editor in the face with his pistol. Leroux staggered backwards, steadying himself against a doorwell.

"You sh*t-eating dog, miserable little fat worm. The good general won't be getting his hands dirty with the likes of you, so we've taken on the task."

Leroux felt the inside of his mouth with his tongue- no missing teeth, fortunately. "And on whose authority? I'm telling you again, get out, out!"

"No traitors stay in the city, getting ready to stab us in the back even as we hold the river."

"I'm a columnist, not a fifth columnist." Even with blood trickling out of his mouth and nose, Leroux's wit was irrepressible.

"You're a propagandist barking to Orléans' tune!"

"I'm a journalist writing the news of what Parisians need to know. You're a halfwit thug who thinks a weapon makes him a big man."

The intruder snarled and prepared a retort. In his split-second of hesitation, the newspaperman lunged forwards, reaching for brandished pistol. A shot rang out. Pandemonium descended.



Coffee

Just outside of Café Perle, Alexis sat on a patio chair. She wore her hair up and a short dress, sipping a cup of coffee. Across from her sat Prince Constantin, wearing a smart casual outfit and a boater hat.

"I miss Peruvian coffee."

Constantin looked at her. "We still have coffee."

"Well yeah, but it's Latin coffee."

Constantin furrowed his brow, unsure of himself. "But it's still made from the same plant, isn't it?"

"There are different strains and breeds, and they've all got different climates and growing seasons. This just doesn't quite have the..."

Alexis trailed off and sipped some more. Constantin did the same. Was there a difference? He couldn't tell, and he wasn't sure if the Dauphine was making a point or just taking the opportunity to toy with him.

"The fullness, suppose. Something in the aroma. Romans and Inca have distinctive styles, Mexican coffee even moreso. I heard that Hittite coffee comes from beans that have been digested by cats."

"Cats don't eat beans."

"Hittite cats do."

"That sounds gross, they've gone all the way through an animal."

"Well obviously they wash them before they roast them. I'd like to try it, someday."

Alexis went silent and sipped her coffee. Constantin looked around.

"I don't really think we should be here."

"Why, are you worried?"

Constantin shifted uncomfortably. He didn't like being thought of as coward, least of all by a girl.

"No, I'm not."

"You can't lie to your fiancée, you know."

"I can't?!" Constantin wondered if that was a declaration of a rule, or a statement of fact from the Dauphine.

Alexis nodded with a neutral, matter-of-fact expression and sipped some more coffee.

"No, it's not that, it's just... I don't want anything bad to happen to us."

"To you, or to us?"

Again with these implications. "To both of us!" Constantin declared with earnest exasperation. "Obviously for myself, yes, but for you too. We are, after all, sort of a thing."

"Betrothed to be wed."

"Yes." Alexis could be vexing, but Constantin did feel a sort of protectiveness over the girl who would some day be his wife.

Alexis nodded again, watching some vehicles pass along the road.

"It just seems like a needless risk."

"You could hide under a bush in the Tuileries if you'd prefer, Mimi."

"I told you not to call me that."

Alexis nodded and the pair were silent for a moment.

"At any rate, we're doing our part for the war effort."

Constantin cocked his head. "Are we? My father's in a uniform in Châteauroux, my grandfather's in a uniform in Bourges. They're fighting a war. I'm... I'm here, dressed for an afternoon in the park.

Alexis gave Constantin a long look.

"Have you spoken much to your Aunt Jeanne?"

"She's my second cousin once-"

"Once-removed, I know. She's aunt-age."

Constantin considered. The Empress was not a close figure to him. He'd seen her more when he was a small child, much less in recent years. "Not much. She's very busy."

"Then I'll share with you what she's told me. Jeanne believes that there is more to winning a war than weapons, soldiers and land alone. They're critical, of course, but the balance can be tipped by the spirit. There's what German philosophers would call the gestalt. If the people think that the Empress is winning, she is winning. If they think she's losing, it doesn't matter how strong her position is. Her allies will wither, her enemies will swell. My great-grandfather seized the throne because people could perceive the wave that he rode upon. Your great-great-grandmother lost the throne because people believed she had lost it."

Constantin was taken aback, unsure if this was a slight against his heritage, or just an illustrative statement of history. That was the difficulty with Alexis, he could never tell if she was operating under two levels of inference and sarcasm, or simply the bluntest girl he had ever met. He responded slowly and cautiously.

"So... we are here to project a sense of normality."

"There we go."

Constantin mulled over the idea and followed it further. "So in being here, out in the open and in public, we are playing our parts by showing the people that we are unafraid. We help to win the spirit of the war."

"Clever boy."

Constantin was certain that he'd caught the sarcasm that time. He looked at Alexis, her face still flat and calm. Unreadable. He felt a strange surge of confidence.

"Be truthful with me. Are you afraid?" He watched her face. Her eyes focused somewhere in the distance. At length, she responded.

"Fear is the very air I breathe, Mimi. They killed my mother. They killed my father. You saw what they did to my brothers. I'm... I'm all that's left."

Constantin leaned forward. His hand touched hers, and for once she didn't bat him away. Instead, she continued.

"I'd hoped that... that I would just be allowed to live without that. I'd hoped that I could hide from my family's legacy. But our Empress has decided that I cannot, and now my fate is tied to hers. That she shall be the warrior queen, and I might be the hope for a future."

"Our fate."

Alexis shook from her reverie and gave Constantin a sharp glare. Slowly, however, it softened into an amused smirk.

"Bolder than you look, Mimi."

"I told you not to call me that."



Hold the Line

Marcel Beauchamps felt a nervous sweat building up on his forehead. His arms were interlocked with two students, one on either side of him. Together, a line of some twenty-five students stood in front of the steps of the Sorbonne. Facing them, several paces away, was a contingent of some fifteen soldiers in parade blues. An officer stepped forward to speak.

"I am Corporal Descharmes, I am here to present a warrant for Professor Henri Richard."

"Who sent you?" cried one of the students.

"We are soldiers of the Imperial French Army, I serve on the orders of General Lapierre and her majesty the Empress.

"Doctor Richard has done nothing wrong!" shouted another.

"I have a warrant to search the offices and detain Professor Richard for subversion against the defenders of Paris."

"Is it signed by a judge?" Asked one cold-voiced student. Marcel looked over at his colleague. He was grateful, in this moment, that someone could take the initiative to speak, for at this moment it was all he could do to avoid trembling- he didn't dare to imagine how badly he would fumble his words or stutter if he had to speak on behalf of his political science professor.

"It is signed by Major Bengtsson, who has authority over this arrondissement."

"Come back when the warrant's signed by a civil judge."

Marcel tensed as Corporal Descharmes gritted her teeth.

"The exigencies of war demand-"

"Back to the barracks!" someone shouted. The chant immediately caught on, drowning out the corporal.

"Back to the barracks! Back to the barracks! Back to the barracks!"

Crack!

Marcel jumped with fright as he heard a weapon fire. He felt a phantom stab of wet pain in his own chest until he realized that it was just his imagination. He looked around in horror to see who had fallen. But it had just been a warning shot. It served its purpose, though, and the chant was silenced.

"Allow us to pass, or you will all be arrested as co-conspirators."

"We do not recognize the authority of martial government here." Come back with a warrant from a civil judge."

Corporal Descharmes took a moment, gauging the situation like a lioness might gauge a herd of gazelles. Her eyes narrowed and she barked one word.

"Batons!"

The soldiers drew out their clubs and advanced. The voice of the unknown student barked out a reply of his own, no longer to the officer but to the human line in front of the university.

"Hold the line! Don't let them separate you, pull in any comrade who gets separated back into the group!"

Marcel's heart raced as the soldiers marched up towards him. How had he gotten himself into this mess? Doctor Richard hadn't done anything wrong, he was no criminal, Marcel-

The groups made contact on the far end of the line. There were more students than soldiers. One swung at Marcel, he dodged and the club struck his shoulder heavily. Marcel leaned into the young man, grabbing at his right arm to prevent a second swing even as his shoulder cried out. Across the line, the two groups clashed, body against body, a cacophony of cries and shouts. In the madness of pain and adrenaline, Marcel's fear suddenly deserted him. He was in a chôle scrum, his team against the others. He dropped into a low stance, his hands grappled his opponent. Somewhere in the background, a voice began rhythmic calls. "Push! Push! Push!"

A sudden blow to his head almost made him stagger, but the peers at his sides continued to push, keeping him upright. He had almost no sense of what was going on, except that someone was beating on his shoulder and the side of his neck again. He reached up, fumbling for the club, and managed to turn it. He tightened his grip striking blindly and wildly against the figure his opposite, until it crumpled. There was blood dripping into his vision, burning his eyes, but wherever his left eye could see a bit of blue cloth, he struck, he pushed, he shoved. A pair of hands pulled him back for a moment, as if he had pushed out too far, but soon he was on the offensive again, pushing into the scrum. The noise grew louder, the shoving more intense, until at last it fell. The resistance was gone, and Marcel staggered back to the steps of his university, dazed.

Minutes passed like seconds. A warm, wet cloth washed his face, and he looked up. A pair of twin girls in identical nursing uniforms- scratch that, just one, his vision was still a bit off. His fellow students were still here, and only half a dozen of the soldiers remained. Had the rest fled? The ones still here looked to be in rough shape, and were handcuffed. A few students were in the process of disarming them. Marcel overheard a conversation.

"What do we do with them now?"

"We're not executing them and we're not taking prisoners. We'll take them away from the university and send them home. Get care for the ones who took a few too many hits from Monsieur Baton." The speaker gestured towards Marcel.

I'm Monsieur Baton?
Marcel remained on the step, sore and aching from the brawl and drained from the aftermath of the adrenaline surge. The student who had been speaking earlier was making his way across the group, checking in on everyone, until he reached Marcel.

"You've got a bit of viking in you!" he said with a grin, clapping Marcel on the side.

"Ouf, not that side please."

"Very sorry, I didn't see that bruise. Come now, up, let's get you to the teaching hospital."

"I'm... not in trouble am I?"

The student barked a laugh. "Not today comrade. You're not arrested, we've got friends in the hospital. Just want to get those cuts and bruises looked at. My name's Louis, by the way."

"Marcel." The two young men shook hands, and Louis took the opportunity to keep a grip and hoist him back into a standing position.

"So you're a communard?" Marcel asked.

Louis chuckled. "I guess so."

"Dr. Richard isn't though, why were you here?"

"He isn't, true, but he's an ally. Yourself?"

"I'm... well, not really, I'm just a philosophy student. I just didn't want them to take Dr. Richard."

"Then you sound like a good man to me. Come, let's get you patched up."
 
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From: The Great Iroquois Nation
To The United States of America and the Republic of Germany


War has ravaged the continent of Tetrea. Sachem Deganawida Àwe in his great wisdom, refuses to allow our home to fall victim to the same petty squabbles and greed that have gripped the poor peoples of Tetrea. By the Law of Peace we shall prevail, and rise together.


Prosperity Pact of Northern Altarra
  1. The United States of America, the Republic of Germany, and the Great Iroquois Nation pledge to peace and will use diplomacy to resolve all disputes between themselves.
  2. All parties pledge to respect the cultural and ideological identities of all, with an emphasis on mutual respect.
  3. Open trade will be conducted as outlined in the following sub-articles
    • Two railways will be constructed, linking the Great Iroquois Nation with the United States of America and the Republic of Germany, respectively.
    • Ports at Alleghany-Konigsberg (Iroquois-Germany) and Tonawanda-Miami (Iroquois-USA) will be established to facilitate maritime trade.
  4. Additions or amendments may be made by unanimous consent.
  5. These articles must be renewed in 5 years by unanimous consent.
Signed
Sachem Deganawida Àwe

OOC: Guys I'm having a blast
(Apologies, I have somehow managed to gaslight myself into believing I wrote my final answer weeks ago)

The United States of America is in agreement, and signs the Prosperity Pact proposed by the Iroquois Nation.
 
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