Do you mean - increasing by impassioned speeches, by the sole fact that he was in charge (their reputation), etc.?
We had continued this arduous journey during five hours, when, on reaching the summit of an isolated green hill, at the back of the ridge already described, four mounted officers crossed us, one of them riding a little ahead of the rest, who, on the contrary, kept together. He who rode in front was a thin, well-made man, apparently of the middle stature, and just past the prime of life. His dress was a plain gray frock, buttoned close to the chin; a cocked hat, covered with oilskin; gray pantaloons, with boots, buckled at the side; and a steel-mounted light sabre. There were in the ranks many veterans, who had served in the Peninsula during some of the earlier campaigns; these instantly recognised their old leader, and the cry of “Duro, Duro!” the familiar title given by the soldiers to the Duke of Wellington, was raised. This was followed by reiterated shouts, to which he replied by taking off his hat and bowing.
As I had never seen the great Captain of the day before, it will readily be imagined that I looked at him on the present occasion with a degree of admiration and respect, such as a soldier of seventeen years of age, devoted to his profession, is likely to feel for the man whom he regards as its brightest ornament. I felt, as I gazed upon him that an army under his command could not be beaten; and I had frequent opportunities afterwards of perceiving, how far such a feeling goes towards preventing a defeat. Let the troops only place perfect confidence on him who leads them, and the sight of him, at the most trying moment, is worth a fresh brigade.
George Robert Gleig The Subaltern (1825).
And similar, any leaders known for demoralizing their opponents troops?
unlike previous Iranian monarchs
his retreat was part and parcel of the general rout that occurred when Alexander's troops hit the Schwerpunkt of the Iranian army.
Arrian said:For a time Alexander himself led his men in column, but when the cavalry, charging the Persians who were trying to surround the Macedonian's right wing, first breached the barbarian phalanx, Alexander wheeled about opposite the gap, arrayed the Companion cavalry and the nearby portion of the phalanx in a wedge formation and led them at full speed and with a war cry at Darius himself. For a brief period the fighting was hand to hand, but when Alexander and his horsemen pressed the enemy hard, shoving the Persians and striking at their faces with spears (xustois), and the Macedonian phalanx, tightly arrayed and bristling with sarisae, was already upon them, Darius, who had long been in a state of dread, now saw terrors all around him; he wheeled about - the first to do so - and fled.
(...)
The Persians on the right wing, who had not yet become aware of the flight of Darius, rode round Alexander's left wing and attacked Parmenio in flank. At this juncture, the Macedonians being at first in a state of confusion from being attacked on all sides, Parmenio sent a messenger to Alexander in haste, to tell him that their side was in a critical position and that he must send him aid. When this news was brought to Alexander, he turned back again from further pursuit, and wheeling round with the Companion cavalry, led them with great speed against the right wing of the foreigners. In the first place he assaulted the fleeing cavalry of the enemy, the Parthians, some of the Indians, and the most numerous and the bravest division of the Persians. Then ensued the most obstinately contested cavalry fight in the whole engagement. For being drawn up by squadrons, the foreigners wheeled round in deep columns, and falling on Alexander's men face to face, they no longer relied on the hurling of javelins or the dexterous deploying of horses, as is the common practice in cavalry battles, but every one of his own account strove eagerly to break through what stood in his way, as their only means of safety. They struck and were struck without quarter, as they were no longer struggling to secure the victory for another, but were contending for their own personal safety. Here about sixty of Alexander's Companions fell; and Hephaestion himself, as well as Coenus and Menidas, was wounded. But these troops also were overcome by Alexander; and as many of them as could forced their way through his ranks and fled with all their might. And now Alexander had nearly come into conflict with the enemy's right wing; but in the meantime the Thessalian cavalry in a splendid struggle, were not falling short of Alexander's suc cess in the engagement. For the foreigners on the right wing were already beginning to fly when he came on the scene of conflict; so that he wheeled round again and started off in pursuit of Darius once more, keeping up the chase as long as there was daylight. Parmenio's brigade also followed in pursuit of those who were opposed to them.
Kurush was one of the few. The first Darayavahush also led troops in battle. Xsayarsa didn't, although he had the courtesy to at least attend some of the battles. Going further down the line, some of the more recent monarchs hadn't bestirred themselves to exercise battlefield command at all. Ardaxshacra II famously tried to take credit for Mithridates' victory over Kurush at Kounaxa, and his predecessor Darayavahush II similarly did basically nothing.What about Cyrus the Great?
Xsayarsa didn't, although he had the courtesy to at least attend some of the battles.
Wouldn't the equivalent of the King's Colour been evident flying above the HQ position, to provide a rallying point for the line in adversity and to allow subordinate officers to locate the overall commander?
(...) During the battle itself the royal pennon was stationed in front of king Władysław II. However, during one of the attacks launched by the Knights of the Order, it had to be furled hastily, in order that the enemy would not be able to pick out the person of the monarch. Consequently the king and the small unit accompanying him escaped notice. However one of the guest knights fighting for the Order, the Lusatian knight Dypold von Kóckritz, did notice the king and launched a single-handed attack. It is possible that he recognized the king because he had frequently served on embassies of the Order to Cracow, or perhaps he simply noticed the king's horse and armour. Von Kóckritz was first wounded by Jagiełło himself and then killed by the king's secretary Bishop Zbigniew of Oleśnica. (...)
(...) The Court Banner was stationed towards the rear of Jagiełło's order of battle, behind the Banners of Lesser Poland and Halych-Ruthenia. When the king seemed threatened by the attack of a group of enemy under the command of Ulrich von Jungingen, and the young Royal Secretary Zbigniew of Oleśnica sent a request that the Banner should bring help to the small group defending the king, it was turned down, according to some sources by Mikołaj Kiełbasa 'Sausage' one of the antesignani (i.e. knights fighting in the front ranks) of the Court Banner. Had the Banner obeyed its orders, its advance would undoubtedly have brought the position of Jagiełło to the attention of the enemy. As it was, the royal pennon was furled in time, and an untimely attack was avoided. Only von Kóckritz decided on his one-man attack. (...)
Usually it meant not going on campaign at all. Or, alternatively, going on campaign met a definition that didn't involve actually witnessing combat. Think of the way most Ottoman sultans defined "campaigning": going on tour with the army as it left the capital and moved north through the Balkans, but then stopping at, say, Sofia or Belgrade and going back to the pleasure-domes around the Marmara while the army continued on to Hungary or Podolia or wherever.BTW - when you write that they did not lead troops in battle - do you mean that they did not go with troops on campaigns at all (i.e. they stayed in their palaces or whatever, rather than leading their army in the field), or only that they did not fight, but were giving orders from some command post in the rear area of the battlefield (like the Polish king Władysław Jogaila at Grunwald in 1410 - and the Grand Master of the Teutonic Order, up to some point, as well)?
The second option - controlling your army from a safe and secure position, rather than risking your life in the first line - is rather wise.
The impression given in Herodotos' account is that Xsayarsa just sat there on the throne they set up for him on the hillside and watched. Imagine the difficulty of command and control from afar, though, in an era in which one could not rely on distant intelligence, maps, or even spyglasses. How would Xsayarsa have reliably transmitted orders to the constituent squadrons of his fleet, at least in a way that would have had effect quickly enough to matter? How clear a picture of the confused melee could he have reasonably had?Domen said:"Attending" battles means that he was in charge from behind - or that he was only observing, while someone else was the commander in chief?
The possibility exists that, as you and Flying Pig said, Darayavahush wanted to demonstrate royal splendor as a sort of morale booster and whatnot, and so made his position a target on purpose. But commanding in the center of the army is described as standard operating procedure for Iranian generals by Arrianus' narrative, so maybe Alexander just acted on that knowledge instead.Domen said:To find a single man on the battlefield is not easy. I wonder how was Alexander able to localize the command post of Darius at Gaugamela?
Perhaps Darius did nothing to hide the location of his "HQ", but rather manifested his splendor (as is shown in the 2004 movie "Alexander").