A Brief History of French Fascism -- Part I
"Hard pressed on my right; center is yielding; impossible to maneuver. Situation excellent, I shall attack!" - Ferdinand Foch
1919 - 1923: The General Disorder
When the governors of the Third French Republic signed the Treaty of Berlin, largely stripping France of the most profitable and most important parts of her colonial empire, agreeing to various terms of disarmament and economic sanctions, they additionally signed away (in the eyes of the public, and more importantly in the eyes of the increasingly-powerful military apparatus assembled without foresight to the possibility of defeat during the course of the war) their right to rule over France. The next four years would be referred to later as the "General Disorder" both as a moniker apt in that all the various pillars of political and social authority that had held up the Third Republic were collapsing, and in that the growing, far right opposition to governmental socialism and decolonization policies was lead by the military. The parliamentary government that had signed the Treaty of Berlin was promptly disbanded, in favor of a moderate coalition government between the republican old guard that had lead France during the war, and the most senior of the military officers it had selected to fight against the vile Hun. Marshal Ferdinand Foch reluctantly assumed leadership of this government, and was in the intervening years assigned large portion of the blame for the failure of the Third Republic during the General Disorder. In substance and in symptoms, the General Disorder was not at all dissimilar from the period of instability that had followed the defeat of the Second Empire, again at the hands of the Germans. Anti-German sentiment was, it was a rare occasion when it was not, again very high. But higher than that was the political polarization between the far right and the far left in France, which the ultimately ineffectual and weak moderate government lead by Foch attempted to bridge. The Foch government instituted a series of economic reforms, emphasizing independent industry at home, and the rights of workers, that enraged the far right. The "independent" aspect of this industry was that it relied on importation of goods not from France's diminished colonies, but favored full participation in what the liberals termed the emerging "global free market". The plan, although successful in terms of providing employment and repairing France's position economically, was such a domestic failure that Foch himself urged his cabinet to accept its dismissal lest France be thrust into further anarchy. The failure of Foch's industrial and domestic policies was the first crack in the weakened dam of the Third Republic. As Foch's government continued to spiral into failure after failure, his legitimacy as leader with the public rapidly began to evaporate. Worse yet, when Foch was elected to leadership over the Republic it had been largely at the behest of the generals, who saw Foch as one of their own, the last qualified man, the only qualified man to take over France's government after "civilian government had failed".
Portrait of the indomitable Marshal
Foch, previously the
de jure leader of the French officer corps, was quickly unhorsed in favor of the radicalized, younger generation of French officers who had become high level members of the corps only after the defeat. At the helm of these "French Young Turks" as the French liberal movement disdainfully labeled them, was Charles De Gaulle. Dubbed largely as the protege of Philippe Petain, De Gaulle was a popular press figure. Noticeably tall, with his prominent nose and omnipresent
kapi, he cut the picture perfect image of the young French general, a new Napoleon, going forth into the future. After the fact, German and American historians who have largely sympathized with Foch as an unfairly-maligned leader (for the memory of Foch has been forbidden to be stained with liberalism in France), would say that the former Marshal's greatest mistake was attempting to lead as a truly civilian president. What France needed, what France really wanted, was a military leader, a post that Foch should have been able to fill without any question. Foch's mistake was to second-guess the French public, to assume that republican France was too noble and too committed to the "cause of democracy" which it had taken up during the war as under assault by the Kaiser, to expect that they would resent military leadership. De Gaulle's genius, perhaps more Petain's genius (we can never be certain who was truly the father of French fascism and the midwife, as Petain was rapidly increasing in age and decreasing in his sanity, and the cult of De Gaulle has been so successful in sandblasting the involvement of less charismatic, less emphatic figures in the history of the Parti Phalangiste) was realizing that what the French people wanted more than anything, was military leadership. In the waning months of 1921, the situation of the Third Republic was critical. It was at this time that the Parti Phalangiste was born, as the far right and far left came to heads, and De Gaulle's position was bolstered by a feared civil war between France's emerging "fascists" and the communist movement. While this was supposedly the stamp on the Third Republic's death sentence, what perhaps more than anything else sealed its defeat was the failure of the Foch government to express true sympathies to French capitalists. What the capitalists, arguably the last bastion of French republicanism, feared more even than the loss of the empire, more than the Hun across the Rhine, was the success of communism in France. The "make hay in the sunshine" feel of the Third Republic's early days, the Scramble for Africa and the rebirth of French industry, was an alluring idea, and the capitalists were sorely disappointed that a second military defeat weakened their influence over French politics, rather than strengthened it. Communism, to the extent that it sympathized with the cause of the empire, blamed the capitalists (and even more, the Jews, who were now again living under the shadow of Alfred Dreyfus) for France's defeat, claiming that they had sold out France to Germany in order to save their businesses. Foch had eliminated himself in their eyes as a potentially-sympathetic leader, with his increasingly anti-business, socialist economic policies and his even harder stance on industry in the colonies which he felt could only be made relevant by foreign, "free market" investment. And so, when a coalition of communist parties within the National Assembly began to discuss the potential of a no confidence vote in Foch, in order to replace him with the socialist (and ironically, Jewish) Leon Blum, the capitalists went behind the back of democratic process, and voted for no confidence with their feet. Prominent captains of industry approached De Gaulle and other prominent figures in the military, and leaders of the Parti Phalangiste, asking them in secret to assume government of France by whatever means necessary.
Blum and other members of the Popular Front
This was the beginning of the end for the Third Republic, and the General Disorder. On Christmas Eve, 1921, the military demanded that Ferdinand Foch step down. Foch was willing to do so, as he said, only on the condition that he be executed. Whether or not he was serious when he made this statement will never be known, as the Parti Phalangiste denies that the exchange between Foch and De Gaulle ever took place. What is known is that Foch was never given the chance to become a martyr for French republicanism, or to die for whatever cause he called his own (in a brief interview with American journalists, he said he would have been glad to give his life not for any faction, but for France), as when he stepped down he was promptly seized by military officials and exiled to Madagascar. In a brief flurry of activity, all the pomp and bombast of French fascism was almost strangled in the crib, by the "Deuxieme Commune de Paris". Leon Blum, and the members of France's various communist parties, took to the streets of Paris to
The Internationale, Phrygian caps on their heads and as De Gaulle would put it "murder in their hearts". In a matter of hours, France's feared far right revolution was free of international intervention. Better fascists, than reds. The military quickly moved into Paris, and successively killed this second batch of
Communards. What has been remembered only by witnesses of the incident, and the rest of the world, is that the putting down of the
communards also involved the massacre of a large number of bystanders.
Paris during the brief few hours of the Second Commune
What mattered, to the military and the capitalists, and the outside world, was that communism had been defeated in France. The unquestioned massacre of the communards, and the execution of their leaders, left a large number of the communists in the countryside who were prepared to enact similar risings with cold feet. Lower level officials and members of France's communist parties were quick to sell out their leadership. The red menace folded. Under De Gaulle's leadership, the military quickly formed a "French Imperial State" after the reign of, literally a matter of minutes and hours, the Fourth French Republic was brought to a close. De Gaulle was named President.
The stage was set, and the pieces were moving, for the Emperor's return.