Firstly, Ive been away and I forgot about this thread. Just found it, so, we can continue if you dont mind.
Vrylakas said:
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]??? Not sure what you're ultimately trying to get at Calgacus but I don't see that my little blurb contradicts what you're saying. I don't see that I've denied or given short shrift to Rus' Viking origins. I was just pointing out that (some) modern historians consider Rus' "Slavification" as significant, and that this process seems to have happened fairly seemlessly.
Again, I impugned no ethnic origins to Rus, no did I ever claim Rus to be exclusively a Slavic entity. I've re-read my little blurb above and cannot see how you would get that idea. Perhaps it is my bad English. Nonetheless, while the Vikings most certainly founded Rus as a political entity, to believe that only Vikings or Scandinavians were involved is also an error. There most certainly were Slavs involved from the beginning, in the very least as the local indigeonous peoples, along with others.
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No, no, no
Im very sorry, I was expounding on the point for the benefit of the person who opened the thread. Sorry I made you waste so must writing.
Vrylakas said:
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Archaeological evidence does show that the Vikings did not simply walk into the northern Dniepr forests and find the people there tabula rasa; the local Slavs had already developed a fairly sophisticated culture, with significant political and long-distance trade ties.
Are you suggesting that there simply were no people in the region when the Varangians appeared, that Rus in its entirety was peopled (initially) by Swedes?
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Certainly not. That, as you have said, would be a silly idea. Firstly, because it would leave totally unexplainable the emergence of Sviatoslav and the general Slavification of of the Russian dynasty. Secondly, the Primary Chronicle is pretty clear on the matter, and there is no reason to disbelieve it. Moreover, philologists can work out the ethnicity of all the tribes mentioned.
My opinion is that the Norse simply established a few principalities on a Slavic, Finnic and Magyar[ic] (?) subject base. Once the first generation of warriors died out, the dynasties obviously had to go native. There was still a Scandinavian presence and Scandinavian-speaking monarchy in the 11th century (as evidenced in
Heimskringla), but I think it would be pretty far out to argue that Scandinavians lasted more than a few generations as the as the main ruling element.
(Curiously, the earliest written document in Russian history comes from Kiev, and is written in Hebrew).
Vrylakas said:
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A couple points on this one:
1. "Drang nach Südden" was really more in the vein of a joke, though I would disagree with your point that Russia only attempted a southward expansion in the 18th century. Ivan Grozny and many of his successors fought many wars with the Tartars, expanding into southern territory as they could. The experience of the Mongol conquest and subsequent Tartar years of ruler and tribute created a strong focus for Russian security concerns southward, even if large-scale success only came in the late 17th century and onward.
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Well, of course they may have
attempted expansion in the intervening period, but they had no chance of ruling the Steppe until the age gunpowder and of the Cossacks.
Vrylakas said:
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2. Not sure where you get the notion of Slavs "entering Russia from the south". The geographical origins of the Slavs is nowhere near a settled point, with many regions vying for the label of the Slavic "Urheimat". Many credible theories place Slavic origins northward (or some even in the Balkans), towards modern Belarus or even farther northeast. Linguistic evidence also suggests a northern "ethnogenesis", though it is hardly conclusive. The point is no one has established where the Slavs originated to anything approaching wide acceptance.
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Well, I dont know about the early Slavs, but there is a clear expansion of the eastern Slavs from the northern Ukraine, northwards and eastwards from the time of Kievan Rus onwards. That was all I meant!
Vrylakas said:
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Youre using a political technicality to overlook what was a very real and often violent rivalry. The Posadniks who ruled Novgorod were a sop to Kieven tradition, and while Muscovy obtained the ultimate right to appoint Novgorod princes this became an empty gesture as by the early 13th century the Posadniks were virtually stripped of any real power and subject to elections. By the end of the 13th century the Posadniks were subject to annual re-elections, with the more important result that Muscovy now tried to assert its rule over Novgorod directly. By the early 15th century the Novgorodians (?) played a neat trick of diluting Posadnik power even more through numbers; they tripled their numbers and forced them to face re-election every 6 months. This was a part of a systematic attempt to dilute not only princely but Muscovite power in Novgorod. This led to the war in the mid-15th century which ended in Novgorods conquest by Muscovy, and its submission to direct Muscovite rule (1456) and finally outright annexation (1478). The final chapter came when Ivan Grozny sacked and burned Novgorod a hundred years later (1570) on the basis of a rumor.
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It seems that you have your chronology confused here. Firstly, in the early 13th century Muscovy was little more than a border outpost of Vladimir. The first mention of Moscow occurs for the year 1147. Secondly, while the Posadniks became elected officials, the Prince was still a Riurikid and the Grand Prince still had a huge role here. As you can see with Grand Prince Iaroslav Vsevolodich of Vladimir, who appoints his son Alexander Nevsky as Prince of Novgorod in the late 1230s. Quoting Janet Martin, The grand princes of Vladimir regularly regarded themselves as the rightful princes of Novgorod. In the few instances in which Novgorod attempted to challenge a Grand Princes occupation of its throne, the military might of the latter obliged it to reconsider. (Janet Martin,
Medieval Russia: 980-1584, p. 182). Novgorod, being a dependency, never developed an effective army to meet its immense wealth.
The only exceptional period is the 12th century, when Novgorod dilutes the power of the Posadniks, takes its prince from rival Riurikid branches and develops the
tysiatskii (commander of militia). With the addition of the Archbishop, power was split at the top, making it easier for the oligarchs to control the city. Bearing that in mind, its Princes still sought and obtained support from the city to achieve the honour of Grand Prince. Moreover, decentralization was common to all of Rus in the 12th century. But at even this nadir, Rus remained at least a feudal confederation.
The onslaught of the Germans and the new Mongol assisted GPs made Novgorods increasing independence impossibleto continue. The princes of Tver and Muscovy (rivals for GP), needed Novgorod to pay the largest part of the Mongol tribute. Novgorod could play the princes of Tver and Muscovy off against one another for temporary advantage, but they never got near achieving even
de facto independence.The annexation of Novgorod in the 15th century was not a proper annexation as such, it was centralization of the (Vladimiran) Russian state. It was part of a phenomenon going on all over Europe. To portray it as simply the "annexation of Novgorod to Moscow is seriously misleading
Vrylakas said:
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I disagree on this one. The Mongols who retreated from the Polish-Hungarian campaign of 1241-1242 did not withdrawal to Mongolia; they stopped in Suzdal and set up shop there. The Russian principalities were incorporated formally into the Mongol empire, and Russian princes had to report to Karakorum not only to pay tribute but for ceremonies, dispute mediation and political consultations. The Mongols set up the Golden Horde state with its capital at Sarai and ruled Russia much as they ruled most of their empire. As I alluded to in my little blurb above, however, the Mongol empire began to deteriorate fairly quickly and by the 15th century it was a fiction, with the Golden Horde doing little more than collecting tribute from Russian princes. The Mongol military presence in the Russias of the later 13th century was fairly light but given that most major Russian cities had been reduced to rubble in their invasion Rjazan, Kalomma, Moscow, Suzdal, Vladimir, Rostov, Yaroslav, Tver, etc. there was little need
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The point is, they never appointed any Mongol or Turkic rulers, nor attempted to set up an Imperial Bureaucracy. They kept and, in some senses, revived the declining Russian feudal state. The princes were maintained, even if the Khan chose the Grand Prince; the Grand Prince had to collect tribute, and they would have to go to Sarai occasionally
but all of that hardly amounts to direct rule in any sense I would understand it.
Secondly...to offer some comparison...the Mongols actually replaced the native rulers with themselves in central Asia, Iran and China. They didnt in Russia. Thats what I meant.
Vrylakas said:
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I describe it as a conquest because it was much more than just a re-constitution of the Kieven Rus lands, and furthermore it was carried out by a state (Muscovy) which only came to exist in the final years of Kieven Rus and which, in the context of pre-Mongol Rus, had no historic authority to be the center of any revived Rus. The point is I am breaking a commonly-accepted historical continuity between Rus and Muscovite Russia. I think it's important to make the distinction between Rus and Russian history because Rus encompasses much more (culturally and geographically) than Russia, at least in the Eastern Slavic lands. Imagine how different German history might have been if Bavaria or Saxony had emerged as the land that unified Germany in the 19th century; I am asking the same question about Russia. Because it was Moscow that unified Russia, Russia has since born the basic cultural and political imprint of Muscovy, just as Germany bore the basic imprint of Brandenburg-Prussia.
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Muscovys authority came from the Khan in Sarai. The term used Khan in Russian sources is Tsar. He used Russias traditional Grand Principality political structure, and supplemented it with his force. In the Khans eyes, the Grand Prince of Vladimir was his administrator and his chief tax-collector. In Russian eyes, he was their Grand Prince (as we pejoratively translate in English), and the ruler of their historic feudal world.
I must say, that my experience is that in popular history (the stuff they teach at schools, and the stuff non-specialists say), a break tends to be emphasized. (In contrast, with, say France after the Carolingians, even though the Capetian state didnt even share ethnicity with the Frank; unlike the Russian case). In my opinion, this break exists to a certain extent, but I wouldnt claim it was any more or a break than, say, the Holy Roman Empire under Friedrich II with the Holy Roman Empire of Charles V.
Im also concerned with the deep prejudices which many people have against Russia. Western historians (Davies for instance), constantly seek to discredit Russias legitimacy by rubbishing the governments claims to continuity with Kievan Rus. (Ive had to invent the term Vladimiran Rus to counter it). It is true that Rus was split by the Lithuanian and Mongol conquests, but the claim to these lost territories made by the Russian state which survived
were as legitimate as that logic can make them. The general picture is that while the heartland of Rus (the area between Kiev and Novgorod) was mostly taken over, the north-west border zone survived and re-orientated the state, and reunified it when it had the chance. In the process, nationalisms emerged in the Ukraine and, to a lesser extent, Belarus. Modern Russias continuity with Kievan Rus might be compared with a (theoretical) Romance-speaking Byzantine Empires claim to be the successor of Rome; or with Tang Chinas claim to be the same state as Han China. You may not agree, but I think we should see this matter in context!