Decamper
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2065 in Review
World Headlines
Columbian Union - Mexican Federation War
From the Independence Day Invasion to New Year's Day
After increasing tensions throughout the year as increasingly large numbers of Columbian and Mexican army units garrisoned the border, Columbian Forces launched an offensive on the morning of September 17th, the day after Mexico’s Independence Day. The Columbians hoped to catch their opponents off guard and hungover from the day before’s festivities, but the highly disciplined Mexican troops were fresh and ready when the first shots were fired. Nevertheless, a rapid airborne invasion and larger land numbers enabled Union forces to encircle and overwhelm the Mexican border troops in Rio Grande. Mexican army and air units were able to rally before the fall of the entire province, and by September 24th the Columbia offensive was slowed to halt near the Tropic of Cancer, its flanks harassed by ranger and artillery positions in the Sierra Madre Oriental and offshore bombardment from the Mexican Navy.
Plans for a possible counter attack were made impossible due to a Union amphibious landing near Tecolutla. The amphibious attack was meant to become the main push of the Columbian invasion, but in the early hours of the landing, it became clear that Mexican intelligence had predicted the attack. The Mexican Navy had peeled off of the northern coast, swinging around to harass the Columbian flotilla, forcing warships to peel away from those transporting troops, while an air wing also diverted from the frontline tangoed with the Columbian air cover. Four divisions of Union marines landed without air and naval support, and soon found themselves face to face with an equal number of Mexican army divisions. Ambitions to capture the entire Mexican capital region were quickly abandoned, but the ensuing weeks-long battle resulted in heavy destruction to the coastal region.
The troops and air support pulled away from the northern frontline resulted in the Mexican line buckling, but conducting an orderly retreat into the mountains before it could be broken. The Union marines were relieved by the larger invasion force in late October, while the ragged Mexican Navy was chased away, forced to limp into Pacific ports. The following two months saw a relatively static line drawn across the Mexican capital province, with Columbian forces regrouping and reorganising in the occupied eastern plains, while Mexican forces take up defensive positions in the central mountains.
Both sides are still eager to fight, but the tolls of the war have been great. The economies of both polities are buckling under the current levels of militarisation in both polities, and it is entirely possible that the troops will run out of equipment and reinforcements before the end of 2066.
[Mexican Federation: -18 Reserves, +6 Readiness]
[Columbian Union: -20 Reserves, +5 Readiness]
Reactions on the Homefront
Public support in both the Columbian Union and Mexican Federation is very supportive of the war efforts. For the Columbians, it is a preemptive war against a clearly aggressively minded neighbour, and the gains from the war will go towards the great national socialist project that is the Union. Meanwhile, the Mexicans see it as not only an existential war, but one where they can prove themselves superior to their neighbours, and while the war has not gone well for them so far, every small victory is celebrated as if they had conquered the world.
[+3 Cohesion Mexican Federation]
[+3 Cohesion Columbian Union]
Unrest in Occupied Mexican Territories, Condemnation of Indiscriminate Warfare
The Columbians owe a large part of their success to their liberal rules of engagement, which led to the complete levelling of neighbourhoods and towns that obstructed the advance. While many civilians fled conflict zones for safer Mexican territories, those that survived the assault and now live under Columbian occupation are already making clear their opposition. Columbian troops know well not to travel the streets at night, and during the day are constantly harassed by roadside bombs and snipers from insurgents. Many areas are already at risk of falling to insurrections due to the Union’s almost complete lack of forward policing units, and most military forces being required at the frontlines. Military and security advisors urge the Union government to either divert troops from the frontline to police the occupied territories, or to significantly increase security spending to pacify the rebellious areas.
Journalists and activists in Mexico and abroad have also lambasted the Columbian military for its indiscriminate warfare. Images of razed towns and shredded civilian corpses flood international news feeds. Civilian casualty statistics vary wildly from source to source, with Columbian sources report around 50,000 civilian deaths, while Mexican government sources report upwards of 200,000, nearly double that many wounded and maimed, and well over a million displaced. Civilian casualties in Columbia have meanwhile been mostly due to occasional skirmishes and shelling across the Sonora - Texas border, with the latest tally being reported around 5,000 deaths and injuries. The Mexican government is also coming under criticism for its inability to handle its own displaced citizens fleeing the conflict, many of whom are living in makeshift refugee camps that are already regressing into ghettos.
[-1 Cohesion Mexican Federation]
[-2 Cohesion Columbian Union]
Coalition - Caliphate War
Prologue to War
Leading up to 2065, condemnation of the totalitarian, extremist regime of the Islamic Khilāfa of Afghanistan was common in democratic leaning polities around the world, most evident in the polities of the Global Democratic Trade and Defense Group. Anti-Caliphate rhetoric amped up in GDTDG polities, most notably Saudi Arabia and the Soviet bloc, in the early months of 2065, and eventually culminated in the declaration of war and invasion of the Caliphate by a coalition composed of Saudi Ariabia, the Soviet bloc, the Sanctuary Republics, and the United Nations of North America.
The Western Front
The invasion of the Afghan Caliphate began with a joint Saudi-Sanctuary-American offensive into Fars. A large Saudi land force, backed by air support from the Sanctuary Republic and United Nations of North America, aggressively pushed into Fars, facing a much smaller number of Caliphate forces. With their attention split between the Western and Northern fronts, less than half of the Caliphate’s elite military was present in Fars, resulting in almost complete air superiority in favour of the Coalition. The experience, training and ferocity of the Afghan soldiers could do little against constant and overwhelming bombing, and the remaining dug-in troops were quickly uprooted by the advancing Saudi army. Coalition forces attempted to avoid unnecessary civilian casualties, but the heavy aerial bombardment and deep entrenchment of Afghan forces nevertheless resulted in heavy infrastructure damage, and left an estimated 15-30,000 civilians dead or seriously wounded, and nearly 200,000 displaced. The majority of refugees fled back into the Caliphate heartland, but large numbers also fled west, hoping for better lives outside of the Caliphate. These refugees either tried to move through the Saudi lines into Khuzestan, or through humanitarian corridors in the Caspian Republic to Sanctuary. The occupied Farsi province is currently stable under Saudi security forces, but there is a significant portion of the population that holds resentment towards their occupiers, and advisors have suggested increased security spending to keep the territory under control while the military continues its operations.
[Saudi Arabia: -11 Reserves, +4 Readiness]
[Sanctuary: -2 Reserves, +1 Readiness]
[UNNA: -3 Reserves, +1 Readiness]
[Afghanistan: -13 Reserves, +4 Readiness]
[-1 Cohesion Saudi Arabia]
The Northern Front
Concurrent with the invasion of Fars, the recently unified Soviet bloc Red Army invaded the northern frontier lands of the Afghan Caliphate. Joint Russian and Central Asian forces advanced into Turkestan, while Siberian forces pushed into Aldastan. The Caliphate soldiers were both outnumbered on the ground and the skies, and also had to contend with socialist insurrections in Turkestan. With their airs cover forced out off the front, and facing double the number of land divisions, the elite Afghan troops made a fighting retreat across their vast northern territories, back into the mountains of their heartland provinces. Soviet forces took a significant beating, especially in Turkestan, where they had limited a limited RoE to avoid civilian casualties. The cautious approach did pay off, and along with the popular socialist revolts, the occupation of Turkestan has been relatively peaceful, with destruction to infrastructure and civilian fatalities kept to a minimum, and most of the resentment among the locals focused on the Caliphate. The occupation of Aldastan was less gentle, with heavy damage to civilian infrastructure occurring as the Afghan forces were pursued out of the province. Observers report around 50,000 civilian casualties, with most of them occurring in Aldastan, and around 300,000 displaced, with most refugees falling back to Khorasan or Afghanistan itself. The occupation of the northernmost portion of Afghanistan has been significantly more difficult to hold than Turkestan or Aldastan, with military forces being bogged down in policing duties as insurgents are heavily mixed with civilian populations.
[Russia: -6 Reserves, +2 Readiness]
[Central Asia: -6 Reserves, +2 Readiness]
[Siberia: -7 Reserves, +3 Readiness]
[Afghanistan: -13 Reserves, +4 Readiness]
[-1.5 Cohesion United Soviets of Central Asia]
Reactions on the Homefront
Public demonstrations began even before the war began in the Sanctuary Republics, with government officials also making public denouncements of the mobilising military units. From the outbreak of the war to the end of the year, mass protests were common throughout the Republics, often heavily disrupting transportation in major cities. Negative reactions were also common in the government itself, with numerous lawmakers either resigning, or purposefully obstructing the administration, whenever possible. Protesters have vowed to intensify their activities everyday that the war continues.
Other Coalition members had more encouraging reactions to the war, especially in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Anti-Caliphate rallies were common throughout the year, most frequently in Mecca and Medina, where the Afghan Caliph was in particular denounced as a false prophet and the greatest threat to modern Islam and global liberal democracy. While some peace activists have quietly voiced unease over the situation, a wave of pro-militarism has washed over much of the country, with veneration of the military evident throughout Arabian popular culture. A similar reaction to the war is present in the United Nations of North America, though significantly muted due to the distance from and lesser involvement in the war.
Popular opinion in the Soviet polities is likewise positive. The Afghan Caliphate was seen as one of the two great enemies of the revolution, opposite the northern Nordic Empire. Pro-war and pro-socialist rallies and parades are frequently staged throughout the Soviet polities. While most of the Soviet populace is fully in favour of effort to remove the totalitarian Afghan regime and replace it with Soviets, there has been some slight unease among muslim population, particularly in the United Soviets of Central Asia, of a general trend of rising hostility towards muslims in general, and among far-leftists who fear the Soviets have been dragged into a war that is little more than a globalist imperialist war.
Within the Caliphate itself, the war is seen as an apocalyptic holy war in defense of Islam and the Caliph. At least, that is the word from state-media and the Caliph himself. In the Caliphates heartland provinces, this is indeed the popular opinion, and both civilians and soldiers are fanatically devoted to killing and dying for their Caliphate. In some of the border provinces with less militaristic minded populations, the war is viewed in a more mixed light. Some welcome the Coalition forces as a means to rid themselves of a brutal dictatorship, while others would rather not be bombed, regardless of the justification for said bombs. Overall though, the militaristic nature of the Afghan Caliphate has only been intensified by the invasions, and if anything may only grow fanatical as the war drags on.
[-3 Cohesion Sanctuary Republic]
[+2 Cohesion Kingdom of Saudi Arabia]
[+1 Cohesion United Nations of North America]
[+2 Cohesion Federation of Soviets of Russia]
[+2 Cohesion Siberian Soviet Federation]
[+2 Cohesion United Soviets of Central Asia]
[+4 Cohesion Islamic Khilāfa of Afghanistan]
Regional and Global News
Military Cooperation and Militarised Borders amid Rising European Tensions
The sight of large numbers of S.U.D.S. forces patrolling alongside German units has become a common sight on the short German - Nordic border. Opposite the French/Spanish and German forces are large numbers of elite Nordic troops, making the Sleswig border the most militarised stretch of land in the world. Local Germans seem to have welcomed their new protectors, as can be seen by French and Spanish language cafes popping up in towns near the border catering to off-duty S.U.D.S. personnel. The Nordic - Soviet border is likewise a tense area, but with far fewer military divisions present, as most Soviet troops have been diverted south to participate in the invasion of the Caliphate. The Nordic-backed New Teutonic Knights borders are likewise being watched carefully by German, Czech, and Ukrainian border guards. Atlantica air units have also been based in English territory, while Oxbridge warships have been patrolling the North Sea. With the signing of the Nordic-Afghan Trade Agreement and the breakout of the Coalition-Caliphate War, tensions are rapidly approaching a breaking point, and Europe is once again bracing itself for war.
Oxbridge’s Growing Sphere of Influence
In terms of controlled territory, the Oxford-Cambridge Directorate is one of the smallest major polities, holding only the pre-war lands of England and Wales. But by having its hooks deep into its client-polities, the Administrative State of Ireland and the Edinburgh-Glasgow Directorate, the whole of the British Isles are effectively under the guidance of Oxbridge. In the last year, Oxbridge has also expanded its directly controlled territory overseas, with the acquisition of numerous overseas islands left unclaimed after the Troubles. Expeditions were sent to Bermuda, St. Helena, Ascension Island, South Georgia, and the Kerguelen Islands. As was expected, South Georgia and the Kerguelen Islands had no surviving civilian populations, while St. Helena and Ascension Island had civilian populations, though in rough shape. Bermuda was worryingly absent of any survivors or human remains. After bringing supplies to the islands with survivors, outposts were set up on each island, and settlers, researchers and soldiers have begun shipping out from the home islands. The last outreach by Oxbridge was to the North, where the Directorate granted [1ep] of economic aid to Svalbard Station. There are murmurs that the Arctic island may formally join the Oxbridge fold as early as next year, and it is widely known that Oxbridge is planning on forming a union with its Irish and Scottish clients. In those territories, both the administrations and local populations view a possible union positively, as both Ireland and Scotland are wealthy territories that would stand strong alongside the Oxbridge core provinces.
UNNA and Columbian Union Sign Treaty of Houston
The Treaty of Houston, confirming a non-aggression pact and establishing a 10km DMZ, was signed early in the year between the United Nations of North America and the Columbian Union. UNNA spokespersons claimed the treaty is a great step forward towards peace on the continent, while Columbian sources call it a necessary agreement to protect the future of the nation. Indeed, Columbian forces greatly benefitted from the agreement, as they did not have to be preoccupied with guarding their north as they invaded Mexico later in the year. The Columbian Union - Mexican Federation War has brought some uncertainty into the future of the agreement, as the treaty’s fourth declaration states ‘If the provinces of Sonora, Rio Grande or any other provinces mention in this are put under the control of a new government, the treaty must be immediately renegotiated or rendered null and void’ as the province of Rio Grande was fully occupied by Columbian Forces in late October, and skirmishes have been regularly breaking out along the Sonora border.
TransLuna Forms Research Commission with Society Scientists
TransLuna has provided generous research grants and facilities to Society researchers in hopes of founding a fully fledged joint research program. While there was little to no official support from the Society, many individual scientists were attracted by the advanced computing and psychology based funds offered. This resulted in a flow of talent out of Society and into TransLuna. TransLuna spokespersons have repeated that they wish for a deep integration of the two polities’ academia, but many in Society have seen the brain drain as a deliberate act of academic sabotage.
[+0.1 Computing, +0.1 Psych Expertise TransLuna]
[-0.1 Computing, -0.1 Psych Expertise Society]
South Africa Supports Zimbabwe Recovery
The Republic of Zimbabwe was the only lucky minor African polity to receive economic aid this year. The funds from its neighbour, the Union of South Africa, were graciously accepted, and put towards local investments and social support programs. The road to recovery for the small polity is still a long one, but assuming it continues to receive support, Zimbabwe could be self-sufficient within a few years.