The Chronicles of Khan

[Sandman2003]

Chapter Four: The First Russian War

Subtitle: How the Russians escaped genocide

The Russian front was a long way from the western reaches of the former Mayan empire, and so the Russian surprise attack had the added benefit of time while the Khan’s forces transferred from one battle ground to another. So one might expect that the full force of the Russian military would prove insurmountable to the limited garrisoning forces available to the local commanders at Ta-tu, but such thoughts would be proven wrong! The Russians were the second tribe to be taught a lesson in humility as only the Mongols could.

It was also at this time that the Great Khan’s chief sage, the great magician, Yeh-lu Chu'tsai sought audience with the Great one himself. Yeh-lu had many matters on his mind that he needed to discuss with the Khan. The first such matter was a renewed discussion on the topic of how best to rule this expanded empire. While all citizens of the Mongolian Empire basked in the greatness of the Khan, and would continue to do so, there appeared to be several ways of improving the functioning of the state.

The first of course was this new found knowledge of the representative governing form called the republic. But there existed another form of governance that Yeh-lu’s men had become aware of, and this was the Monarchy. It seemed that this currently unknown form of governance provided a better support for a larger army, and continued to place the leader in a highly exalted position amongst the citizens. On the other hand, the sacrifice for choosing this government over the already known republican form of governance would be a less effective control over corruption as the empire grew. Both men shared a common vision of a Mongolian empire substantially larger than the current size. So in the longer term, it was clear that the republic offered advantages over the monarchy. So which to choose, the short term benefit over the long term benefit?

The Great Khan and Yeh-lu in one of many discussions of state

The Khan put off an immediate decision on which government type to chose, but he did authorise the immediate procurement of this technology so that the two forms of governance could be compared. The Chinese ruler, Mao, possessed this knowledge of Monarchy, but lacked the knowledge of how to formulate a republic, so a simple barter was organised and both tribes were the better for it.

Yeh-lu had other matters of urgency to discuss with the Khan as well. The common dream of the uber-horseman remained with both men, and now Yeh-lu saw a means to expedite the development of such a concept. In his vision, Yeh-lu believed that by developing a code of conduct from this single deity religion, and extrapolating the weapon systems from the feudalistic troops, it would be possible to create a truly magnificent mounted force that could sweep all currently known obstacles aside in the Mongols quest for space. To this end Yeh-lu approached the Khan to authorise the spending of the entire Mongolian treasury in pursuit of this goal. No finer purpose off the battlefield would ever eventuate than the realisation of the long cherished dream of both men. So the authorisation came.

The plan was to use the cash to gain one technology, and then to trade further with that to procure more. The key to this whole effort was to be the feudalism concept held only by the brash Byzantine people. If they could be persuaded to part with this technology, then there were two avenues of further trade available to secure the single deity knowledge, and the useful engineering concept that allowed for the quicker crossing of waterways, to speed forces to their destination.

The meeting with Theodora of the Byzantines did not go well. She flatly refused to deal for her feudalism knowledge, even when offered the republic governance system, over 1700 in gold and substantial further annual payments to supplement this! Outrageous! If there were not other more pressing concerns, these arrogant peoples would surely face the Mongols sword sooner rather than later.

Yeh-lu, was not yet dispirited. Entrusted with the full Mongolian treasury, Yeh-lu explored other options to achieve the necessary technological advancement. One such option was available through a man of similar leanings as Yeh-lu himself. Hammurabi was a prophet and sage for the civilisation known as Babylon, and he possessed the secrets of this monotheism. There was an outside chance that with monotheism and the republic, Yeh-lu would be in a position to sway Theodora. So a deal for much gold in return for this concept, was struck.

Fresh with this new found knowledge, Yeh-lu returned to the realm of Theodora, but once again his noble intentions were met with blunt refusals to action a trade. It would seem that the knowledge of feudalism would have to be procured elsewhere. Even worse, the fact that such a large amount of gold entered the Babylonian vaults meant that now this rival civilisation had the leverage to make the Mongolian deal, and so feudalism became shared knowledge, but not amongst the Mongols. The Babylonians, the Byzantines, the Germans and even the evil Russians came to possess this vital information.

The Great Khan, meanwhile had chosen his preferred means of government. The short term advantages of this monarchy system, and especially the fact that it allowed for a greater force of arms to be deployed, were the key deciding factors for the Khan. And so, in the middle of the Russian conflict, the Great Khan ordered that the preparations for this new government should take place. The upheaval in the Mongolian empire would ensure that no new forces were available to be deployed during the period 230BC – 110BC. So was this then the reason that the Russians escaped the first Russo-Mongolian War so lightly?

To suggest that the Russian forces escaped lightly may in fact be an overstatement. Certainly the Russian commanders were foolish, and overestimated their position. In fact in 210BC, returning forces from Ereen’s command came across another Russian settler caravan and spear regiment escort. The regiment was cut to pieces as a warning to the settlers, who were also immediately enslaved by the Mongolians.

Closer to home, the main action was around the slopes of the Mountain Tat-tu, the only iron source for the Khan’s nation. The Russians sent wave after wave of swords and archers towards this target, and the town of Ta-tu, in an effort to weaken the Mongolian resolve. The Mongol field commander was a man called, Subedei, and he was every bit the equal of Ereen, if not his superior. Subedei was not going to settle for merely protecting the Mongolian homelands while awaiting the return of Ereen. No, he had far more grandiose plans.

For a start, the Russians never made it onto Mongolian soil. Subedei maintained an ‘active’ defence, whereby scouts on Mt Tat-tu would alert his regiments to the advancing Russian regiments, and he in turn directed his regiments to attack the Russians when they were most vulnerable. In the first great battle in the area, Subedei was outnumbered 2-1, but he managed to achieve a kill ratio of 3-1 by striking first and then forcing the enemy to attack him across the river.

Meanwhile in a truly bold move, Subedei ordered his recently victorious forces at Mandalgovi, to advance on to the Russian city of Yaroslav. For a long time this Russian city on the western side of the Mandagovi marshes had been a sign of Russian arrogance towards the rightful lands of the Mongols. This was to be the telling blow to reunite both sides of the marshland under Mongol rule. The first action there, however was the result of insufficient available forces and an effective attrition of about 100 men from both sides – Mongolian horsemen, and Russian spearmen.

The Khan soon found that he had an able leader in Subedei, and so was able to return to pressing affairs of state rather than get bogged down in this Russian conflict. The first action was to build a Mongol settlement at the site of the former Mayan town of Bohampak. This site was preferred over Dalandzadgad’s, because it ensured a wider border claim to the Mongolian state.

 

[Sandman2003]

Chapter Four continued

Soon after, the Khan was met with the Japanese ambassador once more. For these militants had never agreed to peace with the Mayans, and were determined to see that civilisation become but a memory. The ambassador once more sought a new military alliance against the Maya to see this mission through to fruitition. The Khan was truly amazed that after the Mayans had been reduced to merely a capital city, that the full might of the Japanese empire was insufficient to achieve this task by itself! Here truly was a testament to just how feeble these militants in actuality were. The ambassador was most certainly rebuffed, but he did leave with the assurance that the Mongolians would not come to the aid of the Mayans in this ongoing conflict. It certainly did not matter to the Khan if the Japanese succeeded in destroying the remains of the Mayans. The Mayan future was in their own hands.

Soon after, commander Ereen found the camp of the violent Minoans, and sent his forces in to destroy them. Though this enemy lacked the conviction of the Mayans, they were able to pull off a surprising victory, and succeeded in dispatching an elite regiment of horsemen. Undeterred the attack continued and routed the camp, claiming 25 gold in treasurers for the Khan. However, it was a further 20 years before all the dissidents of this tribe were brought under control (or in fact slaughtered).

So impressed were the people by the handling of the nations defence, the onset of the new glorious campaign against the Russians, the technological advancement of recent years and the end of the Minoan menace, that they built a third floor on the Khans magnificent palace.

The fencing with the Russians over Yaroslav continued until 130BC. Both sides were finding it difficult to get the necessary numbers for a decisive battle. But time was one thing that played into Subedei’s hands. So in time, though he lost another full horse regiment at this town, two more Russian spear regiments would perish, and the town would inevitably fall into Mongolian hands.

Meanwhile in the battle of Tat-tu mountain, Subedei kept destroying advancing Russian units. Two more regiments of Russian swords perished before the Mongols suffered further casualty. But then, Subedei was forced to rely on an injured sword unit to take out a Russian archer regiment, and this proved his undoing. It also saw the rise of a particularly resilient Russian archer regiment. The same regiment claimed the lives of a further Mongolian horse regiment, before retreating to Rostov, and being the last unit left standing there as well.

In 150BC, the otherwise quiet Germans came onto the scene with a roar, and demanded gold. This was an unwelcome intrusion at this time of upheaval at home, and already waging a war with limited troops against the Russians. What is more, the Germans had mastered the technology of feudalism, and so could put advanced foot soldiers into the field of battle. What really sold the Khan on complying with this demand, however, was that for all their bluster, these Germans could be satisfied for a mere 8 gold. The Khan acquiesced, but remembered the sleight. Even 8 gold counts when it is time for the final reckoning!

The Battle of Rostov was to be the final act in this first Russian War. Subedei’s siege lasted over 20 years, and it saw the deaths of four hundred Russian defenders, including the regiment of archers that claimed no less than two Mongolian regiments. The town was also protected by a catapult, though ultimately this machine provided little addition assistance once the Mongolian assault began in earnest. Rostov finally fell in 110BC.

110BC was notable for two other reasons. The period of unrest in the Mongolian empire ended, with the dawn of the new monarchy ushered in, and the Khan proclaimed King. At the same time, the Khan decided to end the conflict with the Russians. Some historians have mused that this come about because of the effective delegation of power to the various lords within the Mongolian empire, and that these lords wished to exert some influence in the affairs of state. More learned men have realised that instead there were two main influences in the Khans decision.

First though Subedei was carrying out a formidable defence around Tat-tu Mountain and had recently destroyed a further two hundred swordsmen, he was rapidly running short of troops, leaving the towns of Ta-tu and Hovd exposed to the enemy. So even though the capture of Rostov had eliminated one flank to the Tat-tu mountain, the defence needed time to regroup. Second, the Russians had the much sought after technology of feudalism, a realised second step towards the goal of the uber-horseman. After the Mongolian’s stunning success in this war, the Russians would come to the party with a significant discount on this technology.

And so, a deal was struck, though many considered it more a cease fire than a true lasting state of peace.

The remainder of the millennia was a relatively peaceful time for the Mongols. The Maya sought a Right of Passage and an Alliance against the Japanese, as that conflict showed no signs of abating. True to his word, the Great Khan politely declined the offer. Meanwhile, the Incan civilisation joined the throng of engineering achievers by completing a magnificent ‘Hanging Gardens’. The Khan, of course, saw this as another pointless exercise.

The Mayans emboldened by the weak Japanese war efforts, actually started sending out settler caravans of their own. One was intercepted near the site of the old Mayan town of Lagertero with its incense resource. Commander Ereen quickly deployed horse units to block, not kill, this intruder, while the Khan sent out a Mongolian settler caravan to claim the site.

The Indians continued to attempt trespass across the Mongolian land, and were repeated threstened with war should they continue. The Indians naturally enough, chose not to, though it seems they found a right of passage through Russiand lands, and were seen setting up towns in the vicinity of the Marshes of Despair.

Finally, the Japanese gave peace to the Greeks in an effort to concentrate their forces on the Mayans. Perhaps now they will succeed in a final push to destroy the Mayan civilisation.

 

[T-Money]

Nice. If I might make a suggestion, I would think it very wise indeed to attack the Russians as soon as possible to avoid paying her so much gpt. Just my .02$. Very good addition. Keep it up!

 

[GR8Madmax]

Destroying the Mayan Empire is one thing but calling the capital "Chicken Itza" is inexcusable. The feeble Mayan king Smoke-Jaguar demands an apology! Death to the Mongols!

Excellent campaigns against the Maya and the Russians, Sandman.

 

[rbis4rbb]

Whats been going on with the Indians lately? You don't really talk about them.

 

[Sandman2003]

The next chapter has been played, but I haven't finished the writeup yet. I can say that you will hear more about the Indians in it, though, rbis4rbb.

Smoke-Jaguar named his capital, not the Khan, GR8MadMax.

T-Money were you suggesting that the Khan should welch on a deal to get out of a gpt payment, and so destroy his reputation? Of course the Russians have to go, they still have the horse herd. But you will just have to wait and see what happened.

 

[Ksim3000]

Very good update story you have here Sandman2003! I must say old chap, I am enjoying it. It is definatly a good read, I look forward to your next chapter.

 

[Sandman2003]

Glad you are enjoying it Ksim3000. Next chapter is being uploaded now.

 

[Sandman2003]

Chapter Five: The quiet before the storm

Subtitle: When building became more important then war

The dawn of the first millennium AD was generally considered by scholars the end of the so called ancient age and the start of the true Middle Ages. The world experienced much change. Towns were maturing and growing into cities. New technologies were transforming the way men thought about the world, and more importantly from the Khan’s perspective the way men thought about war. With the growth in populations across the world, there was an equally impressive military build-up. Long gone was the age where the armed forces of nations could be measured in but hundreds of men. Now it was becoming common for the nations of the world to arm themselves with many thousand men.

With the increased numbers of men in arms also came increasingly sophisticated techniques for battle. The sword wielding warriors of the ancient age were giving way to a new more vicious foot warrior – the medieval infantry. This warrior carried a ‘mace’ that could shatter even the hardest armour with a single blow. Thus the stakes in warfare had now risen to a new level.

The Khan entered this new age with a determination to build up the commerce and the science of the Mongolian empire to help ensure that the Mongols stayed at the forefront of technological progress. It was at this time also that the Khan took heed of the supply of fine furs near the town of Copan. The town was amongst the first priorities to receive a new library, thus increasing its influence into the surrounding terrain, and enabling access to these fine furs. Thus the third native luxury entered the realm of the Khan’s kingdom, and helped power the economy into this new age.

As populations were increasing at home and abroad the citizens in many different nations were demanding more space. Not everyone favoured the more cramped living conditions that the city life style provided, and so there was a push towards the remaining uninhabited lands towards the centre of the continent, and the Great Dividing Range itself.

The Indians repeatedly tried the patience of the Khan as settler caravan after settler caravan attempted an unauthorised crossing from the empire of the Mongols. At first these incursions were politely rebuffed. Yeh-lu even took the opportunity to acquire more Indian slaves through a trade of the dated technology, literature. Though the Mongols could never understand why these foreign tribes were so prepared to send their people into a life of slavery abroad.

The Indian incursions grew bolder as large numbers of spearmen also sought to make the crossing through Mongol land. Eventually, the Khan had particularly stern words with Ghandi’s representative. And finally, the incursions tapered off somewhat, as the Ghandi secretly met with Catherine and organised a right of passage through the Russian territories. From this point on Indian convoys were seen to the east and to the north of Hovd, heading towards the new Indian territories.

The curtain was falling on another international drama at this time as well. The Japanese war machine found itself humbled by the one city state of the Mayans, and unable to prosecute the war to its logical conclusion. Finally tiring of this endless struggle, Tokugawa met with Smoke-Jaguar, and signed the peace treaty that was to be his major humiliation.

The court magician, Yeh-lu was not to be kept quite at this time either. Yeh-lu saw an opportunity to trade from the far reaches of the world, the Netherlands. These Dutch people had the secret to bridging waterways that also promised other benefits besides. In the ensuing negotiation, Yeh-lu was able to swap feudalism for this technology and in the process pocket a further 61gold.

Nothing could soften Willem’s, brusque manner, however, and he remained annoyed with the Mongol people, in spite of this assistance in the Dutch technological progression.

Upon his triumphant return to Karakorum, Yeh-lu was rushed to the Khan’s court where the two discussed another matter of great importance to the development of the Mongol nation. As the cities started to spread far and wide, the ability to exert effective control from a single administration point was becoming more and more difficult. It was therefore decided that a second seat of power should be setup as a priority. However, where should such an important building be based? Clearly, it was important that it should form a hub of other Mongolian cities so that the benefits of an additional ‘forbidden palace’ would flow to a maximal number of Mongolian cities.

The ultimate decision was considered by some to be somewhat controversial, in that the location did not currently fit the profile as deemed most appropriate for this building. However, the Khan was undeterred by the detractors from within the court, and in a passionate speech he talked of unfinished business and the holy crusade of the Mongol people. From this point on the Khan received nothing but whole-hearted support for his plan to use the city of Ta-tu for this second administrative palace. And clearly this point was the start of the inevitable second conflict with the Russians, though the conflict was still some considerable time in the future.

Yeh-lu was also successful in convincing the Khan to accelerate the development of the uber-horseman, and so though the treasury maintained a balanced budget, a significant portion was earmarked for the pursuit of scientific endeavour, specifically aimed at this special weapon of the Mongols. Meanwhile, the Khan danced the international diplomacy trail in a much more diplomatic and less forceful path than was his usual desire, so as to speed the development of centres of commerce and learning across the land. Most importantly, too of course, this brought time in which to develop the weapon, and then to embark on the inevitable military build-up that would follow.

International events have a way of biting you at the most inopportune times, however, and for the Khan there was no exception to this rule. The Portuguese nation had been growing in strength over the last several centuries on both sides of the Great Dividing Range. Equipped with the unique might of the ancient cavalry unit, and a largely, at that time, uncontested area into which the nation could expand, the Portuguese were rapidly becoming one of the strongest powers in the world. It was at this time of change that the leader of this rapidly expanding nation looked eastward and decided to play his hand against the Mongols in this time of upheaval.

The Khan’s military advisor, Chepe, had little of comfort to offer to the Khan at the time, so this greatest of all international sleights was added to the growing list of nations who had angered the Khan. Thus a most insufferable peace treaty was worked out where the Khan effectively got nothing for supplying this burgeoning nation with a supply of the fine Mongolian wine.

 

[Sandman2003]

Chapter Five continued

The tension from the east was clearly growing as well, as the arrogant Theodora completed an engineering feat referred to as Tzu’s Art of War. Yeh-lu was very concerned at this latest development, for unlike some of the previous engineering marvels that had been developed around the known world, this one was clearly aimed at ensuring superior troops entered the field of battle. Adding to this was Theodora’s earlier outright refusal to trade on an honourable basis with the Mongols, and Yeh-lu’s concerns were easily to understand.

The Khan, however, saw things a bit differently. Perhaps the insight that comes from a truly great man powered his thoughts these days, as he saw an opportunity rather than a threat. And so Yeh-lu was empowered with the task of establishing an embassy, and negotiating a right of passage with the Byzantines. This lead to a much improved relationship between the two countries and a defusing of the earlier tension that had so concerned Yeh-lu.

The founding of Ulaangrom in 130AD was to capture a fourth luxury to further fuel the growing economy of the Mongols. The founding of this town occurred under the watchful gaze of several battalions of Greek archers. The Greeks had been active in this uninhabited area tracking down further rogue, barbaric settlements. Perhaps it was by reason of this earlier action, that the Greeks would decide to assert their land claims in the area, or perhaps it was payback for the earlier humiliations dealt to them in the first Greek-Mongol war.

Certainly the Greeks had been aggressive in their south west expansion, creating new settlements in the inhospitable Nullabor Desert, and then in the more fertile plains to the west. Perhaps their coveting of the even more fertile ground to the north was the true catalyst for the conflict that erupted in 260AD at the site of Ulaangrom.

The growing international tensions were not limited to the eastern side of the Great Dividing Range. In the west, three great powers were rushing to colonise as much of the open terrain as quickly as possible leading to inevitable border disputes and the occasional clash. Portugal was extending its western holdings northwards, while the powerful Romans were embarking on an easterly push that threatened to fence in the Portuguese. Meanwhile in the north, the culturally rich nation of Babylon was pushing its frontiers down south in an effort to sate the demands of an ever more land hungry populace.

Back in the east, the Greeks were becoming increasingly belligerent toward the Mongol settlers out west. Minor scuffles between individuals resulted in conflicts of ever greater injury as tensions on both sides grew. In an effort to forestall the growing tide of war, Yeh-lu made a trip to the palatial residence of Alexander, the leader of the Greeks to establish an embassy and a right of passageway, in the hopes of repeating the Byzantine success. But it was not to be. The Greeks, once set on their path, were not to be swayed by such matters.

The Khan had only just restarted the process of rearming the nation, and was yet to unleash the powerful new mounted soldier into the field of battle. Perhaps if Alexander had known what lay around the corner for his troops he would have been more hesitant to pursue this destructive path. However, how was he to know at the time? On paper, at least, the Greek military had grown to be the equal of the Khan’s at this time, and certainly his people coveted the rich land to the north after for so long suffering the arid conditions of the Nullabor, and lands to the south.

And so the time came in early spring, 260AD, when the Greeks marched 6 battalions of archers into the Mongol territory around the new found town of Ulaangrom, and instead of peacefully departing as they so often had in the past, they declared war and slaughtered the garrison of old fashioned horsemen that were there. Not content with the bloodshed from this battle, the voracious Greeks then took it upon themselves to slaughter every man, woman and child left alive in the town, and razed the town to the ground! This was barbarism unequalled even by the outcast Minoans, and presented a very real problem for the Khan.

The Khan knew that the mounted troop would soon be ready, and that this would be the best way of dispensing with the evil Greeks. So he needed a diversion to buy some time. He found the diversion in his old friend the militant Japanese. The Japanese were only too ready to take up arms again against the mutual enemy especially when given the added incentive of the technology of currency, and the Japanese succeeded in drawing all the Greek units into conflict, thus sparing the remainder of the Khan’s weakly defended frontier from further assault.

One side benefactor from this new conflict was the Russians, because it became time that the cease-fire arrangement had expired. The Khan was not yet ready with the new unit, and nor did he wish a two front war, and so he was all but forced to sign up for a further period of peace with the hated Russians.

Shortly thereafter, the Dutch completed their own version of a mounted warrior, though they had taken a different approach to the Mongols, one that would not confer as great an advantage to the Dutch as the Mongols’ approach was going to for the Mongols.

It was fully 300AD when Yeh-lu proudly showed off the many years of research effort into the perfect fighting machine. The Khan’s court was full as all who had any rights to attend were there that day, eager to be a part of history in the making. With much pomp, Yeh-lu announced the arrival of the new unit, and showed off the very first Keshik.

The crowd warmly greeted the announcement and were eager to know more. Some were aware of the Dutch development and wished to understand the differences. It seemed that the Dutch had chosen a more fully armoured version that would be less manoeuvrable in difficult terrain, whereas, the more lightly armoured Keshik could bridge such terrain without difficulty and rain lethal arrows down upon the enemy from afar. The Khan ordered the full power of his kingdom be devoted to the military build-up, emphasising the development of these new units, and upgrading older horseman battalions to this new equipment as well. If Alexander wanted a fight, then he would get a fight that he would not soon forget.

 

[T-Money]

T-Money were you suggesting that the Khan should welch on a deal to get out of a gpt payment, and so destroy his reputation? Of course the Russians have to go, they still have the horse herd. But you will just have to wait and see what happened.

People can't complain when they're dead.....

 

[rbis4rbb]

What time zone are you in Sandman? I want to sync my watch so updates arent made at 1 am my time.

 

[Sandman2003]

T-Money, the Russians will get theirs, but it will be honourable.

rbis4rbb, Australian Eastern Standard Time which is GMT +10 hours, if that helps. I can't guarantee the timing of each subsequent update. Glad you are enjoying the ride.

 

[Ksim3000]

Another good update Sandman! I wonder how the war with Greece will actually turn out? Still, best of luck old chap and update soon.

 

[Sandman2003]

Thanks again, Ksim3000. Here's chapter six.

 

[Sandman2003]

Chapter Six: The Mongols Brought to the Brink

Subtitle: The Gathering Storm

Aside from the atrocity at Ulaangrom, the Second Persian War started much like the first. The Greeks became bogged down in war with the Japanese, and made very little in the way of further threatening advances towards the Mongols for some time. This masterful diversion of the Khan’s was certainly providing the Mongols the breathing space in which to rearm aplenty.

The Khan’s war room saw more militant action than his troops at the front line during this time. The brilliant general Subedei was locked in constant argument with the trusted older general Ereen over who should get the honour of leading the assault against the Greeks. The Khan’s military advisor, Chebe, was more used to strategising the ways of war then concluding a debate between two such strong personalities. This contest inevitably escalated to the court of the Khan. It was only the Khan who could decide such things, and the Khan’s word was absolute law.

Subedei was extremely confident that he would prevail here, as he knew that the Khan was very impressed with his operation against the Russians. So when the day of the Khan’s decision came, Subedei was utterly shattered upon hearing the Khan grant the mission to General Ereen. Subedei would again be in charge of the defence of the homeland. Surely there was some mistake. The Khan counselled Subedei privately afterwards, and although no-one has been privy to this discussion, it is believed that a much happier Subedei left the Khan’s private chambers sometime thereafter.

The first Keshik battalions were formed through re-equipping and retraining existing veteran Mongol horsemen battalions. By the fateful year of 330AD, the Keshik core had grown in numbers to fill a full eight battalions, though even this was not enough for the Khan. It was Yeh-lu who made the suggestion that a highly publicised victory of the Keshiks in battle could be used to spur the Mongol nation into a fit of productive fury. And so the first Keshik battalion was sent out towards the former site of Ulaangrom, looking for an opportune moment to strike the Greeks and so kick off such a burgeoning in the Mongolian productive capability.

Meanwhile, the weak Japanese recruited the most unlikely of allies in the crusade against the Greeks. Smoke-Jaguar eagerly added the pitiful might of the once proud Mayans to the cause against the Greeks. This only further highlighted to the Khan that his Japanese ally was not a strong military threat.

And so we come to that fateful year of 330AD. The Indians had been subjected to repeated boot orders from what they saw as overly officious and demeaning Mongols. Time after time they had abided with this order, only to have another go when the dust had settled. They had been trying to move both troops and settler caravans through the Mongol lands as a shortcut to their destination, rather than using the right of passage with the Russians that would have caused no such ill-will. Meanwhile as the Indian high command grew increasing frustrated with this lack of access to the uninhabited lands out west, Ghandi started a massive military build-up of his own.

When the latest boot order came forth, Ghandi had achieved a paper military strength rivalling that even of the Mongols, and with the Mongolian forces distracted with a war to the south west against the Greeks, who also had a military at the time believed to be the equal of the Mongolian forces, Ghandi was no longer prepared to bow down and take it.

At this time the Indians had no less than 10 battalions of spearmen inside the Mongolian borders in two stacks of two thousand men, and one large congregation of 6000 men by Quingua. The fishing village of Tsetserleg that existed between the Indian towns of Bangalore and Bombay was curiously left ungarrisoned at this time as well. It was almost as if it was an invitation to Ghandi to adopt a more militant approach. But surely the Khan would not deliberately invite another nation to attack his citizens in order to stir them into a willingness to go to war? Such has been a long lasting debate amongst scholars and historians that continues through to this day.

Yeh-lu’s plan for a public display of Keshik power was about to be brought to fruition, and in a much more central location than way out west. Two Indian battalions were marching on Kazan at this time.

The antiquated ex-Russian catapult was brought into action first injuring the Indians. Then and only then were the Indians introduced to the Mongols’ new weapon. The Indians were stunned by these well armoured, fast moving adversaries, and on the day they had no answers for it. Two Keshik battalions smashed through these slightly disorientated Indians leaving not a single man standing. Yeh-lu got his highly public spectacle, and indeed there was a marked improvement in the productive output of Mongolia for some time to come thereafter, but whether this was because of this spectacle or the urgency in fighting not one but two foes of a similar military strength as your own at the same time, who can truly say.

A third Keshik battalion invaded Indian territory to destroy the spear battalion in the woods there, while a fourth Keshik battalion was used to garrison the fishing village of Choybalsan.

By Quirigua, the Indians had no less than six spearmen battalions in the incursion, and as the cities around there were also lightly garrisoned, these battalions were to cause some considerable trouble.

The elite sword battalion garrisoning the town of Quirigua, though massively outnumbered, attacked the Indian force destroying a battalion of spears in the process. Subedei was forced to delay the upgrading of two antiquated horse battalions as the only units that could reach the area to reinforce the troops there. However, in the confusion of battle, the two worker crews working on the Erdenet Pass were attacked by the Indians and slaughtered to the man.

The Indians advanced through the Erdenet Pass into the wheat fields of Erdenet city, destroying the Pass in the process. However, this was to be a mistake, as the sword battalion avenged the worker crews on the pillaging Indian battalion, again proving the sword mightier than the spear.

A further two battalions of Indian spears were seen pursuing more Mongol workers through the Mandalgovi marshes, but another elite sword battalion was able to engage and destroy one Indian battalion. Back at Erdenet, the Indians destroyed the wheat fields of the city, though again were punished, this time by an elite horse battalion.

The Indians by Erdenet managed to slaughter one more worker crew before sounding a hasty retreat, but it was with some pride that Subedei was able to report back to the Khan that even using only the obsolete units at his disposal, not a single one of the original eight Indian battalions was able to return to India alive as his horse battalions pursued them across the Mayan Mountain range towards the relative safety of Russia itself.

 

[Sandman2003]

Chapter Six continued

Further out west, the Indians made their presence felt as well. The Mongolian town of Tosontsengel was on the border to the New Indian Territories in the west. The Indian Declaration of War found two more worker crews operating on the border there, and the blood-thirsty Indian horsemen slaughtered the workers here as well. It was to be short-lived satisfaction, however, as the Tosontsengel garrisoning battalion of horsemen repaid this sleight by destroying the Indian invaders, clearly demonstrating the superiority of the Mongol horsemen.

But it was not at Kazan, Erdenet nor Tosontsengel that the Mongols would face the most serious Indian threat. No the might of the Indian armed forces was set against the Mongol outpost at Hovd, and it was here that the most desperate battles of the Indian campaign would be fought. Hovd was one of the original ten cities, and from the towers of Hovd, one could look across into Russian territory and see the herd of sacred horses that were enslaved by the Russians there, thus giving the town doubly special significance in the eyes of the Khan. Subedei was given instructions in no uncertain terms, that the town of Hovd must be held at all costs. This was no easy task as there was a solitary garrison of horsemen there at this time, and the border with central India came right to the gate of Hovd itself!

The one thing playing into the hands of Subedei, however, was that the Indian declaration came as some surprise to the Indian field commanders as well. Though many of the field officers resented the continual cow-towing to Mongol demands, their forces were not well positioned to take advantage of the declaration when it in fact came, and so but a single battalion of Indian horsemen could be mustered in that initial charge against Hovd, and Hovd’s brave defenders were able to hold them off, just.

No such luck was available for the citizens of Tsetserleg. There was simply no unit capable of reaching the town in order to protect it from the inevitable Indian attack, and so it fell in the early stages of the war. The Khan feared the worst for the townsfolk, but was pleasantly surprised when there was no story of mass execution. Perhaps the occupying force became aware of the Mongolian secret weapon and became uneasy at the thought of this conflict, and so hesitated to follow the footsteps of their brothers in the west, and as decreed in the Indian handbook on warfare.

Subedei demanded, and Subedei got funds for the immediate upgrading of spear units to the more powerful pike configuration, and two sword battalions to the feared medieval infantry battalions. Keshiks were rushed to the aid of the struggling Hovd. But would it be enough? Four new Indian battalions were gathering on the border, and more were coming in reserve. Hovd was much closer to the Indian core than it was to the Mongolian one.

Subedei was sent directly to Hovd to mastermind the defence in person. As his preference was for an active defence, the first arriving Keshik battalion was sent against the forming Indian force immediately and claimed no less than two battalions of the Indian forces – a spear battalion on attack, and a horse battalion was destroyed as the Keshiks adopted a more defensive posture.

As the first foot soldiers arrived at Hovd, the battle grew in intensity, for what the Indians lacked in quality of troops, they were certainly making up for in sheer quantity. Two battalions of Mongol medieval infantry attacked the gathering Indian forces forcing back a horsemen unit, and killing a warrior battalion. The mighty first Keshik battalion, already the survivor of two glorious battles, though battle weary, knew the strain on the citizens of Hovd, and inspired by the charismatic Subedei, fought on, claiming the lives of an Indian archer battalion.

The Indians were not to remain passive in this battle either, for spurned on by the demands of their dictator, Ghandi, they attacked the city in numbers. However, they were met by an ever stiffening resolve from the defenders of the city, and the weaponry of the pikeman battalion. Though this Indian assault failed, they managed to cut down the retreating Keshik battalion, but at the cost of another horse battalion and archer battalion of their own. The battlefield was now stained red with the lives of 7000 Indian soldiers and 1000 Mongolian soldiers – already more deaths than the entire Mayan conflict of the ancient age, and the fight was building in numbers further still.

However, though the Mongolians had so far held out the Indian threat, even Mongolian soldiers needed time to recuperate from such intensive battles, and so Subedei was rapidly running low on forces available to continue the active pursuit of the Indians. Subedei therefore petitioned directly to the Khan for the Indian conflict to be determined as the major military priority, so as to bring the majority of the new forces to the Indian front.

Naturally this again led Subedei into conflict with the old master Ereen. Ereen was keen to build up a substantial force of the new Keshiks to launch an assault on the Greeks from Baruun-Urt aimed at Thermoplae, and from there to the Greek capital itself. And what of the Greeks?

The Khan refounded a settlement in the ruins of Ulaangrom, though due to the painful memories of the Greek atrocity there, the new settlement came with a new name, Atlay.

And is if to snub the authority of the Greeks in the area, this new town was right within the view of the two Greek towns of Eretria and Rhodes. Furthermore, the Greeks were maintaining no less than six battalions of archers in the immediate vicinity, as if to try to lay claim to the incense source by force. The mistakes of Ulaangrom were not to be repeated in the new town of Atlay, however, as a spear and a pike battalion settled in to garrison the town, a keshik was on the way for active protection, and for good measure a horse battalion dispatched a Greek archer battalion to the north. In addition, the town planners were ordered to build a defensive wall to strengthen this town against the inevitable Greek attacks.

The Greeks did not confine their activity to the west, however, and on the eastern front they marched two battalions of the feared hoplites into the Tikal forest on a march towards the city of Tikal itself. As the hoplites emerged from the forest by the gates of Tikal, the world got to see just how effective these new Keshiks would be against the fanatical hoplites. The first Keshik charge was turned by the hoplite defense, perhaps as an ill omen for the future of the war against the Greeks. However, a second Keshik battalion feared better, dispatching a Greek hoplite battalion, and leaving the rest victim to an elite Mongol horse battalion.

But the Greeks had a bolder plan still. They carried a battalion of archers deep into Mongol terrain via a galley and landed to the south of the wine fields of Almarikh. The plan was to launch a surprise attack on the undefended wine town. But the wise old General Ereen, was simply using the town as bait for the unweary Greeks, and a newly formed Keshik battalion was dispatched with haste to lay waste to this Greek incursion.

And so it was with the backdrop of the major gathering of force by two nations on the doorsteps to the Mongol nation, that two great projects were completed. First, the second administrative centre was completed in the city of Ta-tu. Given the offence that the Russians may have taken at the realisation that this city on their border was to be the hub of a second Mongol administrative core, and the outrage the implications of that would have caused, this building and its purpose were veiled in secrecy for some considerable time thereafter. Perhaps it is for this reason that it became known as the forbidden palace, rather than a more fitting title.

The Mongol people rejoicing in the solid defence so far in the campaigns against the Greeks and the Indians, saw to it to show their appreciation of the Khan in a concerted effort to improve the grounds of his royal palace. And so the second great project was completed.

Before we end this chapter, there is one more minor action that occurred in the Bombay Forest that deserves a mention. Because, had Ghandi taken heed of his successes here, the outcome of the Indian conflict may well have been different. For it was here that by employing an ambushing tactic, the Indians were able to go one for one against two battalions even of the mighty Keshiks. However, it was not to be, as the demands of the Hovd battle drew all available troops in as the war escalated on both sides.

And what of Subedei’s request? Well this day was all Subedei’s. It was clear to the Khan that the Indians represented the greater immediate danger, and so Ereen was granted but a holding force to use against the Greeks, while the might of the Mongolian empire was directed in earnest towards the Indian menace. Subedei’s dream had been answered, and he was not to disappoint his master.

 

[Ksim3000]

Another splendid update, Sandman! Well, The Mongols have been able to hold out against many odds with The Indian and Greek Armies I feel. Anyway, I hope Subedei's offensive is successful................and I can say is..................."Onwards to India"

 

[Sandman2003]

Indian campaign being uploaded now.

 

[Sandman2003]

Chapter Seven: The Indian War

Subtitle: Subedei at the height of his glory

In the year 370AD, Ghandi launched his largest force yet at the town of Hovd. The Indians had gathered together no less than seven battalions of troops aligned in a pillaging force of one spear battalion and a second assault troop of one spear and five archer battalions. In spite of the Khan’s proclamation to prioritise the Indian campaign, and the large numbers of units headed that way, Subedei still found himself short of units to hold back the Indian tide. This fateful year, Subedei was able to deploy two Keshik battalions and two Medieval Infantry battalions at the larger Indian force, smashing the foe’s spear battalion and three archer battalions, but leaving the defences of Hovd to face the assault of the remaining two archer battalions.

Hovd’s entrenched pike battalion was equal to the task however, and held firm under the archers’ assault. There was no stopping the pillaging force from their evil deeds, however. But the loss of a further 7000 troops in this titanic battle marked a turning point in this war against India, and Ghandi was not able to field an equivalent force in the subsequent assault.

In the following season, only three Indian battalions threatened Hovd, and as a sign of the changing tide, Subedei recognised a great battalion commander as possessing the traits necessary to build the first conglomeration of three keshik battalions into a unified force, an army if you will. This army would be able to gain from the synergies of its conglomeration of troops, and so operate more effectively than the three battalions operating individually. Such were the demands of this position that only a particularly exceptional field commander could manage the army structure effectively. In his superb victory of 380AD, Ogodei demonstrated that he was such a commander.

In all Ghandi lost a further 4000 troops that year, as a horse battalion was destroyed at the gates of Hovd as well. In the Hovd campaign alone, Ghandi was down 18 thousand troops at this point, and from the Indian point of view the worst was still to come. Hovd was not the only military action for the Khan’s troops, however, as the Indians lost a warrior battalion by Choyr. The Greeks started menacing the new town of Atlay with a hoplite battalion, which succeeded in claiming a Keshik battalion, before being down by an elite horse unit.

Further improvements were made to the Khan’s palace in Karakorum, with the people building a grand welcoming terrace in the forefront of the palace.

Finally, Subedei was able to claim the land bridge between Hovd and Bombay, but not without losing a medieval infantry battalion, though taking two Indian archer battalions in the process. This land bridges was occupied by two pike battalions, and not only did it clear the way for a direct attack on Bombay, but it also disrupted Ghandi’s direct access to Hovd. No Indian troops were able to reach Hovd in response to this move.

And on that fateful day in 400AD, Subedei himself led his forces against the Indian military camp of Bombay. 2000 Keshik troops smashed through the towns defences, and in a notable battle, Subedei witnessed the great achievements of his nearly retiring field commander Jochi. Jochi was offered the opportunity to command an army of his own, but he sought an alternate future, and so he travelled to the city of Ta-tu to meet with the Khan himself, and lead the people in a great civil project. Meanwhile, Subedei used an MI battalion to kill an Indian horse battalion, and the First Keshik Army finally saw action against a second Indian horse battalion.

Artist’s impression of the battle of Bombay.

When Jochi met with the Khan, he would find the great leader engaged in deep discussions with Yeh-lu over the affairs of state and the rising threats on the international scene. The huge military build-up had seen the Khan’s force grow to almost two divisions of keshik, and two divisions of the pike defenders (actually 17 battalions of each). This was still within the bounds of the unit support under monarchy, but far greater in strength than at any time previously. This relative strength was put into perspective when compared to the monstrous might of the Portuguese, or the little known Germans.

In fact it transpired that in spite of the land gains made against the Mayans, then the Russians, and now even the Indians, the Mongols occupied only some 5% of the world’s known territory, whereas the burgeoning empire of the Germans occupied fully 8% of the world’s territory. This was not all. In the single-minded pursuit of military might, the Mongol’s grasp of scientific knowledge had fallen behind their peers. The nations of Babylon, Byzantines, Netherlands, Inca, Germany and Scandinavia all possessed concepts of theology and invention that were currently beyond the sages of the Khan’s court.

Jochi came upon a troubled Khan, concerned with the increasingly hostile world in which he lived. Thus, it was no surprise when the Khan commissioned Jochi to build a fitting monument to the Heroic achievements of the Mongol people, an inspiration to encourage further aspiring leaders to step forth and assume the mantle of command of an army! And so, Jochi journeyed back to Hovd where the people inspired by Jochi’s leadership, rushed to build the monument for the glory of the Khan and the Mongolian people.

Jochi’s project

The Khan was not yet done with his concerns, abroad, however, and he instructed Yeh-lu to draft up a right of passage agreement with the German empire and the Chinese empire. The German ROP was put in place so that the Khan could learn more about this potential enemy, while the Chinese one was a strategic move to try and keep the Chinese out of the inevitable second Russian war. Or at least if the Chinese wished to become involved, then it would be on the side of the Khan, rather than the Russians.

Subedei’s offensive continued, scarcely even pausing to quell the limited resistance of Bombay. In 410AD, Subedei launched his most brilliant offensive yet. In what was to become known as ‘Subedei’s Pinch’, forces from the Bombay campaign charged down to Tsetserleg, freeing it from its occupying force, and at the same time reinforcements, which had gathered at Choybalsan, stormed up the coast to seize control of Bangalore. Such was the speed and surprise of this move that the defenders were caught in disarray. The operation saw a further 6000 Indian deaths to the Mongols loss of just 1000 Keshiks.

Subedei had completely unified the north eastern sea board under Mongol rule, and as the two forces of the pinch movement combined, he was preparing for the push into the very core of India itself! At the same time, the Khan became aware of a new threat to world peace emerging in the west. For all of the power of the Portuguese, they had been clearly outclassed by the even greater power of the Romans and the hordes of Roman legionaries instituting a ‘pax romana’ on the western side of the Great Dividing Range. The clear victor in the land grab was the Romans, who now had an empire virtually the length of the western half of the continent, and an army to match as well, dwarfing the Mongolian military of the time.

Ghandi finally realised the very real danger to himself and to India itself, and so he sent a special envoy to the Khan to plead for peace. The envoy was even empowered to concede control of a city to the Mongols in tribute for the war to help seal the deal. However, it turned out that this city was a small highly corrupt town that was more a nuisance for the Indians than a boone. Needless to say, the offer was rebuked. Subedei was only beginning to get warmed up.

As if to exclaim, ‘You will live to regret this!’ Ghandi immediately dispatched a horse battalion against the force at Bombay. It was a futile gesture.

The Indian capital city of Delhi was quite some distance back from the front lines at Bombay, and so the troops had to trek quite some way before being able to engage the Indians defenders there. The march was spearheaded by the First Keshik Army, and backed with six further battalions of Keshiks.

Subedei’s force marches to Delhi.
Meanwhile, Subedei’s forces back at Tsetserleg found the scattered remnants of three Indian horse battalions attempting to find sanctuary in the Bombay forests, but there was to be no sanctuary for the fighters of Ghandi that day, and to a man these warriors were slaughtered. And by Choyr Mountain on the western front an elite sword battalion dispatched an invading Indian archer battalion. By Tikal, General Ereen was again forced to commit his Keshiks to battle an invading Greek hoplite battalion. Though this battle would cost an equal number of Keshiks, the hoplite meance was removed.

The Indian commanders still had some resolve to fight on left, especially now that it was their capital itself that was to come under threat, and so they launched another horse battalion against the invading Mongol column. Once again, though it was not to be Ghandi’s day, as his valiant warriors were cut down to the man.

Ghandi’s attempt to ambush the garrison back at Bombay fared no better either, as he sent troops through from Russian soil comprising a spear and an archer battalion. However, the reserve at Bombay was more than equal to the task, and these latest Indian battalions were slaughtered by a medieval infantry and keshik combo.