Then we'll settle for illustration. What kind of changes do you think justify insurrection to enact?
Changing an extractive state to an inclusive one.
What we're saying is that if it looks like a state, walks like a state and quacks like a state, then it's probably a state. Point being, when people from one state establish another state, as was the case with the various private colonies, doesn't really constitute an example of a stateless society, whatever legal fictions may be draped around the place. So it does not, on the face of things, seem to prove anything one way or the other.
So it must be a state because that's what states do.
You've created a strawman of an argument.
The point about slavery and the destruction of indigenous Americans is that the state, government, is utterly and completely irrelevant to what happened to them. As in, government simply has nothing to do with the fact that chattel slavery and the destruction of the Indians took place.
Subtract out each and every state/government action, and they were just as dead and just as enslaved.
No difference.
The private actions were going to do this, irregardless of what the legal trappings they chose to wrap around it turned out to be.
Blaming the government or state is, fundamentally, a rejection of concept of personal responsibility.
Government did not cause the American institutions of slavery or the destruction of the Indians to happen. That was happening anyways.
And, ironically, the end of slavery and the end of the destruction only occurred because of the actions of government, of the state.
Government and the state did not start these things. It did end them. In the middle centuries it occurred not because the government made it occur, but because the government did not stop it from occurring.
Government was irrelevant.
The sick irony here is that some people who claim to be libertarian have more love for Jefferson and Madison, who acted to prevent the government from stopping slavery, and more hate for Lincoln, who acted to have the government actually stop slavery.
The discussion began with Amadeus' rejection of the legitimacy of forcible suppression of Souther secession, and expanded to a discussion of the anarchist cirituq of the state more generally. "Discussion of Anarchism" is just the name the Ori gave it when he split the thread, we were never actually discussing stateless models of social organisation- at least as far as I'm aware.
I don't see how you can limit it like that and not distort things.
"Banned" by who? If there's no state, how can something be disallowed? I think you're confusing a rejection of the state as a means of redress with the rejection of all means by which a redress may be pursued.
Many of my discussions with Amadeus have come to an end based on his insistence that there can be no allowable forums for the resolution of disputes.
Well, I think that I've wandered wildly off track here, so it's probably best if I go back to the original point: the comparative strength of your and Amadeus' defence of private property.
Amadeus defends private property as a moral principle and this moral obligation; we should respect the property of others because it is moral to do so, and acting morally will allow society to function harmoniously without the involvement of a state. His propertarianism is strong in a philosophical sense, in that he regards it as inalienable, and any attempt to take somebody's rightful property without their consent is immoral. (He rejects involuntarily taxation, for example.) However, in practical terms it is a fairly weak strain of propertarianism, because he rejects the legitimacy of any state capable of enforcing it through violence. Property is constructed through mutual goodwill, and any party that acts to harm others loses this goodwill, and so cannot expect others to respect their property claims.
Contrasting with this, you defend private property as an aspect of the law; we should respect the property of others because big men will hit us with sticks if we do not. It's a philosophically weak version of propertarianism, open to the appropriation of property on utilitarian grounds. (Continuing the example given above, you support involuntary taxation.) But in practical terms it is a relatively strong form of propertarianism, because you support the use of state violence to sustain it. Property is sustained through what amounts to a form of terror, the constant threat that those who refuse to respect the state-endorsed distribution of property-claims will be met with violence- even fatal violence, should the situation so escalate.
What this amounts to is the fact that, in terms of practical policy, you are far more supportive of corporate power than Amadeus is, because only you argue that there should exist a body of men who militantly defend the initial fact of corporate power, and, indeed, that this body should be funded through a generalised expropriation of wealth, i.e. taxation. Thus, it seems to me contradictory that you should raise a warning of unchecked corporate power against Amadeus, when the only one of you arguing that (not to put too fine a point on it) people who transgress against corporate power should be killed is you.
No, you've misrepresented my point. "we should respect the property of others because big men will hit us with sticks if we do not." That is not my belief. I respect property because the individual has a right to the property they have worked to own. It is about the individual. The government is a means to that end. And the government is a necessary means to that end because relying on the goodness of others, in the absence of an enforcement mechanism, has no expectation of ever working.
People have a right to defend themselves. Assuming that they have nothing to defend themselves from is just utterly ludicrous. Legitimate government is the collective actions of self defense.