Imperium OffTopicum XIV

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The faint glow of the crescent moon barely reflected off the backs of two figures, doubled over yet making blistering speed across the hillside. From time to time they would pause at a vantage point, take a sweeping glance of their surroundings, then hurry on, pat-pat-pat, the soft swish of their clothes and rustle of their packs almost imperceptible amid the cool night breeze. The sight of anyone moving so swiftly, with such purpose, this far deep in the heart of Honshu would give any onlooker cause for a journal entry, if only to confirm to themselves that they hadn't simply imagined it. There was nothing in these empty wastes to journey to; every region was as derelict and destitute as its neighbour, and none dared migrate lest they stumble into the domain of a warlord and be murdered. Or worse.

Japan had once boasted itself the greatest country in the world; six years after Indonesia's treachery all but obliterated the nation and it had utterly failed to bounce back. Ruchang's ruthless assault on the rule of law had succeeded, binding all state functions, all sense of stability, to a single man. Shiro shot his brother thinking he could usurp the makeshift throne then and there, dangerously miscalculating how fragile the Japanese psyche had become, and grossly overestimating his ability to right it. His own civil war had demolished what little remained of the very infrastructure he needed, and upon realizing his impotence the coward turned tail rather than confront the slavering behemoth he had unleashed. When the régime fell, there was no institutional life preserver left for the war-weary populace, only blood-lusting veterans and the memory of Ruchang's iron fist. Japan turned on itself, perpetrating horrors tenfold worse than those from which it had pretended to extricate Vietnam.

The UN forces that landed in the wake of Shiro's flight thought they knew what they were taking on, many of the higher-level commanders having come straight from Vietnam. They quickly learned they were up against a far greater beast. The Vietnamese crisis had been precipitated by what was now jadedly called "standard" warlordism, the many helpless civilians exploited by the tyranny of the well-placed few; in Japan that psychopathy had taken root across the whole social spectrum, colonel and commoner alike. So many incidents had occurred of aid workers coming under unprovoked attack by unarmed civilians that all initial encounters, even of solitary nomads, were to be treated as potentially hostile. Families separated by the civil war went at each other as though they were complete strangers. Children orphaned by everything from the famine to the aftermath of chaos formed themselves into savage gangs even William Golding could not have described. Some thought it was a lingering reaction to "foreign imperialism", but that didn't explain why such hatred was turned against fellow Japanese. It was not merely that the island had degenerated into tribalism; it was positively feral. Veterans of Vietnam that had fought the Imperial Japanese Army face-to-face found this mentality more terrifying than anything they had witnessed on the front.

The UN-controlled "safe zones" provided some relief from the nightmare, and the western ports even approached something vaguely reminiscent of an ordinary life; yet even at the heart of the relief operation there were traces of that nefarious cloud. They had expected a nigh-identical strategy as Vietnam: secure the area, get the population self-sustainable, and press on. Instead they found themselves running what amounted to an asylum, struggling to detoxify a people that seemed to want to butcher itself the moment the warden turned his back. If Malta thought it could win over the archipelago with free blankets and choice sermons from the Good Book, it was sorely mistaken: UNVIFOR had attained complete control in a year; UNJARMIS had spent five years corralling a mere fraction of that population and still only barely managed to achieve stability. So hopeless seemed the debacle that a despairing international community twice motioned to abort the mission and let the Japanese devour themselves, but both times Germany and the UAR, the former citing general humanitarian principles and the latter steadfast moral conviction, shot down the appeals.

The duo knew suffering. Both were forged, quite literally, in the fire over Cairo in '06, so they had first-hand experience. They had been traversing this God-forsaken wasteland for days now, so they had seen plenty of it. Yet even they who had gazed into the abyss, who had endured the most animalistic conditions imaginable, who hesitated to call themselves human anymore, even they were amazed by the depths of Japanese depravity. The further they journeyed the worse it got: bodies lying torn apart on the road; flayed cadavers swinging from trees; slavers parading chain-gangs of men and women stripped bare and abused in every way imaginable. One steered far clear of cities: if they weren't being rent asunder by warlords they were infested with lunatics so savage they barely seemed capable of speech, the outer limits lined with grotesque gardens of impaled victims, put out either as a warning to potential challengers or some sick trophy display to goad them on. Communities that hadn't given over to barbarism were inaccessible to all but mountain goats and fortified to the point that none entered, nor did anyone leave.

It was precisely such displays that had led to the crushing pessimism regarding the mission. Yet those that remained committed to seeing it through knew that this devil incarnate could only be fought back by pushing forward. But pushing forward required resources, and even before attempts to pull the plug the global flashpoints had sapped the chief contributors' strength. Praise be to the state-sanctioned deity that Indo-Persia, always quiet in its international plans, had stepped up to the plate.

The pair was not a UN vanguard; they had been deployed under top-secret orders by the Ministry of Intelligence, and their very presence had been rigorously concealed from mission command. As incredible as it was to fathom amid Japanese degeneracy, they hunted a foe even more catastrophic. Suspicions were raised midway through the war that Ruchang was linked to OSIRIS, and al-Kader had commissioned a special task force devoted to discerning the truth. While his profile came back clean, it confirmed that the group had infiltrated the Japanese government and may have facilitated if not Ruchang’s rise to power then at least his ensuing dictatorship. But the investigation stalled just short of the hard facts, and following the civil war Sempo was left running blind as venues for information shut down.

It had taken years of wild guessing and no shortage of personal favours, but they had finally regained the scent. Shiro had fled the country but OSIRIS hadn't, exploiting the tempest of central Honshu to pursue its nefarious goals beyond the watchful eyes of government... or so it thought. The investigation into Al-Qusayr had touched off a firestorm in the Ministry, and the next four years witnessed a series of clandestine purges within state offices, culminating in the thwarted assassination attempt on Amirmuaz in 2110. Al-Kader had never established direct contact with the Wolves themselves, likely for their own safety, but they had dropped enough clues for his department to carry on. Now, if Sempo had pieced the puzzle together correctly, they were poised for the greatest sting since Volgograd.

The operatives crested another hill, paused, and were about to move on when a shrill scream caught their attention. Down at the bottom of the embankment to their right were three figures near a burned-out barn and an overgrown stockpile. Two of them were locked in a fight while the third, a woman in a badly-torn dress, was stumbling away toward the hill. As they watched, one of the combatants threw the other man down and staggered after the woman. He wore a tattered army uniform—not that rank and insignia meant anything anymore—and gripped a makeshift weapon in his left hand, what looked like a linoleum knife. The woman cast fleeting glances backwards as she tried to get away, only to trip over her dress or her feet and lose time picking herself up. Soon enough he was scarce metres away; the other man was moving but clearly out of the fight, leaving her at the mercy of her pursuer.

The figure looked to its comrade with the air of someone confronted with the paradox of shooting an endangered species to save it. Receiving a curt nod in reply, it brought the scope of the Dragunov to its eye. The assailant was on top of her now, arm raised and ready to strike. There was a sharp hiss, like a pneumatic piston popping, and the man was thrown sideways. Startled, the woman watched with baited breath, and when he didn't get up she looked about for her would-be rescuer. But the shadows had already glided on. They didn't have time to follow up on their good deed, or even confirm that they had helped: worst case, they had merely settled a fight over scraps; best case, the couple had a meal for the next few days. Anyone imbued with reason and emotion couldn’t not want to do more; but even if the pair was absolved of their deadline, they were only soldiers, and the wretched country was in urgent need of doctors from each and every profession. Besides which, there weren’t enough bullets between them to even manage a temporary fix.

Such was life in Japan, and one did not do well to dwell long upon it. The venturers only hoped that in snaring their quarry they would spare the rest of the world a similar fate.
 
Mass Mobilization: Number of soldiers to increase to 800,000



- Yingjang Shinawatra, Chancellor of Thailand







- The Thai Army

Chancellor Yingjang Shinawatra has announced that the number of soldiers of the Thai Army are to increase from 400,000 to 800,000. Already, in the past six days, more than 200,000 Thais from the ages of 18 to 30 have been called to service and by the end of this season, they and other 200,000 Thais from the ages of 31 to 50 will be armed and trained.

The Chancellor has also announced that despite his initial plans to deploy only 20,000 Marines, the impending food crisis and the dangerous situation forces him to increase the number of troops in Indonesia in order to secure world peace. The number of soldiers shall increase in the following weeks to 160,000 soldiers.

With northern Indonesia already under Thai control, victory is expected to come soon. The main priority for the Thai army will be the takeover of food facilities and so the strategy of the army will change from the slow takeover of strategic areas to a swift blitz which shall takeover the entirety of Indonesia.

The Chancellor, however, has said that the plans for the creation of an Indonesian government and UN supervised elections shall not change. Already, he has called upon Indonesian politicians who are against the current regime to come in the liberated North and create an Indonesian Republic. Also, Indonesian veterans of the Civil War have been armed and they are expected to become the core of the new Indonesian army.
 
Roman Government re-establishes in Ankara

Emperor Theodoros I Komnenos is still in Constantinople, fighting to hold on to the city, along with his fellow soldiers. consequently, he is unable (and unwilling) to lead the nation. Basil I Komenos has taken over as Emperor, and will lead the nation to Victory... or a glorious end.

Ankara has long since been the Second City of the Empire, being a winter Home for the Emperoro and most of the government. when word of the invasion started, Emperor Theodoros knew the Russians are well trained, experienced and very much willing to kick some Romans. therefore, he started to evacuate everything he could from the city.

unfortunately, he could not evacuate much of anything besides the palace staff and the ambassadors (the Russian Ambassador chose to stay behind), and only a handful of priceless artifacts and civilans were able to escape.

Basil, the new Emperor, has promised that the Russians will be defeated in the end, we just have to be really, really really annoying.
 
Wait, do you mean THIS Friday? Or do you mean Friday week? Because it's Thursday already!

Orders (for now at least):

The United Queendom of Great Britain and Ireland will attempt to reclaim the rest of Great Britain and Ireland by next "Kick the Mendogs and Lesbian Orgy-Porgy Day" (also known as "Valentine's Day" in countries still controlled by the Patriarchy).
 
Under Construction

Spoiler :
Territories of the World:

Germany
France
Pan-American Union
GEAR Capital Region
GEAR Gangnam
GEAR Sichuan
Red Russia
Indo-Persian Empire
United Arab Republic
Byzantine Empire
Kalmar Union
Queendom of Britain
Australia and New Zealand
New Rhodesia
Laos
Thailand
Malta
The Exiled Dictatorship
West African Confederation
North Western American Union

Kingdom of Armenia - Created by imperial decree the Kingdom of Armenia broke off from Byzantium yet to this day holds significant Pro-Byzantine leanings. It has a poor military and economy.

Poland-Lithuania - Eastern European Republic with Anti-Russian and Anti-German leanings. Strong well trained Military, weak economy.

Socialist Republic of Italy - Established at the fall of the Empire of Monaco this state has significant Left Wing and Pro-Russian leanings. It has a relatively well developed economy and a small but well trained army.

Empire of Monaco - Fallen far from its once world power status the Empire of Monaco is a completely different beast to what it used to be. Once an Empire now a state living in fear of French intervention. The Fear has led to some Quasi-feminist policies to be put in place. It has a weak army and economy.

Barcelona Republic - Small stable Republic that was created in the collapse of Monaco. It has a growing economy and a capable standing army.

Libya - Young democratic nation in the Mediterranean, it's currently undergoing the transition from Provisional Government to a full democracy. It suffered an earlier painful civil war between multiple factions. Weak military and economy.

United Emirates of Casablanca and Gibraltar - Main controller of trade in the Mediterranean the United Emirates used to be a world class power but since faded into obscurity. Powerful Economy and professional army.

Mozambique
Botswana
South Africa
Congo
Equatoria
Cameroon
Sudan
Uganda
Madagascar
Tanganyika

Malacca

Indonesia

Kingston Mayornate

Mexico

Taiwan

The Philippines

Portuguese Warlords - A collection of Warlord States exist in Portugal. The people are kept in check and relatively free from crime by the iron handed approach of the warlords. The area gets its food and other resources through piracy of other Spanish traders.

West African Warlords

The Saharan Tribes



Normany and British Isles Reclaimation Initiative

Fellowship Territories

UN Mission to Japan

Australian Mandate for India

Australian Oceania

Thai India


The Sarajevo Ruins

The Strontium Wastes

The Frozen North

The American Dead Zone

The Indian Strontium Lands

The Colombian Highlands

The Amazon Rad-Forest

The Cursed Coast

The Cursed Earth

South West Africa

The East African Fire Fields

Rad-Land Congo

The Central African Crater

The Blood Delta




NC, here its Wednesday, and yes I mean this Friday.
 
It's Wednesday down here as well, I am just silly. Tune in next week for another episode of "Ninja doesn't know what he is talking about!"

Also lol Finlandized Monaco.
 
IT LIIIIIIIIIIVVVESS

yay

To: Socialist Republic of Italy
From: The Russian Soviet Federation


We would like to ask the SRI if you would like to partake in an alliance - and perhaps economic cooperation.
 
SURGEON GENERAL'S WARNING

The following roleplay is brought to you in part by christos200. It spans two posts and takes 25-30 minutes to read in its entirety. Writing began prior to hard lock and was framed in anticipation of the update, thus the events depicted herein are set circa February. It may be followed up by a Daily Show-style commentary.



Salaamu 'alaykum, good evening, and welcome to Diplomatic Immunity. I am Bahija Adelakeem, sitting in for Noor Ali Saddam. On tonight's programme, I speak with Polish economist Mirsozlaw Krakowski on rising public furor over alleged profiteering by BulkProd Food, and the round table discusses why the Pan-American Union continues to refuse negotiating an end to the war.

But first: we received a special invitation for a teleconference with Thai chancellor Yingjang Shinawatra, who joins me now from Bangkok.

BA: Good evening, Chancellor, and welcome to the programme.

YS: Good evening, Mr. Adelakeem.

(Mrs. Adelakeem sits in stunned silence for a moment.)

BA: Yes, um... To begin, if you will forgive a rather personal question regarding your name: 'Yingjang' does not strike me as Thai. Do you, or your family, originally hail from abroad?

YS: My great-grandfather from my father's side was Chinese. That's why my surname is Chinese.

BA: You mean to say you have two surnames?

YS: In Thailand people have first the personal name and then the surname. However, in China people have their surname first and their personal name second. Because of family tradition, I use the Chinese method of naming. So Yingjang is my surname and Shinawatra my personal name. You could of course ask why I have not changed my naming to the Thai one. Well, it is because my grandfather did not change it and neither did my father. And frankly, I never felt the need to do so. And about the whole name issue, really, would you judge your politician on whether he has a name of an other ethnic group because he is descended of an immigrant or because of his political program?

I hope that I do not sound impolite, but I would like to refrain from further personal questions or questions on my name. I believe that politicians should be judged on their public life only and I do not like telling the entire world about my family and private life. I hope you can forgive me about this, but I believe that politicians who spend hours on TV shows talking about their private lives and virtues actually try to hide the fact that they do not have a political program.

I have a political agenda and program and that's on what I would prefer to talk about. Please excuse me if you find my words impolite. Were not meant to offend anyone. Just talking about my position on the issue of the private lives' of politicians.

BA: Of course, and I do have many questions on government policy, hopefully not too many for a single session. Nonetheless, thank you for indulging in my idle curiosity.

First off, I wish to ask you about your role within the Thai government. Today the idea of an absolute monarchy exercising power through a court system seems woefully anachronistic, not to mention inefficient. Do you really serve only as an intermediary between the Emperor and his officers?

YS: It is far more effective than democracies, I can inform you. For democracies are ruled by the will of the mobs. And most people do not have special knowledge on the issues of foreign policy, domestic policy, economy and other governmental subjects. So, mobs usually elect demagogic governments, which are incapable and ineffective.

On other other hand, in an absolute monarchy, the Emperor is educated since his earlier years on how to rule the state and all officials do their business according to the interests of the nation, not according to the current fashion that the mob supports. So, an absolute monarchy is far more effective than a democracy.

About my role, it is to follow the orders of the Emperor on the domestic and foreign policies and make sure that the officials implement them. Also, I make sure that all officials of the Thai government are coordinated and do their best to follow His Imperial Majesty's orders. I also advise the Emperor on important matters, but the final decisions lie with his Imperial Majesty.

So, in a few words, I am an inspector and coordinator.

BA: Can you elaborate on what you mean by 'inspector'? Do you mean to suggest that the government is regularly purged if it fails to perform 'up to par'?

YS: I mean that I inspect the performance of all officials and those who under-perform are, of course, either fired or moved to an other sector of the government.

BA: Observers claim that in recent years, actual exercise of executive power has been your prerogative, and that you have taken the initiative in legislation largely by yourself. How much actual authority do you wield within the government?

YS: How much authority I wield? As much as the Emperor trusts me to. I am just a mere servant of His Imperial Majesty and I do not dare to do anything against His Imperial Majesty's wishes.

BA: But you would agree that you have been granted allowances to dictate your country's policy on the Crown's behalf?

YS: No. Everything that I do is dictated by His Imperial Majesty's wishes. As I have already said, I only implement the wishes of the Emperor.

BA: Last year, Emperor Rama abdicated in favour of Crown Prince Sayammak. How has the government's policy changed since his son took power?

YS: Not much. His Imperial Majesty follows his father's footsteps and supports the same policies as his father. That is, economic development of Thailand by development of it's infrastructure, peaceful and cordial relationships with all other nations and overthrowing of extremist regimes, if needed for world peace.

BA: Before Emperor Sayammak received the Crown, he was your student. Some might suggest that your special relationship would grant you considerable influence in Imperial policy. Has his ascension provided you with any new administrative privileges?

YS: Indeed, His Imperial Majesty was my student. And he was the best student I ever had. This is not said to flatter the Emperor, but because he was a really intelligent kid. Especially in history, mathematics and physics. And indeed, as the Emperor was my student, we are able to communicate better and have a more personal relationship which makes the handling of political cases even easier and faster.

BA: Do you think that this mutual trust means he gives preference to your advice over that of other ministers?

YS: Considering that I am the one who orders the Ministers and supervises their work, yes. The office of Chancellor means that you are below one man but above all others.

BA: Earlier you spoke at length about what you describe as the folly of representative government. Pro-democracy protests in Thailand have been routinely and violently suppressed—

YS: This is foreign instigated propaganda. Of course, there are some pro-democracy protests in Thailand, but those are small in number and happen only once every few years. And they are violently suppressed because those people are anarchists who threaten the stability and security of the nation; they are enemies of the nation. Demagogues who want to create an anarchic state. The number of protests and it's support have been significantly magnified by foreign media. If the situation was as bad as they (the foreign media) portray it, wouldn't there have been a major revolt or any very bloody incident? None of this have ever happened, so it is easy to realize that Monarchy is supported by the majority of the Thais.

BA: Of course, one can argue that the reason such democratic movements have failed to gain traction is because your government has been so proactive in stamping them out.

YS: You, and the Western Media, view things by the Western worldview. And that is your mistake. You believe that all people want democracy and that non democratic governments are oppressive and rule against the will of the people, who live under a tyranny. That is a myth.

As there are many religions and races on this planet, there are and different political ideologies and some people prefer an other political system than our own, something that the West does not realize. The West, being influenced by Ancient Greece and the French Revolution, and because of it's democratic tradition, views democracy as the natural political system. But this is wrong, for other nations have other traditions and have been influenced by other historical events.

Thailand has always been a monarchy. It has a tradition of monarchy and it's historical events where shaped by monarchies. The people believe in a philosophy where there should be order and an hierarchy, something that the monarchy provides. The people in Thailand view monarchy as their natural political system, in the same way Western people view democracy as their natural political system.

The West believes that because of it's economic and military superiority for much of the Modern era, it's government is the best and it has the right to enforce it to other people. That is wrong. You should realize that there are different people with different traditions, different philosophies and different political systems. The Thai people do not think of democracy as liberty, but as anarchy. They do not view the monarchy as an oppression, but as an orderly system that provides with stability the country.

Frankly, the West should realize that it's political philosophies may not be the best for all people and that every people have their own philosophies and political systems. That is the reason why there is no democratic movement in Thailand; because the Thais do not view democracy as something Thai, but as something foreign, in the same way you Western people do not view our Monarchy as something Western but as an Orient foreign political system.

In the same way you view our Monarchy as oppressive, we Thais view your democracy as anarchical.

BA: Chancellor, I'm going to stop you right there. Without getting into the myriad ways you have just misconstrued Middle Eastern political culture, I would like to make a few corrections to your own, very brief, history of Thailand. You are right in saying that Thailand has been a monarchy since at least the 12th century BCE; but from 1932 until fairly recently, it was not absolute, and even under the military dictatorships of the latter twentieth century there remained grounds for public participation. Moreover—no, Chancellor, let me finish—moreover, from 1997 to 2006, Thailand operated under a constitutional bicameral legislature. The instability you speak of has not been engendered by the democratic process; if anything, it was the military coups and ensuing juntas that have destabilized the country, something that the sitting monarch had no power to control. So you cannot claim that there is no democratic tradition in Thailand, because the historical record proves there is.

I would also like to address—Chancellor, please let me finish; I let you speak at length, now please grant me the same courtesy—I would also like to address your point concerning Western imperialism. You say that European powers have imposed their political structure on foreign peoples, and that I do not dispute. But how can you pretend that Thailand is blameless in this respect, when nearly six years ago its army annexed Cambodia and installed a Thai king as ruler?

YS: Firstly, in the 20th century Thailand was indeed a constitutional monarchy. But that constitutional monarchy was unstable and that was the reason the army took action and established military dictatorships. Now that Thailand is once again an absolute monarchy, the army cannot establish a military dictatorship and there has been stability.

Moreover, constitutional monarchy and democracy was imported to Thailand by the West. It was not born in Thailand. It was not the result of the Thais themselves. It was the result of Western educated Thais and the West imposing this unstable political system. And the 1997 to 2006 period was the exception that proves the rule. The fact that you point such a short period of time to demonstrate that Thai democracy worked, when Thailand was a (mostly) constitutional monarchy since 1932, proves how unstable that democracy was as in all other periods the army established dictatorships.

Also, I do not see how a short period starting from the early 20th century makes democracy a Thai tradition when, as you yourself said, Thailand had been a monarchy since 12th century BCE. Democracy was a foreign political system that had a history of only a few hundred years in Thailand, while monarchy was (and is) a system native in Thailand with thousands of years of history.

About Cambodia, for a very long time in the history of South-East Asia, those lands were ruled by the same Empires/Kingdoms and had (and still have) the same culture and traditions. In the same way a European Union was created in 20th century and federalists tried to create a united Europe, we united two areas which were and are culturally and historically linked into one state. We do not see how this is different from UAR uniting Syrians and Egyptians.

BA: For one, the United Arab Republic was not forged by the sword, neither was the European Union. But as energetic as this topic has become, we unfortunately do not have time to discuss it further today.

I would like to turn now to Thailand's economic policy, with which you have been intimately involved and consider something of a particularly dear personal accomplishment. First of all, have there been any significant changes to your strategy since 2106?

YS: Indeed, the economic development of Thailand those recent years has been one of the greatest achievements, not only for me, but for the whole of the nation. Our economic development can be seen in the increase of our economic power since 2106 and the deals we have with other nations, most notably the Bangkok-St. Louis Customs Union.

Our main strategy for the economy has not changed: promote free trade and develop the nation's infrastructure. That's what we are doing. The largest part of our budget is spend on investing on the country's infrastructure and we want to promote free trade in the region.

It is unfortunate that UAR and some other nations disrupt the region's free trade with their embargo. But, this does not changes in any way our policies and will not have much effect on the economy, for our trade and economic ties are with PAU and other East Asian nations, and not with UAR, with which we had minimal economic ties even before the embargo. So, the Thai economy will not be affected and neither will our economic policies.

BA: A number of economists have criticized elements of Thailand's economic strategy for fostering short-term profits at the expense of long-term market stability. I would like to take a moment to examine these charges in detail, and hear your response.

One of the most significant revisions in the '06 reform was the change to agricultural tax practice, from tax in cash to tax in kind. First of all, what was the rationale for adopting a barter system for Thailand’s largest economic sector?

YS: The rationale for the farming reform was to gain a larger amount of money through indirect means than by the direct cash taxes. The state gets 3/10 of the production of the farmers and 2/3 of them are sold in state owned supermarkets. The price of the products was increased by 5%, but by law the price of those products in private supermarkets also increased by 6%. This makes farming products sold by the state more attractive and the money of the customers who buy those products go to the state. So, the state wins.

The other 1/3 of those products are exported and are sold with prices 10% lower than those of the lower prices of the products in the state where the food is being exported. So, Thai farming products are made more attractive and what is lost by the low price is overcompensated by the number of costumers. And those money go to state coffers. So, the state wins once again.

BA: But what of the farmers? A study penned by Dr. Peizhi Peng at the College of Economics in Canton suggests that the tax in kind is unfair to the farmers, noting that whereas a cash-based income tax will automatically scale to a farm's profitability per season, direct extraction of goods does not consider the farm's economic viability. Moreover, by taxing a set percentage of the farm's total yield, it is disproportionately punitive to smaller family farms, which if struck by drought or crop failure may not even be able to sustain themselves.

YS: Whenever farmers have problems sustaining themselves, the state compensates them with cash of value 40% of the price that the products taken from them will be sold. The state always comes first and the measure is totally fair as without an economic prosperous state, the country will decline and it's economy will take a considerable downhill.

BA: So if I understand you correctly, Thai agricultural produce is sold at an inflated price at home markets and the State retains all the profits, except for the aforementioned compensatory 'rebate', which is less than half the value of the goods at market?

YS: Yes, and this compensation is not given every year and not to everyone. Only in years where agriculture faces problems and is given only to those who cannot support themselves.

BA: What you say ties into Dr. Peng's second criticism, that this state-managed sale and distribution denies farmers direct profit; but from what you've just said it appears farmers cannot make any profit. Forgive me for being so frank, but the Thai agricultural sector sounds practically like serfdom.

YS: In the West, people consider their priority how to make personal profit. In Thailand, people consider their priority how to make national profit and how all the society can prosper.

BA: But if produce is being sold at artificially high prices, does that not discourage domestic demand? And if farmers receive no revenue for their labour, they cannot participate in the economy at all, other than as a resource to be exploited. You claim the government is acting in the interest of social prosperity, but it sounds as though the government is abusing its monopoly over agricultural production to profiteer rather than foster a sustainable economy.

YS: About domestic demand, the rise of the prices was not really that high and of course there is demand, as much of the Thai cuisine is based on farming products.

About you other question, what you say would be true if the government kept those money for non economic projects. Instead, the government returns those money to the market by investing in the development of new industries and industrializing the country. So, we are industrializing the economy of Thailand and thus we are developing the economy. And by mass industrialization, we can compete with other East Asian economies. And this means, that there will be social prosperity.

The economic rise of Thailand can be seen in economic reports created by various NGO's.

BA: Perhaps, but we must distinguish between gross aggregate calculations of national wealth and how that translates into everyday life. For instance, since the institution of the '06 reforms, the government has repeatedly slashed wages of public-sector workers. Yes, you say the government is attempting to offset this by direct state investment, but is not the backbone of a functioning economy a financially-empowered citizenry? How does suppressing wages encourage popular investment?

YS: You are overstating. The decrease of the wages was only 6%. It is not like they lost half of their wages. Really, the majority of citizens have either seen their income remaining the same, decreasing by a bit or even increasing by a bit. There has not been any large scale change in wages. And farmers have enough products to feed themselves and whenever they lack those, the state, as I have already said, compensates them.

And the proof that our economic strategy is working is the increase seen in the Thai economy since the implementation of the reforms. This is a fact and you can see it no matter which NGO's report you read.

BA: But how much of this new wealth is local? Corporate taxes were cut by 23%, and while such a move would undoubtedly attract foreign investment, it also drastically reduces the state's share in it. Thailand has been tight-lipped on its annual budgets so exact statistics are hard to come by, but virtually every market analyst predicted that such rapid tax cuts would lead to a massive drop in state revenue. What has your government done to counteract the corporate revenue shortfall?

YS: The farming sales, the decrease of wages and the stimulation given to national economy by foreign investment overcompensate any possible losses.

BA: Your government appears to be banking on international investment keeping the economy afloat. Are you concerned that the '06 reforms rely too heavily on foreign capital over domestic development?

YS: Nothing great happens without taking risks. So far, the risk has paid off. But we do not worry at all, for we have plan B in case anything goes wrong, although this seems a scenario far from reality as economic reports show.

BA: Deign to elaborate on this 'Plan B'?

YS: We cannot just reveal the plan, but we inform you that part of it has to do with taxation and some other reforms.
 
BA: Let us turn now to Thai foreign policy. You were a proponent of the so-called Indochina Doctrine, which you describe as isolationist and focused only on Thailand's immediate neighbours. Is this still the government's strategy?

YS: Yes. Indonesia is an immediate neighbor of Thailand and this is the reason we are intervening. Other than that, we are pretty isolationist and all those years we have never intervened in conflicts/disputes outside East Asia. We have been fairly peaceful and isolationist compared to other nations, like Russia or UAR.

BA: You deny that the military conquest of Cambodia was anything other than peaceful?

YS: You deny that the expansion of UAR, to use an example, in 2104 in Egypt and Arabia was anything other than peaceful?

BA: Chancellor, I am not here to bicker over partisan demagogy; the United Arab Republic's policy in the Gulf and the means by which it was accomplished is readily available to anyone with an Internet connection and five minutes of free time. Now, please answer the question.

YS: Indeed, the Thai army moved into Cambodia, but there was no civil or military resistance. It was a military walk and it could be said that in some parts of the country, the citizens even greeted excited the Thai army as liberators. And this is available to anyone with an internet connection.

BA: Earlier you made special mention of your economic partnership with the Pan-American Union. Does the fact that some say Thailand went out of its way to sign a deal with the Americans contradict your aforementioned isolationism?

YS: No. We implement isolationism on political disputes and military conflicts. In economy, we are ready to make economic deals with any nation that offers a good economic deal.

BA: How do you respond to claims that by dealing with St. Louis, you are indirectly aiding its war of aggression against the Northwestern American Union?

YS: We, frankly, do not care what is happening in North America. We are only interested in the economic profits of the deal. As we have said, we do not involve ourselves in political and military disputes outside our region.

BA: Surely you recognize that however much one can claim to be acting in 'purely' economic interests, they still carry political implications?

YS: Frankly, we do not care for the war in North America and if Germany or UAR were to offer us a similar deal, we might actually accept it.

BA: The Indonesian crisis is at the forefront of both the international consciousness and Thai policy. Prior to the civil war, Thailand had pursued cordial relations with Yogyakarta, as evidenced by the numerous trade agreements. Despite the revolution, countries rarely break off their old contacts completely. Was there really no ground for pursuing a diplomatic solution?

YS: It was precisely because of our past agreements with Indonesia that we felt the need to overthrow the rebels. Earlier, we could not directly help the Indonesian government because we had to solve regional problems, we had to expand in Burma and north India, we were still modernizing our armies and we focused more on our industrialization. But now, we can both focus on Indonesia and we have the means defeat the rebels.

Of course this is just one reason we are taking this police action; other reasons are the extremism of the Indonesian regime and it's threat to the stability of the region.

BA: The civil war ended in 2108. Critics contend that four years is too long to have waited to aid the former government, what you've just said notwithstanding, and that Thai intervention will only serve to destabilize the country and the South Pacific once again. If India and Burma were higher priorities when the insurgency was in its infancy, why are you now turning your attention to Indonesia after the present régime has solidified its legitimacy?

YS: In Thai eyes, the rebels never solidified their legitimacy. And as the saying goes , "It is never too late for a Gentleman to seek revenge". In our case it could be, "It is never too late for a country to overthrow extremist regimes".

BA: As you are well aware, there has been widespread international suspicion over the Thai army's 'mission creep'. You originally stated that the invasion was, and I quote: "not an offensive operation". In the spring of last year you stated there would be no ground forces involved; in the fall you said a marine landing would be considered; at the end of last year you pledged 20 000 Royal Marines to front-line duty. Why has Thailand opted to escalate the scope of the mission in such a short time span?

YS: It is because we had thought that a naval blockade and an areal bombardment which would destroy the entire army of Indonesia and ruins it's economy would be enough for the regime to collapse. It was not. So, we were forced to use Thai Marines to create an area in which an independent Indonesian government can be created and an Indonesian army can be trained. The 20,000 Marines are our red line. We will not commit more troops. Instead, we shall train an Indonesian army, so that the newly established government can continue on it's own the civil war and takeover the areas still held by the regime.

BA: But if the blockade wasn't even in place for a full year, how could you tell it wasn't having the desired effect?

YS: A full year is too much to wait, especially when the blockade proved that it did not have the expected results and would most likely fail and even give enough time to Indonesia to prepare for a military conflict with Thailand.

BA: Upon initiating hostile action against Indonesia, Yogyakarta responded by suspending all BulkProd food exports, jeopardizing the health and well-being of countless persons worldwide. Does your government take any responsibility for precipitating what is predicted to be the worst humanitarian catastrophe since the last world war?

YS: No. Indonesia cannot be allowed to hold the world hostage and get away because of it's food exports. But, there is no need to worry. The new Indonesian government will resume the food exports and in a few months, a year at most, everything will be back to normal.

BA: Given that your government was instituting a full blockade against Indonesia, food shipments would have been impossible anyway. Would you not agree that even if the embargo had not been instated, the food supply would still be disrupted?

YS: I would agree. But I ask you, should a state that promotes extremism, discriminates against half of it's population in a way not seen since Nazi Germany's discrimination against Jews and Gypsies, that is essentially a colony and imperialist tool of France and that uses it's food exports to threaten the entire world be allowed to get away simply because of it's food exports?

BA: For a country that believes so devoutly in sacrificing particular interests to the 'greater good', Thailand's willingness to play Russian roulette with the global food supply seems quite disconcerting. Indeed, as you claim the current régime is so extremist, are you at all concerned that Yogyakarta may scorch the earth and destroy the facilities out of spite?

YS: They won't be able to do this, for Thai Marines and Air Force will disallow them from burning the land. And even if they managed to scorch the earth, they are to blame and we shall try to make sure that the perpetrators of such crimes are tried for crimes against humanity in the UN.

BA: With respect, Chancellor, you seem overly optimistic regarding both the objectives and timeline of this mission. Just how long do you think the operation will take?

YS: One year, at most. Maybe even sooner. That is for combat operations (training of Indonesian army and it's offensive against remaining rebel held territories). The whole operation might actually take half a year more, as after the victory against the rebels, Thai forces will decrease so only 2,000 remain, the Indonesian army stabilizes complete control over the country and hunts down any insurgents and the Indonesian economy become viable.

Then, UN inspectors, as well as inspectors from other NGO's, will be invited to oversee free and fair elections. After those elections, the remaining Thai forces will leave, unless the newly elected government requests them to stay for further training/help.

BA: You have previously likened the Thai invasion to the 2003 Iraq War. That chapter was characterized by unilateral invasion under false pretexts, complete ignorance of the local culture by the invader, an imposed political order and installation of a crony government, and lack of commitment to the peacebuilding process that after eight years had failed to produce a stable government. What makes you think Indonesia will be different?

YS: The Iraq War was just an example I have used, not our role model for Indonesia. What makes me believe that Indonesia will be different is that we understand the culture of Indonesia as Thai and Indonesian culture have a large number of similarities and that we rely on the Indonesians themselves defeating the regime, not just our troops. Also, Indonesia, unlike Iraq, is not an artificial nation with sectarian rivalries.

BA: Experts on Middle Eastern history widely agree that the sectarian rivalries you allude to were themselves a byproduct of the invasion. Have you considered that Thai intervention will only serve to strengthen support for the Indonesian régime, or inflame grassroots extremism?

YS: No. There is already unrest and the Indonesian people are clearly against the regime. There will be no support for the regime. As in post WWII Germany the Nazi ideology became a taboo and lost all support, the same thing will happen in Indonesia.

Also, I would like to disagree with your position that the sectarian rivalries in Iraq were byproduct of the American invasion. Those existed already and were a result of the British and French, in order to serve their colonial interests, creating artificial countries without prior knowledge of the region's ethnic and religious rivalries.

BA: But as you admit, they were artificially exacerbated by foreign powers, and some observers charge that you are inflating the threat of the Indonesian government along the same lines. After all, if Yogyakarta is the menace you claim, why have only Thailand and Malta pursued hostile action?

YS: Because other nations believe that by appeasement, the Indonesian government will stop being a threat. In the same way Britain appeased Hitler, who in turn was emboldened by this appeasement. UAR and AF make the same mistake as Britain.

BA: Lastly, how will the invasion affect Thai commitments to the United Nations mission in Japan?

YS: Not at all. Our commitments will be the same.

BA: Before we go, I would like to ask you about your government's policy regarding the Kravyads. The most recent census by the United Nations Commission on Non-Normal Populations estimates that approximately four million Kravyads inhabit Thai territory. How is the government treating them?

YS: The same as all other citizens. As long as they abide to Thai law and do not create trouble, they can live in peace.

BA: Chancellor, this has been a most enlightening interview. Thank you for your time.

YS: I thank you for inviting me here.

We will now take a quick break. When we return, Mirsozlaw Krakowski on the Indonesian food crisis: is BulkProd profiteering? We’ll be right back. . .


P.S. QUESTION FOR ROBBIE DON'T SKIP THIS


We can has NPC Ireland? danjuno was not insignificant and I had some treaties with him...
 
Yus of course.

Also once again nice interview. Good job to both of you!
 
Bombardment of Southern Indonesia




With the North of Indonesian territory already under Thai control, the Thai Navy and Air Forces are bombarding Southern Indonesia. Already, Indonesian military units have been scattered as a result of the bombardment and victory is expected to come soon, as 30,000 Marines shall spearhead an invasion which will total 120,000 soldiers. The main strategy for the expedition force will be to blitz through Indonesian territory and secure food facilities. The leadership of the Thai Army is confident of victory and General of Light Sukhumbhand Paribatra has said in an interview:



- General of Light Sukhumbhand Paribatra

"The Indonesian Army has been defeated again and again, it has been bombarded badly and it has been decimated. They pose no real threat to our armed forces and our expedition in the South will be a military walk. Even if we used only 20,000 Marines, we would still defeat them. Now that our forces have increased to 120,000, with the Marines numbering 30,000, victory is one hundred percent sure. The reason that the number of soldiers was increased is not because of the Indonesian army, but because we want a very fast victory in order to secure the food facilities. If there was not this problem, then the 20,000 Marines would be enough to secure victory. But, as I have said, we do not just want a military victory; we also want to secure the food facilities."

Indonesian Government formed under President Jusuf Kalla


Known democrat activist and liberal politician Jusuf Kalla, who had been under house arrest since the establishment of the Feminist regime, has been called by Thai forces in Northern Indonesia to form an independent Indonesian Government. He accepted the Thai proposal and has set up a new government named "Democratic Republic of Indonesia".

To aid him, more than thirty important former Ministers, politicians, businessmen and Commanders of the Indonesian army during the Civil War have been called and have taken Ministries or other offices in the new Government. Jusuf Kalla has taken the office of President and is both the head of state and head of government in Indonesia.

Meanwhile, representatives of the Indonesian people, chosen by the Government and who are mostly democracy activists, have been called to form a Parliament. The new Parliament has 400 members, all supporters of Jusuf Kalla. The President Jusuf Kalla has given a speech to the Parliament:

"Today is an important date for the Indonesian people, for after so many years of dictatorial oppression, which due to the cruelty of the regime seemed like centuries to all Indonesian people, a democratic and independent Indonesian government has been established. We shall no more be oppressed by dictators. We shall no more be a puppet and colony of France. We shall be a free and democratic nation! Long live Indonesia! Long live Democracy! Long live Freedom!"

So far, 20,000 Indonesian men from the ages of 18 to 28 have been called to duty and are being trained by 3,000 Thai Marines on how to fight, while the Thai army has taken on the duty of keeping law and order.
 
the Roman Empire questions if such a bombardment of Java where most of the food is produced is truly necessary. it certainty doesn't sound environmentally healthy. surely your almighty army can blitz through without such a heavy bombardment?
 
The bombardment has been limited purely to military units and facilities, as well as in beaches where landings shall take place. Food facilities will of course not be bombarded.
 
The bombardment has been limited purely to military units and facilities, as well as in beaches where landings shall take place. Food facilities will of course not be bombarded.

good. the Roman Emperor is satisfied with Thai actions.
 
GEAR opens up it's borders for any and all refugees from both Indonesia and Thailand, who fear that they might become unfortunate casualties in this conflict. Several shelters are being prepared, but we warn all possible future occupants that once the conflict is over, they will be sent back to their homelands.

Thus, we beg the governments of both belligerents to accept that part of their civilian population might feel unsafe and may desire asylum in our high-quality centers. We , however, will not offer asylum to any military personnel or political figure from any of those nations.

We, however, do not have unlimited space, as only 120000 civilians total will be accepted, so, to all possible future residents of our shelters, please, apply for our aid only in case of immediate danger.

As a message to both Thailand and Indonesia, please note that any attack upon any refugee, whether or not he reached GEAR by either land or sea, will be taken as an offense by GEAR and we will act accordingly.
Thank you.
 
Thailand will of course not attack any Indonesian refugees, but we do not see why any Thais will choose to go to GEAR, considering that Thailand is far from the battle zones in Indonesia.
 
IT LIIIIIIIIIIVVVESS

yay

To: Socialist Republic of Italy
From: The Russian Soviet Federation


We would like to ask the SRI if you would like to partake in an alliance - and perhaps economic cooperation.
I've assumed Italy already has a DP and probably a currency union and other economic treaties
 
Roman Emperor asks Armenia for help

the Roman Emperor respectfully asks the Nation of Armenia to help out the Roman Empire. we are prepared to compensate you for that, and will protect Armenian independence from any hostile foreign powers.
 
To: Republic of Ireland
CC: The World

Due to the fact that the United Queendom does not wish to prioritise needless expansion over social development, we have decided to renounce our claims to Ireland, henceforth we will be known as the United Queendom of Great Britain. Note that, however, we continue to claim Scotland as our territory although some of it is not under our direct control. Incursions into Scotland by any foreign entity will be seen as an act of war, this goes especially for Ireland.

In unrelated news, the British Fleet is seeking to expand to protect our nation from patriarchical pirates and other undesirables. Our flagship, the HMS Dworkins will be ready to deploy at the end of the month however this is taking up much of our industry. We would like to buy military ships from other countries and foreign corporations to help bolster our fleet.
 
but we do not see why any Thais will choose to go to GEAR.
List of possible reasons:
-Cheaper chicken. Really.
-Better Wifi
-Less threat of incoming Indonesian missiles.
-The GEAR shelters have been deemed as 182% more comfortable than the average warzone household
-free healthcare while inside GEAR
-cheaper car repair (by approximately 40%, but it depends on the area, really)
-no mosquitoes.
-free trip (translator included) to nearby museums and tourist attractions.
-the chance to be called a refugee (many die for this status)
-chance to cross the border without paying a cent

This also applies to Indonesian refugees.
 
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