Prologue
Stepan Slutsky and Yuri Orlov sat at a table in the small building in the far corner of the Kremlin. Since Chancellor Bestuzhev took over control of the economy a few years back there has not been much of a way for Slutsky to influence the government. Orlov was also left out due to a lack of military campaigns since Bestuzhev preferred peace to war. Over the years Slutsky grew a beard and looked more like a monk than a statesman.
But now an opportunity presented itself and there was again a spark in Slutsky’s eyes. The new territories acquires in Eastern Europe from Krakow have still not been incorporated into the administrative division of Russia because of other pressing concerns. Now that the time appeared ripe Slutsky once again wanted to incorporate them in as private lands of the Tsar, strengthening direct rule of the Tsar over a large region of Russia.
It is not that Slutsky wanted more personal power to himself…of course he did, but that was only part of the reason he was doing what he did. Much more importantly he believed that Bestuzhev was taking Russia down a path in the wrong direction by decentralizing authority. In Slutsky’s mind the Tsar and Russia were one and the same and a strong and competent Tsar should lead the country instead of a bunch of local nobles.
After long negotiations with Orlov Slutsky finally arrived at a plan, and since it was already dark and the Tsar was most likely asleep he went to shave while Orlov finished the bucket of vodka that the two had started.
Pick Your Sides
Lavr Lazorev and Mikhail Vorontsov have been worried the last few months. A growing imperialist and interventionist movement within Russia was about to spill over into national politics and they were not sure what the results might be. More and more people called for a stronger army and more centralization in order to make Russia strong in the face of enemies that will undoubtedly attack Russia soon.
Both men supported prior moves by Chancellor Bestuzhev to decentralize the government and to spur economic growth, and Lazorev still believed that Bestuzhev knew what he was doing and would be able to lead the country through these hard times. Vorontsov was not as sure. He questioned whether economic growth was worth it if the country became weak and divided as a result. Given the wars going on around the world he feared Russia would be dragged into one of them.
When before the politics in Moscow were split along class lines, with merchants sticking together, nobles sticking together, and the clergy following the Patriarch everything has changed now. Instead there were factions within both the noble and the merchant groups, some calling for more protection, some for more decentralization, some for something else. Only the clergy still blindly followed the Patriarch who had aligned himself with the Tsar.
Slowly the calls for more security and a larger army grew louder and louder and Sergey Smirnov, a former ally of Bestuzhev emerged as the leader of the pro-interventionist group. He quickly gained allies in the nobles in Eastern Europe who felt threatened by the war in Europe and the unification of Germany, and among the merchants who preferred peace and security. Who he would side with was still not clear, and many speculated that he wanted to be the next chancellor himself.
What’s in a Province?
The High Council met finally, after two years of intrigue, to decide what to do with the newly acquired territories in Eastern Europe. Bestuzhev had planned this very carefully and had waited until the positions of governors (who rotate every year) were just right for what he wanted to do. He finally presented his plan.
Many years ago Russia had a system of Gubernyas or local states where a local government had extensive control. Slowly the system fell apart as the Empire grew and the system of the Tsar’s personal union with Lithuania and Romania replaced the old system. The problem is, with the exception of Romania, the kingdoms that are in the personal union are much too large to govern from the capital. As a result neglect and corruption overtake the system and the country as a whole falls hopelessly behind others.
Bestuzhev proposed to scrap the system of the personal union and to resurrect the defunct Gubernya system. The 12 Gubernyas would be largely equal in size and would divide the Empire down into very manageable subdivisions. The local government, together with the Governor appointed by Moscow, would rule the province and would look after its well being. In addition, further rights and liberties would be extended to the Gubernyas, limiting the interference of the Federal government into the business of the local government.
In general, especially at a time like this, the proposal to further decentralize the empire would meet a lot of resistance, but Bestuzhev planned right. The five governors currently sitting on the High Council would see their districts turned into Gubernyas and their borders extended. They would gain almost direct control over the most prosperous regions of the country and only the High Council, where they have representation, would be able to check them.
It was a much tougher fight convincing the Magistrates. They did not want to see the power leave Moscow where they were and preferred to keep the High Council in charge. Most of their worries were settled with the provision to allow the High Council to check all the decisions of the local governments.
The only two people voting against were the two Magistrates appointed by Slutsky two years ago.
Action and Reaction
Slutsky was jumping up and down with joy. Not literally, since literally he was still shaving, but figuratively speaking. Bestuzhev moved to further decentralize the Empire, a move so unpopular that all of a sudden Slutsky, who just yesterday felt that he was out of the game, now thought that he could remove Bestuzhev.
Slutsky ran and caught up with Vorontsov outside his estate. When Vorontsov heard the news of Bestuzhev’s move to further decentralize the government he was stunned. From all his conversations with Bestuzhev he got the feeling that Bestuzhev would do no such thing. Generally Bestuzhev preferred to keep his plans secret, but this was not just keeping things secret, this was more like a blatant lie. Slutsky talked for a while with Vorontsov they agreed that at this time the country needed a strong government, not a weak one.
Slutsky was happy after his success. With the support of one of the leading Nobles in the Sobor Slutsky was a step closer to taking Bestuzhev out of his position as Chancellor. He then went to the bank in the center of the city to find the leader of the merchants – Boris Asimov.
His exchange with Asimov was brief and cordial, but Slutsky quickly realized that the banker cared a lot more for his purse than for the country as a whole and decentralization was good for his purse. After about an hour Slutsky left and Asimov remained with his original opinion.
Still, Slutsky only needed half of the nobles to remove Bestuzhev and so he arrived at Smirnov’s place. He tried to appease the old noble, stress his patriotism, and avoid the question of who would be the next chancellor. If Bestuzhev was removed than Slutsky and Smirnov would be the two frontrunners to become Chancellor. Smirnov did not promise Slutsky anything, but at least the two now knew where they stand.
The last business of the day for Slutsky was to visit the Patriarch. The old man was in the Cathedral and received Slutsky coldly. After an explanation, however, the Patriarch agreed to support Slutsky.
The chief advisor returned to his office, confident that in a few days he would become Chancellor.
Check
Bestuzhev was approached by Asimov in the evening. The old banker quickly told him that Slutsky is doing all he can to get rid of Bestuzhev, and that even some of the merchants faction supported Slutsky and a stronger central government to defend Russia. Bestuzhev seemed unmoved and thanked Asimov for the information. After the banker left Bestuzhev went to his window and looked out to the stars. He did not go to sleep at night.
In the morning Bestuchev gathered the members of the merchant faction, or at least those who cared to come and meet him. In his conversation with them he promised further decentralization, further investments in local economic projects, further prosperity for the provinces. When asked about defense he assured his listeners that he was beginning a massive military project that would ensure the safety of Russia. He seemed to sway most of his listeners.
In the afternoon Bestuzhev had one of the most important meetings of his life. Smirnov walked into his office and sat down. They chatted for a little while about the weather and the politics of the Far East, but all that time Bestuzhev was nervous. If Smirnov was nervous he didn’t let it show. Finally they got down to business.
Smirnov openly expressed his concerns for the safety of the country and the lack of action on the matter. He then went on to criticize the way Bestuzhev has weakened the country by decentralizing the government. He finished by asking if Bestuzhev had anything to say. The Chancellor waited for a few seconds, thinking. Then he leaned forward and said, “yes.”
Over the next four hours Bestuzhev laid out his plans for the upcoming years while Smirnov listened. Bestuzhev knew that if Smirnov wanted to remove him, he could do it with the help of all the other discontent people, but if, for some reason, Smirnov really cared about the country he would listen. And so the Chancellor spoke, trying to convince Smirnov that his plan would work.
After the presentation Smirnov got up, thanked Bestuzhev, and left. Neither noblemen slept that night.
Mate
The next day the Zemsky Sobor met for one of the weekly sessions. Mikhail Vorontsov, one of the leaders of the noble faction, moved to have a vote of confidence in the leadership of Chancellor Bestuzhev. Aleksei Denisov, the speaker, looked over at Bestuzhev, who was his good friend, and then accepted the motion. Slutsky smiled at this point, thinking that it was all over.
Bestuzhev sat back and prepared for whatever would come next. The debate on the floor went on, with Slutsky jumping right in to condemn Bestuzhev for his weakening of the nation, and the members of the clergy echoes those accusations. Asimov attempted to put up a fight and defend Bestuzhev, but he was torn apart by the more experienced statesmen. Then Vorontsov moved to close debate. “Objection,” said Smirnov quietly. That was the first thing he had said during the debate. Vorontsov withdrew his motion in a hurry, not wanting to anger Smirnov. Then Smirnov got up and begun to speak. He compared the desperate and manipulative Slutsky who was trying to gain Chancellorship for himself with the resolute, competent Bestuzhev who had led the country into its best period of prosperity yet. “Who do you want to trust with the safety of the country?” he concluded.
By a vote of 256 to 194 Zemsky Sobor expressed confidence in Chancellor Bestuzhev. Bestuzhev did not show any emotion when the tally was read. He was thinking of the promises he had made to keep his post, and the fact that now he had to live up to them.
