Rebuild of Revolution [Yet Another World-building Thread]

Our "ambitions" is but securing the land of China as a whole. Tibet and Xingjian are Chinese and to call them empty is a insult to the Chinese populace there.

Anyway: I was first to set my claim (although granted my claim to Vietnam was much: I am willing to skip that) and hence the uniting of China as China is a grand consideration.

Here is a map of the world:

Spoiler :
FSgGic7.png


Any parts of the world which are covered white are up for grabs, regardless of whether another power tried to claim the territories for their own. Tibet and Xinjiang are far from China and close to India, but are currently empty, so even if they may have been ruled by distant Chinese overlords in the distant past, they will now gain cultural and ethnic ties to the Romans with our settlers arriving there.
 
It isn't that there isn't anybody living there. Just not 1840s, let alone OTL, numbers of people living there.
 
Reign of Antonio I of Riccio (r. 1860-1864)

Spoiler :
With Giorgio’s abdication, his successor Antonio di Medici took power as Antonio I. Hailing from a cadet branch of the great Medici Family of Florence, Antonio was a much more active ruler than Giorgio, though he hardly was a liberal, still towing the Council line, while suggesting reforms where he felt they might increase state power.

Antonio showed appropriately Machiavellian tact with his newfound office. No sooner had he given the oath at his coronation ceremony was he planning on the next expansion of state power: subordination of the Catholic Church. The Catholic Church had flourished for several years under Riccese patronage, not having to share the burden of taxation that other religious organizations did and frequently receiving grants from the private accounts of politicians for their cooperation. The Church’s clerics oft preached that all governments were ordained by God among more orthodox messages such as the need to be charitable and loyalty to one’s spouse. This however, was not sufficient; the Church was still a fully independent organization, and little kept it from uprooting itself and relocating to the vast British Empire in the West apart from the fact the British government remained firmly Anglican. All it would take is a reconciliation of the Churches to get the Papacy more open to relocating its power base.

Antonio was ruthless in pre-empting any possible contenders for the Pope’s loyalty. On March 7, 1863, the Night of Scorched Robes, a religious council including the Pope himself came under attack. Many high-ranking clerics were killed, though His Holiness managed to escape unscathed. Almost immediately his survival was being trumped as a blessing from God himself, but even more quickly, the Pope was declared to be in protective custody of the Riccese government. Pope Pius IX told his guards to stand down, not believing that ulterior motives were at play; his naiveté would haunt the Catholic Church for generations to come. Days of “protection” soon were turning into weeks, months, and finally years; it was clear that the real intent was to keep the Roman Catholic Church, via its pontiff, a prisoner of Riccese politics. It is no surprise that later documents revealed Antonio to have orchestrated the incident as a false-flag operation.

The Popes were treated with the utmost dignity, but they were paternalistically denied the ability to exit the Papal Palace in Rio, the government taking advantage of a more secular perspective by stating that it wished to keep him safe personally rather than rely on God. Meanwhile, as the Pontiff was kept prisoner in his own court, measures were being passed to consolidate state power. Priests were illegally wiretapped to keep tabs on them, as were the churches they preached in. While the Catholic Church maintained general jurisdiction over its clerics, the government passed laws determining who could serve in the capacity of any sort of cleric; anyone found guilty of several crimes (particularly sedition and treason, which sometimes had their definitions stretched) was barred from serving as a member of any clerical body, and any organization found hiring those who were barred would have their tax-exempt licenses removed. Antonio’s greatest reform was eliminating state aid to the Catholic Church; while Roman Catholicism maintained its status, he ended all special privileges of the Catholic Church in favor of a general tax exempt status for charitable organizations. To appease Catholics, Antonio gradually increased the standard fees to apply for religious-related licenses and permits, as well as making there be more legal hoops to jump through; while the playing field was level in theory, the Catholic Church’s organized bureaucracy gave it a massive edge over any would-be competitors.

Antonio’s programs had helped put government finances in order, but they also generated a great deal of discontent. There were increasing demands for the Pope to be released from his captivity, and the Council made him abdicate so as to keep the illusion of democracy in Riccese politics. Antonio’s short reign, however, had dealt the Catholic Church a blow; while the Church still remained greatly autonomous, it had lost its independence and now would serve as a tool of Riccese power where convenient. He would later be style, "the Sacrilegeous."
 
Sonereal, when does this game start, or rather, when do you plan on it starting?

I want to know how much time I have to get my history together. :p


If not Friday, then next Wednesday.
 
Naturally keeping my suzerainty still open for you, Bair. :p
 
Reign of Francesco II of Riccio (r. 1848-1849)

1848

Spoiler :
With his father’s passing, the 40-year old Francesco II found himself seated upon the throne of what was once the world’s leading power, and what was now a chaotic mess to try and govern. Francesco had been bred with the typical royal upbringing, appearing at functions as he aged and regularly serving to try and connect with the common people to show their monarchs were deserving of their titles. Like all monarchs, however, he had a great deal of pleasures in his youth, but his greatest luxury was unexpected: he had been bred to command a superpower that was stable, not one that was collapsing.

The capital’s move to Rio de Janeiro seemed to be a symbolic representation of the change Riccio was about to undergo internally. It is commonly said that 1848 was the year of a quiet revolution in the Empire, as the Emperor found himself not up to the task of administering his duties as Sovereign. As a natural consequence of his inability to fill the great shoes left by his father, it wasn’t a surprise when someone else stepped forth to fill the void within them instead.

While the Emperor technically could rule by decree, the horribly-stressed Francesco II realized his own limitations and appointed several key advisors to assist him as well as pull their own strings independent of the government. The “Council of Seven” was composed of several leading families from across the Empire and its clients, each able to bring clout to the table to allow for policies. There were four Italian families (the Savoia of northwest Italy; the Ottojano-Medici of Florence; the Morosini of Venice; the Orsini of Rome) and three non-Italian families (the Borgia of Spain; the Rothschilds of Germany; the Coopers of Birmingham). First very prominent advisors, the Council developed into full-fledged co-rulers before eventually ceasing to work with the Emperor at all, who was powerless to stop them.

The eight months of 1848 that Francesco II presided over were marked, naturally, by dealing with the looming crisis. While the African territories were safeguarded by the Riccese fleets for the time being, the burning Roman Empire had caused the loss of most of India barring a few fortified outposts (these would lost later on). National pride demanded, therefore, that troops be sent to Korea, which was being besieged by refugees from Russia and China. In what was to become a rare occurrence, the Emperor and the Council of Seven agreed to deploy thousands of Riccese troops to guard the border. This strategy proved successful, as the border seemed far less porous than Europe’s had.


1849

Spoiler :
However, the Emperor (as head of state and thus, considered representative of much government policy) soon found himself being implicated in the massacres that had been a necessity to keep the border so secure, and the Council refrained to take any of the blame, insisting they were mere advisors. When he attempted to depose the Council, they proceeded to publicize the scandals, while a conveniently-timed outbreak of violence between Korean and Italian troops on the peninsula was also attributed to Francesco’s poor skills. When the Koreans rose up in revolt and managed to usurp the country from the Riccese leadership, Francesco was viewed as the most damaging part of the state apparatus. Come the national elections on November 1st, which many believe to this day still were at least partially rigged by the Council’s supporters (given the great wealth they could command), Francesco failed an approval vote, earning only 39% of the electorate.

The Riccese constitution held that rejection of a monarch also counted as rejection of their dynasty. Francesco’s son Marcos was only 16 years old, greatly hurting his ability to contest the throne. Of the alternative candidates proposed in the recall, Giorgio Borgia won by carrying 62% of the vote after several runoffs. Borgia was a charismatic, energetic leader, while also being seen as experienced to carry out the Emperor’s duties with his practice in law and his age of 51. Perhaps most important, Borgia was of one of the families serving on the Council of Seven. The Council had arranged for the monarchy to regularly rotate between them as a symbolic gesture, though they governed as theoretical equals behind the scenes. Through extensive use of coercion, bribery and other illegal activities, the Council also neutered the Imperial Council’s ability to pose a threat, seizing command of the writing, enforcement and interpretation of laws. Eager to secure their new powerbase in Brazil, the Council eagerly awaited January 1st, when Borgia would take power, and when they would curry the favor of a special set of friends…
 
Double post because ponies I have more history! :D

Think the histories are compact and general enough I can avoid giving them specific years. The reason I had such distinct years in the last batch was it was in the immediate aftermath of the last turn, so I wrote down how I would have reacted, pretty much.

Reign of Giorgio I of Riccio (r. 1850-1859)

Spoiler :
Despite his nominal authority, Emperor Giorgio was not even willing to make use of that. Whenever the Emperor wasn’t busy with state functions or doing the formal appointment of those the Council desired in government positions, Giorgio was generally holed up in the mansions of various Brazilian elites (an Imperial Palace having yet to be built), generally being fed exotic meals as considerable amounts of people risked starvation and indulging in various illicit activities and substances hardly befitting of a ruler. The Council kept up his good reputation however, and certainly didn’t mind keeping him away from Rio, as it ensured that he did not become a check on their power.

The Council may have been corrupt and held little regard for democracy, but one cannot deny that it was effective. With its clout in the market, it was able to bring inflation under control and able to stem the tide of immigrants to manageable levels. It sponsored public entertainment to help increase the public’s morale, while it made sure that the police forces it led were not as corrupt as the legislature whose laws they supposedly enforced. Despite their aristocratic stature the Councilors recognized the need for an educated middle class to keep the factories operating optimally, and they funded universities and public schools to help with this task. They ultimately recognized the futility of trying to keep the Riccese Empire, and before long they had signed treaties with the Congolese and Romans to pull out of their territory within ten years. In North Africa, the Morrocans were showing themselves to be incredibly vicious and determined for independence; to their surprise, the new government granted them independence in 1851. In exchange for maintaining some commercial privileges, Riccio withdrew from North Africa and even left its former client of Spain to the Morrocan hordes; similar agreements would follow with New Venice, which found itself increasingly more of a partner and less of a subject state of Rio.

The Riccese ability to cut their losses can be attributed primarily to the commercial and diplomatic power Riccio had wielded prior to The Fall. As all other great powers waged war with themselves and planted the seeds of their own destruction, Riccio was unknowingly laying the foundations for its survival.

One of the most potent sources of Riccese success came from its greatest resource: money. As law broke down, lands were burnt, and entire communities were deserted in the war zones, the Riccese were collecting increasingly-larger tax revenues and using them to stimulate their economy. Factories were being built not just in Europe but all over the wider world; many projects were constructed in Brazil in particular, as the colony’s vast resources were seen as lucrative for tapping. With Brazil having been steadily Italianized and becoming as much an Italian country as a Portuguese one, the region was less like a colony and more a “home away from home” to the government. The pragmatic Riccese had viewed the Brazilians as the least likely to rebel given their strong cultural ties to Italy, and Florence’s political and financial generosity helped secure this. The flood of cheap goods from Eastern Europe enormously improved the lot of the average Riccese lifestyle as well, fostering diversification into other industries as time went on. While most of the belligerents in the Great War had laid waste to much of their territory, Riccio had maintained a secure economic powerhouse that proved to be the perfect site of a new capital.

Labor availability was another quality the Riccese had unknowingly used to guarantee their own salvation from the fires of The Fall. Early in its history, Riccio had developed a policy of establishing refugee camps close to neighboring war zones; while Riccio preserved its neutrality in affairs, it was more than willing to profit at the expense of other countries’ conflicts by other means. Thousands (and during the peak of the War, hundreds of thousands) of people would be ferried into these camps, from Romans to Egyptians to even Chinese and Russians. While many of these people were poor, many others had skills; few educated workers sought to die on the battlefield or in harness. Riccio bombarded the most skilled refugees with offers of relocation to the cities so they could enjoy the best parts of Riccese life; many of these cities were far away from where the refugee had come from, making it incredibly difficult to ever return home. This dish was served with the spice of family reunification programs, and it is no surprise that many skilled workers took the deal. Many were often relocated to Brazil, a melting pot with Italian overtones, so as to help with the exploitation of the country’s vast land and resources; just as planned, few of the refugees (as low as 10%) ever returned home. By the time of The Fall, Brazil had developed an extremely large middle class from all the foreigners relocated to it, and they laid the foundations of a stable, prosperous society along the South Atlantic coast.

Riccio’s next advantage proved to be land. The colonization of Eastern Europe had opened up huge tracts of land for the harvesting of organics, driving prices down and forcing specialization in other fields of work. The Riccese government had taken advantage of these cheap prices to begin planting of crops throughout Brazil, hoping to have a strong agricultural background in the region to decrease the costs of the government’s food program, as well as to offset costs that would naturally come when Russia re-acquired parts of Eastern Europe. The result of the planting program was a cheap, abundant source of food; as the Empire crumbled in later years, the many fields that had been cultivated proved to be more than capable of feeding the Empire’s population, especially after the many evacuees from Europe arrived to take advantage of the large amounts of land opened up by jungle clearance.

The most prudent change the Council of Seven enacted, however, was rooted in Riccio’s final advantage: culture. The Council’s willingness to jettison Africa and Asia was motivated by something besides a feeling war would be futile; the Council had begun opening dialogues with the remnants of the Catholic Church. The shedding of extra-Brazilian territories had left Riccio a nation that was homogenous in language, religion, government, geography and economics. The Catholic Church, having endured the falls of empires for over one and a half millennia, was seen as a perfect mechanism with which to stabilize Riccese society. The Pope had debated many Catholic countries to relocate to, but the humility, flattery, and traditional location (and money) of Riccio were all very persuasive; it was no surprise the Holy See had soon relocated to Brazil in 1852, a move that was reciprocated with over a billion ducatos being donated to the Church by the Council families to aid in the construction of a grand cathedral to make up for the loss of the Vatican.

While the partnership was mostly a pleasant alliance (the Council declared Roman Catholicism the state religion in 1853, though it did not forbid free practice) and cooperative at first, in later years, the ties between the Church and the government would strengthen. While a policy of formal religious toleration would be maintained, the Roman Catholic Church and the Riccese government were to become closely interwoven, though at times it would be hard to tell who dominated who in the partnership.

After a reign of self-indulgence and many great events (the stabilization of Brazil, the end of foreign commitments, the solidarity of the Catholic Church with the government), Giorgio I abdicated in 1859. Riccio had become a stable, nominally prosperous country, if not the hegemonic beast it was. Giorgio I, meanwhile, would later be lovingly referred to as “The Fat.”
 
Reign of Antonio I of Riccio (r. 1860-1864)

Spoiler :
With Giorgio’s abdication, his successor Antonio di Medici took power as Antonio I. Hailing from a cadet branch of the great Medici Family of Florence, Antonio was a much more active ruler than Giorgio, though he hardly was a liberal, still towing the Council line, while suggesting reforms where he felt they might increase state power.

Antonio showed appropriately Machiavellian tact with his newfound office. No sooner had he given the oath at his coronation ceremony was he planning on the next expansion of state power: subordination of the Catholic Church. The Catholic Church had flourished for several years under Riccese patronage, not having to share the burden of taxation that other religious organizations did and frequently receiving grants from the private accounts of politicians for their cooperation. The Church’s clerics oft preached that all governments were ordained by God among more orthodox messages such as the need to be charitable and loyalty to one’s spouse. This however, was not sufficient; the Church was still a fully independent organization, and little kept it from uprooting itself and relocating to the vast British Empire in the West apart from the fact the British government remained firmly Anglican. All it would take is a reconciliation of the Churches to get the Papacy more open to relocating its power base.

Antonio was ruthless in pre-empting any possible contenders for the Pope’s loyalty. On March 7, 1863, the Night of Burning Robes, a religious council including the Pope himself came under attack. Many high-ranking clerics were killed, though His Holiness managed to escape unscathed. Almost immediately his survival was being trumped as a blessing from God himself, but even more quickly, the Pope was declared to be in protective custody of the Riccese government. Pope Pius IX told his guards to stand down, not believing that ulterior motives were at play; his naiveté would haunt the Catholic Church for generations to come. Days of “protection” soon were turning into weeks, months, and finally years; it was clear that the real intent was to keep the Roman Catholic Church, via its pontiff, a prisoner of Riccese politics.

The Popes were treated with the utmost dignity, but they were paternalistically denied the ability to exit the Papal Palace in Rio, the government taking advantage of a more secular perspective by stating that it wished to keep him safe personally rather than rely on God. Meanwhile, as the Pontiff was kept prisoner in his own court, measures were being passed to consolidate state power. Priests were illegally wiretapped to keep tabs on them, as were the churches they preached in. While the Catholic Church maintained general jurisdiction over its clerics, the government passed laws determining who could serve in the capacity of any sort of cleric; anyone found guilty of several crimes (particularly sedition and treason, which sometimes had their definitions stretched) was barred from serving as a member of any clerical body, and any organization found hiring those who were barred would have their tax-exempt licenses removed. Antonio’s greatest reform was eliminating state aid to the Catholic Church; while Roman Catholicism maintained its status, he ended all special privileges of the Catholic Church in favor of a general tax exempt status for charitable organizations. To appease Catholics, Antonio gradually increased the standard fees to apply for religious-related licenses and permits, as well as making there be more legal hoops to jump through; while the playing field was level in theory, the Catholic Church’s organized bureaucracy gave it a massive edge over any would-be competitors.

Antonio’s programs had helped put government finances in order, but they also generated a great deal of discontent. There were increasing demands for the Pope to be released from his captivity, and the Council made him abdicate so as to keep the illusion of democracy in Riccese politics. Antonio’s short reign, however, had dealt the Catholic Church a blow; while the Church still remained greatly autonomous, it had lost its independence and now would serve as a tool of Riccese power where convenient.
 
You wouldn't need to, given Persia is already an indie country.
 
Oh, whoops. I had thought Bair had joined up as another colonial territory; I really should check the map more.

Well, I'll just get back to writing my novella history then. :p
 
Reign of Frederico I of Riccio (r. 1865-1879)

Spoiler :
Frederick Rothschild was chosen to serve as Antonio’s successor because of his strong Catholic credentials, his bilingualism, and also maintaining the same keen mind for administration (courtesy of his banking background) that his predecessor had. Ascending the throne as Frederico I, Frederico was an active leader like Antonio, but not as insanely pragmatic. He respected the Catholic Church for both political and personal reasons, and while he kept Antonin measures in place to keep the Church on a leash, he did not seek to shorten it. His popularity was such that the Council did not try to depose him in the 1869 election, nor did they try to make him abdicate in 1874 (it had become tradition for Council-supported Monarchs to have “terms” of five years).

A pious Catholic, Frederico confided in his local priest regularly, but more importantly, he felt he should atone for Antonio’s constriction of the Church through aiding the Papacy. The Pope was declared free to move about once more, though he still had to contend with state security escorts and subterfuge by the government. However, Frederico’s largest boon to the Catholic Church was his desire to root out Protestantism, or at least extremist variants of it.

In the years after the Fall, the desperate circumstances naturally led to an increase in the average citizen’s piety, and churches often found themselves at maximum capacity where they still stood. People turned to God so as to have some source of light in a bleak time, and with this came a large surge in many beliefs. One belief that gained particular currency was biblical literalism, generally propagated by Protestant sects wherever they still existed. While the Catholic Church had shot down such ideas (feeling that a literalist argument inherently caved in on itself under scrutiny), other sects had not. There was a growing “Literalist Problem” among Protestant Riccese as well as heretical Catholics. Frederico had several attempted solutions for this problem, banning creationism (as well as its Young Earth variant) in schools in 1869.

At a time when evolutionary theory was only in its formative stages and still under great scrutiny (even from many factions within the Church), this was a radical idea. The Catholic Church gleefully seized upon the opportunity to combat heresy, however, decreeing that creationism went against all historical evidence that had been unearthed and violated basic human reason, a gift from the Lord. The Church further argued that a God who would create a world only a few thousand years old with all its various species intact, and then leave evidence of progressive development of species on an old Earth, would be committing divine entrapment and could hardly be the one true deity the Church promulgated. While some arguments were made that the Devil could have left evidence for evolution to lead believers astray, these beliefs were quickly smothered within the Church hierarchy; the Church had clearly sided with evolutionary theory.

Frederico did not stop at evolution in his desire to expand Church power and infuse all Riccese with a common faith. With the Church having declared reason and science to be means of expanding one’s faith, rather than leading to heresy, apostasy or atheism, Frederico began to expand the role of the Church in education. While the Church had led the universities of much of post-Roman Europe, the rise of the Enlightenment had greatly curbed its hand in the education system; Frederico remedied this by granting the Church a special private school charter that set aside land in communities without schools (the definition of “school” was sometimes stretched by the judges Frederico appointed) for Church use in 1870. Students were not only being taught evolution, rejection of superstition, and some of the most controversial scientific theories in these educational institutions, but a deep love of God and all of Creation – especially to his representative in the Pope.

Frederico’s policies began to pay off, as Church rosters reported a relative spike in converts in the mid-1870s. This was in part to the Church and state working together to promulgate a doctrine that explained why democracy and individualism (which Riccio still theoretically supported) did not work within a religious institution. The Church declared in 1873 that in the affairs of man, the common citizen could see everything that was going on around him, and by bringing his concerns to a government (also of man), he could enact changes that would be appropriate; it made sense for humans to have democracies for temporal regimes as such regimes understood their material interests best. The Church, by contrast, could not possibly welcome democratic ideals, as an understanding of God required a longstanding, intimate relationship that took countless years to nurture. While a man could determine his material interests as soon as he could think (from food to fill his stomach to lower taxes on his income), he was not so savvy with what was best for him spiritually, and so such decisions had to rest with a body specifically designed for such. The Church stated it was absurd that every human had the innate (rather than developed) ability to determine what was correct; why then did people subscribe to alternate beliefs, or not know of Jesus despite never having heard of him? The Church concluded its arguments against a democratic, individualist Church by denying that the Church was by any means an “elitist” organization, as its opponents often alleged: any person with sufficient time and dedication could join the ranks of the priesthood or other organs of the Church, and God willing, ascend to the office of Pontiff itself.

With Enlightenment individualism, transparency and democracy reconciled with Catholic paternalism, Frederico had managed to steer scientific development away from the atheism and agnosticism it imbued in many. Indeed, many scientists reported devout beliefs in Riccese research projects, and not necessarily from fear of reprisal. The state and church worked together in their fostering of education and science, using Riccio’s wealth to encourage radical scientific developments while using savvy to prevent the same for politics. Frederico’s regime was a perfect demonstration of Church relationships in Riccio: one of symbiotic antagonist. The Catholic Church and government greatly served to advance each other’s agenda of social domination, but they could fight as often as they cooperated when the time came to decide who called the shots; as the historical record shows, the state won out.

Frederico’s accomplishments went far beyond the religious sphere. Besides expanding the national bank (nominally a public institution, but its board of directors often aligned almost exactly with the wealthiest families of Riccio) to help fund private and public programs, he became extremely active in foreign policy, believing the time had come for Riccio to begin asserting itself in a peaceful manner, to re-establish the prominence it had once been the proud owner of.

One of his first foreign visits was to New Venezia in West Africa in 1866. New Venezia had acquired many of the Riccese territories it had sought when it declared independence many decades ago as a result of the Fall, and while it was not as powerful as Riccio, the state had grown to become fairly prosperous and hardly the backwater client republic it had been before the Brazilian Era. Rather than coming to the Venetians expecting tribute or any sign of submission, he greeted the Venetian government with great amicability, returning home after having inked treaties of friendship, trade and even talks of an alliance. Students were exchanged between universities and trade barriers were lifted, while they became committed to the idea that Italy was one nation, but two states. Many had feared that the increased strength of New Venice relative to Riccio would lead to enmity similar to that seen during the Glorious War of 1824-1827. Frederico I put this anxiety to rest, allowing the friendship with the descendants of the mutinous regiments established at the end of the War to be rekindled (and with far less lingering memories of slaughter), securing for Riccio a trade partner across the Atlantic and keeping the Italian people unified.

Frederico’s greatest diplomatic adventure was the British Expedition of 1869. In February of that year, in response to reports of border clashes between Riccese and British settlers on the frontiers, the Emperor arrived in the Two Americas, as the state had come to be officially known, and went to work easing the tensions. One of his first orders of business in the country was naturally to meet with the British sovereign and the country’s Cabinet. Frederico arranged several treaties with the British, guaranteeing: relaxed trade restrictions; economic privileges in each other’s territory; non-aggression; defined borders; and a statement that the British and Riccese friendship from before the Fall would continue to endure in the new state of affairs. The Riccese also signed less public agreements, such as respecting each other’s desired territories (Italy, France and Germany for Riccio, Britain, Canada and the Eastern Seaboard for Britain) and the Riccese agreeing to limit their political agenda in the Roman Catholic Church as a whole (thus keeping the Two Americas’ Catholic population loyal to the Church and not the Riccese government). Stable, peaceful relations with the British were key to not just guaranteeing the territorial integrity of Riccio, but its economic health: Brazil and the Two Americas had valuable raw materials that the each greatly desired, and trade allowed both to fill their needs without recourse to a violent and bloody war that would rip across an entire continent.

Frederico would not return to Brazil until November, having decided on an extended tour of the Two Americas’ territory. During his stay, Frederico met with local leaders all the way from Colombia to Argentina to discuss trade opportunities and simply to have conversation, giving many communities a personal connection with the Riccese monarchy. Having brought with him several financial magnates (including members of the Council families, who wanted to make sure the Monarch wasn’t getting too ambitious with his foreign companions), he also donated considerable amounts of funds to various projects all over the country. The British Expedition was a massive boon to many local economies, the Emperor helping with the founding of schools, mines, hospitals and churches. He even had artists come along on his trip to record what they saw in writing, drawing and painting, many of their pieces being auctioned to raise funds for cooperative programs with the British or even donated to the British as a sign of friendship. Frederico was not popular in just the home country, but among many British citizens as well, representing a Riccese neighbor that was not only strong, but incredibly warm and welcoming.

With Riccio having set the stage for peace and cooperation with its two closest neighbors, Riccese ambitions proceeded to grow. Wishing to secure valuable trade routes and resources for the inevitable recovery of the world economy, Frederico directed ships to cross the Atlantic in search of areas suitable for light colonization in 1869. By 1873, Riccese merchants and soldiers had established several fortified settlements in Europe and Africa.

Spoiler :
pKQ7xlH.png


While the forts seldom had more than a hundred residents within their walls, they were nonetheless incredibly important. They allowed Riccese ships to establish refueling depots along the European coastline, as well as giving them a safe haven to take up anchor in times of need. In the South, they were especially lucrative, granting Riccio a secure passage to the riches of the Near East. The fortifications were also of great use for propaganda, Riccio having finally returned to the motherland, though like most of Europe, Italia was now a dreary place that didn’t seem far from Medieval social and economic standards. In the Congo, control of the strategic mouth of the namesake river enabled Riccio to begin the economic subjugation of inland tribes, while Catholic priests began to move inland to help restore the decaying churches dating to the pre-Fall era (to their horror, many had become pagan shrines, but that would be remedied). These forts, initially solely to protect trade, soon were becoming instruments of Riccese political power, as settlers seeking abundant land (often taken from the small local European populations) began to move eastward, forcing the expansion of fortifications across the board to provide for them. What had begun as simple outposts would gradually turn into economic centers of the Empire, providing not just trade access, but goods such as rubber from the Congo, crops from Sicily and Brest, and wool from Calais, though this would occur long after Frederico had vacated the throne.

Frederico’s forced abdication came about as a result of circumstances beyond his control. When he opened the doors of trade around the Atlantic with his many visits, it is no small surprise that turbulent economic changes occurred. Industries that were once quite prosperous often were forced out of business by new rivals in the Two Americas and New Venezia, not to mention the Middle East. While the recession would end as all recessions do, its timing close to the election of 1879 was the death knell for Frederico’s popularity. Accepting the people’s mandate, Frederico gave a respectful farewell address that was widely printed and wished his successor luck in correcting the economy’s issues and restoring Riccio to its former glory. While Frederico was forced out by populist pressures, later analysts would consider him one of the most important monarchs of Riccese history, having consolidated the use of the Church as a tool of social control while preserving its independence, and setting the stage for a return of Riccese wealth and power to much of the world. Unlike most Council-era monarchs, he was bestowed a genuinely flattering name, “The Diligent.”


Reign of Domenico I (r. 1880-1883)

Spoiler :
Dominic Cooper, age 32 and of Anglo-Italian descent, was elected on the basis of being weak and timid, making him a perfect puppet to ride out the recession of the late 1870s and appoint someone more useful later on. Oddly, he was appointed after his fellow non-Italian Frederico, whereas precedent had established that Italian and non-Italian Emperors rotate power. Taking power as Domenico I, however, the son of a (relatively) new money English family proved himself to be more capable than his short stature and somewhat-effeminate voice had led people to assume.

Though officially a Catholic, Domenico’s roots as a commoner despite his wealth showed in his religious beliefs. He actually was more sympathetic to Anglicanism than Catholicism, but even moreso to individualist religious movements. He had always felt as a child that the privilege wielded by clerics was undo, and he had a secret hostility to the Roman Catholic Church by extension, a fond believer in the Protestant ideal of a priesthood of all believers.

It would not be Domenico’s higher taxes on the wealthy to pay for more social spending that would hurt his reign (far from it, as the spending functioned as a practical bribe and made him very popular among the lower classes and intellectuals). It was not even the fact that he was of Protestant inclination breaking in late 1881; the Emperor was popular because of his kind face and equitable politics, not his religious beliefs. It was instead Domenico’s attempts to decouple the church and state in the country that made him fiercely unpopular – among the oligarchs, anyway. Domenico felt that the Catholic Church should be free to operate as an institution free from state interference, though he also believed in reducing the barriers to the formation of new churches and other sorts of organizations.

No sooner had he attempted to pass a bill through the Imperial Council (bypassing the Council of Seven) in June 1883 was he assassinated several days later (having assumed that his popularity with the People would be enough to deter any violence against him when he refused abdication) in his sleep. The young Domenico, merely age 34, became the first Riccese Emperor to be murdered (and made a saint-like figure in many Protestant churches for his attempt to end religious discrimination), and his sudden death lit the flames of a discontent stew that would boil over in later years. He was posthumously titled, “the Selfless” by supporters and “the Sly” for those not particularly keen on his attempts to usurp Catholic and oligarch power.
 
No Communist or Fascist governments allowed at start.

But wouldn't the comet and the resulting devastation have set up the perfect opportunity for a more communal communism to make itself known and manifest itself in a society and a culture? After all resources got scarce and one option is that people banded together to work together much like the Wiccans did in 'Dies the Fire'. As much as I dislike the government it makes sense.
 
I think it's that the people working on collectivist theory are kinda dead at game start due to cosmic shotgun.
 
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