Krzowwh
King
Robert, I've finished my history, and I think that's all to be done. It's you who gives me a trait, right, rather than my choosing one?
The Spirit of Man: Brave New World!
- Thread starter Robert Can't
- Start date
Robert Can't
Éponine
Yep, I'll get right on it.
Robert Can't
Éponine
1st of March
Upon reaching Veracruz the SS Atlas is boarded by a number of Mexican law enforcement agents. Rumour has it that they are worried that the dangerous Mexican socialist radical called Rodrigo Escobar who may be attempting to seek asylum in Havana.
Upon reaching Veracruz the SS Atlas is boarded by a number of Mexican law enforcement agents. Rumour has it that they are worried that the dangerous Mexican socialist radical called Rodrigo Escobar who may be attempting to seek asylum in Havana.
Robert Can't
Éponine
3rd of March
Mexican law enforcement agents continue their search for Escobar being especially vigilant as people get onto the ship. Drama has heightened on the boat as news leaked out just before its departure that one of the passengers on the Ship is George Herbert, the famous Londoner who published his memoirs from the invasion. Also present is Lady Henrietta Jennings; member of the Canadian aristocracy. Many other famous guests such as a Quebecois poet and an ex-CSA General are also partaking in the journey. A lot of the guests were disgruntled by the Mexican Authorities interrupting them constantly.
White Star Line, subsidiary of the December Investment Group, issued a statement before departure stating that it was vastly sorry for any inconveniences caused by the Mexicans and it hopes that the issues will be quickly resolved.
Mexican law enforcement agents continue their search for Escobar being especially vigilant as people get onto the ship. Drama has heightened on the boat as news leaked out just before its departure that one of the passengers on the Ship is George Herbert, the famous Londoner who published his memoirs from the invasion. Also present is Lady Henrietta Jennings; member of the Canadian aristocracy. Many other famous guests such as a Quebecois poet and an ex-CSA General are also partaking in the journey. A lot of the guests were disgruntled by the Mexican Authorities interrupting them constantly.
White Star Line, subsidiary of the December Investment Group, issued a statement before departure stating that it was vastly sorry for any inconveniences caused by the Mexicans and it hopes that the issues will be quickly resolved.
mechaerik
Tuturuu!
The terror inflicted by the GRU upon the population burnt hot and bright, but quickly. As casualties mounted, those in Douglassburg began to feel unease about the hounds they had let loose. In early November, just over two months after the rampage began, debate began over the GRU's actions.
The Whig and Southern parties were both heavily against the campaign of repression, but they also were extremely quiet about it. The Syndicalists had leeway to debate it; many in the two right-wing parties felt that if they took too vocal a stance against the repression, they would become targets of it. They talked a little to like-minded Syndicalists, but adamantly refused to publicly oppose the policy unless repeal was certain.
The Populist Party broadly supported the GRU's actions; with Jennings holding the First Director post, the reins were nominally in their hands. The Syndicalist infighting over leadership in the wake of Booker T. Washington's death meant that there had not been a challenge to the lesser party in the coalition's dominance, and as the arguments continued, it seemed that it would stay that way.
The Syndicalist Party, meanwhile, was badly split.
On one side were those who supported the repression, who comprised a majority of the Syndicalist Party and therefore called themselves Majoritarians. Just like their counterparts, they had a variety of subfactions. There were those who felt that the repression didn't go far enough, those that felt the GRU's actions were perfectly acceptable, and those who went along with it because they feared the GRU turning on them. The most cynical members of the pro-GRU faction believed that the campaign of repression could ensure Syndicalist dominance during the next election cycle.
On one side stood those against the GRU's methods; as they were a minority, the other Syndicalists called them the Minoritarians. They had a variety of reasons; some felt that the infringement of the workers' rights was intolerable, some felt that though the GRU's actions were overall justified, that they needed to be toned down. Some felt that continued repression would damage the Syndicalist Party's standing amonst the electorate.
On top of those arguments, internal debates over party leadership truly began during this time. Booker T. Washington's heir within the party was a man named Timothy Thomas Fortune. Fortune was a prominent, charismatic, and relatively well-liked man, but his leadership of the Party was under challenge from several sides. Fortune himself was a part of the Minoritarians, which lead to a big chunk of the difficulty. A number of the party's upper eschelons were Majoritarian, even though he had the support of several big names within the Party. Another sticking point among Syndicalists, particularly among the radical wing of the party, was the fact that Fortune, like Washington before him, firmly supported the policy of Syndicalism At Home, the belief that it was better to build up the Confederate Syndicates rather than exporting the revolution to workers abroad.
The Syndicates were in political upheaval, and it was only a matter of time before something gave.
The Whig and Southern parties were both heavily against the campaign of repression, but they also were extremely quiet about it. The Syndicalists had leeway to debate it; many in the two right-wing parties felt that if they took too vocal a stance against the repression, they would become targets of it. They talked a little to like-minded Syndicalists, but adamantly refused to publicly oppose the policy unless repeal was certain.
The Populist Party broadly supported the GRU's actions; with Jennings holding the First Director post, the reins were nominally in their hands. The Syndicalist infighting over leadership in the wake of Booker T. Washington's death meant that there had not been a challenge to the lesser party in the coalition's dominance, and as the arguments continued, it seemed that it would stay that way.
The Syndicalist Party, meanwhile, was badly split.
On one side were those who supported the repression, who comprised a majority of the Syndicalist Party and therefore called themselves Majoritarians. Just like their counterparts, they had a variety of subfactions. There were those who felt that the repression didn't go far enough, those that felt the GRU's actions were perfectly acceptable, and those who went along with it because they feared the GRU turning on them. The most cynical members of the pro-GRU faction believed that the campaign of repression could ensure Syndicalist dominance during the next election cycle.
On one side stood those against the GRU's methods; as they were a minority, the other Syndicalists called them the Minoritarians. They had a variety of reasons; some felt that the infringement of the workers' rights was intolerable, some felt that though the GRU's actions were overall justified, that they needed to be toned down. Some felt that continued repression would damage the Syndicalist Party's standing amonst the electorate.
On top of those arguments, internal debates over party leadership truly began during this time. Booker T. Washington's heir within the party was a man named Timothy Thomas Fortune. Fortune was a prominent, charismatic, and relatively well-liked man, but his leadership of the Party was under challenge from several sides. Fortune himself was a part of the Minoritarians, which lead to a big chunk of the difficulty. A number of the party's upper eschelons were Majoritarian, even though he had the support of several big names within the Party. Another sticking point among Syndicalists, particularly among the radical wing of the party, was the fact that Fortune, like Washington before him, firmly supported the policy of Syndicalism At Home, the belief that it was better to build up the Confederate Syndicates rather than exporting the revolution to workers abroad.
The Syndicates were in political upheaval, and it was only a matter of time before something gave.
Robert Can't
Éponine
5th of March
Escobar went undetected by the Mexican Authorities throughout the voyage. Until a duo of daring operatives of the GRU found the man. The Mexican authorities demanded that the CSA agents release Escobar but the CSA would not relinquish him. This led to a short gun fight on the main decks. The highly trained GRU agents managed to hold of the Mexicans until they reached the bridge where they barricaded themselves off from assailants. From here on many sabotage attempts were made on board the ships and the saboteurs were captured by White Star line security personnel and then it was revealed that they were undercover for Mexico. It turns out that there were a significant number of Mexican agents on the ship.
4 civilians were killed by gunfire; Miss P. Peterson, Mrs J. Holloway, Dr. H. Jenkins and Mr J. Blanco. Another passenger was said to have gone overboard however he has not yet been identified. Another three passengers went missing including Ernest T. Jennings, a GRU operative and 2 members of the Mexican Intelligence agency.
Upon reaching Havana Escobar has demanded Asylum in Cuba, The GRU operatives have demanded he be brought back to the CSA and the Mexican agents demand he be brought back to Mexico.
Escobar went undetected by the Mexican Authorities throughout the voyage. Until a duo of daring operatives of the GRU found the man. The Mexican authorities demanded that the CSA agents release Escobar but the CSA would not relinquish him. This led to a short gun fight on the main decks. The highly trained GRU agents managed to hold of the Mexicans until they reached the bridge where they barricaded themselves off from assailants. From here on many sabotage attempts were made on board the ships and the saboteurs were captured by White Star line security personnel and then it was revealed that they were undercover for Mexico. It turns out that there were a significant number of Mexican agents on the ship.
4 civilians were killed by gunfire; Miss P. Peterson, Mrs J. Holloway, Dr. H. Jenkins and Mr J. Blanco. Another passenger was said to have gone overboard however he has not yet been identified. Another three passengers went missing including Ernest T. Jennings, a GRU operative and 2 members of the Mexican Intelligence agency.
Upon reaching Havana Escobar has demanded Asylum in Cuba, The GRU operatives have demanded he be brought back to the CSA and the Mexican agents demand he be brought back to Mexico.
Robert Can't
Éponine
Final secret action orders will have locked by 8 tonight
Game Orders lock on Wednesday Morning at 8 am GMT
Game Orders lock on Wednesday Morning at 8 am GMT
Robert Can't
Éponine
Orders locked, sorry for the lateness. As you may have heard my parents took me on a surprise trip to the BBC Proms.
christos200
Never tell me the odds
Can I send orders now?
Celticfury
King
The Estados Unidos Mexicanos wishes to issue a formal apology concerning the events that transpired aboard the SS Atlas. The loss of Señor Blanco, Doctor Jenkins, Señora Holloway, and Señorita Peterson is a tragedy Mexico hoped to avoid. The Mexican government offers its condolences and full compensation to the families of the deceased, wounded, and lost, as well as to the White Star Corporation.
While Mexico confirms that we had agents aboard the SS Atlas, they were intended to be there in a surveillance capacity. The acts of sabotage detailed aboard the Atlas were not ordered by the government of Mexico. A full investigation into the matter will be conducted upon the agents return to Mexico.
There is, however, the matter of the GRU agents aboard the vessel. While the actions of the Mexican intelligence agents may have been "shady", to borrow an American term, the Atlas is technically Mexican soil, and thus, they were within their rights to be their. The GRU, however, has no jurisdiction on Mexican soil. The Mexican government therefore demands that the CSA take account for its actions, and explain why its intelligence agents were aboard the SS Atlas.
While Mexico confirms that we had agents aboard the SS Atlas, they were intended to be there in a surveillance capacity. The acts of sabotage detailed aboard the Atlas were not ordered by the government of Mexico. A full investigation into the matter will be conducted upon the agents return to Mexico.
There is, however, the matter of the GRU agents aboard the vessel. While the actions of the Mexican intelligence agents may have been "shady", to borrow an American term, the Atlas is technically Mexican soil, and thus, they were within their rights to be their. The GRU, however, has no jurisdiction on Mexican soil. The Mexican government therefore demands that the CSA take account for its actions, and explain why its intelligence agents were aboard the SS Atlas.
mechaerik
Tuturuu!
The internal debate between the Majoritarians and the Minoritarians threatened to tear the party apart. As the yearly Syndicalist Party convention approached, the arguments grew more and more heated. Timothy Thomas Fortune, the current party head, knew he could not hold the party together, and he knew his leadership would not survive the convention. The most he could do was ensure that whoever took control of the Party next wasn't too radical one way or the other. In the months leading up the convention, the leading figure that was emerging was a man named William Monroe Trotter.
Fortune and Trotter had constantly clashed during Booker T. Washington's administration, as Trotter took up the mantle of unofficial internal opposition. Trotter was belligerant, vocal, and a radical. He had been an important figure in his pre-Invasion local Syndicate, and had been an insurgent afterwards. When the Army was opened to men of color, he was one of the first to enlist, and had served as a non-commissioned officer respected by his men. At the close of the war, he was one of the first and loudest voices calling for the Syndicalist revolution. He inspired and encouraged his and others' men to join his cause, establishing himself as commander of a brigade-sized unit that went on to win several important victories. Charismatic, respected, and a hero to the people twice over, Trotter was firmly positioned to take the reins. Trotter was a fierce Majoritarian and a firm believer in exporting the revolution.
With the way the Party was shaping up to be, a push to ensure a Minoritarian successor would certainly fail; only a Majoritarian could secure leadership of the Party. Fortune did not like his choices. The only thing he could do was try to ensure a fellow believer in Syndicalism-in-One-Country took the post; otherwise, Trotter might lead the Confederate Syndicates to war against its neighbors, a conflict that would surely lead to the CSA being stamped out. With that in mind, Fortune contacted two prominent like-minded Majoritarians, in order to try and ensure that Trotter was kept out of the top post.
Fortune brought together Charles Edward Russell, a prominent member of the Syndicalist Party in the northern territories, and Robert Leroy Parker, a prominent politican from the west. Both were from the right wing of the party, both were believers in Syndicalism-in-One-Country, both were interested in keeping Trotter out of office, and both were willing to align with Fortune to do it.
The Triumvirate, as they called themselves, was prone to its own in-fighting. But eventually, the deals were made and the issues between them more or less settled. Russell was to become their candidate; Fortune was to advise, and Parker was satisfied with a minor, but important, post as Party Technical Director.
At the Syndicalist Party Convention, it all came to fruition. Fortune was ousted, as he expected. However, with the support of the other Minoritarians, he managed to push Russell into leadership of the party, keeping Trotter out of power. At the next session of the Supreme Syndicate immediately after the Convention, the Syndicalists called for a Vote of No Confidence against the government of William Jennings Bryan. The vote passed with the overwhelming support of the Whig and Southern parties, asnd the government broke. The Syndicalists then forced the Populists into a new coalition, bringing them into control once more.
In exchange for the aid by both the Whig/Southern coalition and the Minoritarians that ensured him his office, Russell introduced and passed a bill that would impose some limitations upon the GRU; while they were still allowed to do most of what they were already doing, they would no longer be allowed to unilaterally arrest government figures, and their investigations were opened a bit. While appealing to the politicians, the reality in the south was much the same, and the GRU continued its actions to stamp out counterrevolutionary activity.
Fortune and Trotter had constantly clashed during Booker T. Washington's administration, as Trotter took up the mantle of unofficial internal opposition. Trotter was belligerant, vocal, and a radical. He had been an important figure in his pre-Invasion local Syndicate, and had been an insurgent afterwards. When the Army was opened to men of color, he was one of the first to enlist, and had served as a non-commissioned officer respected by his men. At the close of the war, he was one of the first and loudest voices calling for the Syndicalist revolution. He inspired and encouraged his and others' men to join his cause, establishing himself as commander of a brigade-sized unit that went on to win several important victories. Charismatic, respected, and a hero to the people twice over, Trotter was firmly positioned to take the reins. Trotter was a fierce Majoritarian and a firm believer in exporting the revolution.
With the way the Party was shaping up to be, a push to ensure a Minoritarian successor would certainly fail; only a Majoritarian could secure leadership of the Party. Fortune did not like his choices. The only thing he could do was try to ensure a fellow believer in Syndicalism-in-One-Country took the post; otherwise, Trotter might lead the Confederate Syndicates to war against its neighbors, a conflict that would surely lead to the CSA being stamped out. With that in mind, Fortune contacted two prominent like-minded Majoritarians, in order to try and ensure that Trotter was kept out of the top post.
Fortune brought together Charles Edward Russell, a prominent member of the Syndicalist Party in the northern territories, and Robert Leroy Parker, a prominent politican from the west. Both were from the right wing of the party, both were believers in Syndicalism-in-One-Country, both were interested in keeping Trotter out of office, and both were willing to align with Fortune to do it.
The Triumvirate, as they called themselves, was prone to its own in-fighting. But eventually, the deals were made and the issues between them more or less settled. Russell was to become their candidate; Fortune was to advise, and Parker was satisfied with a minor, but important, post as Party Technical Director.
At the Syndicalist Party Convention, it all came to fruition. Fortune was ousted, as he expected. However, with the support of the other Minoritarians, he managed to push Russell into leadership of the party, keeping Trotter out of power. At the next session of the Supreme Syndicate immediately after the Convention, the Syndicalists called for a Vote of No Confidence against the government of William Jennings Bryan. The vote passed with the overwhelming support of the Whig and Southern parties, asnd the government broke. The Syndicalists then forced the Populists into a new coalition, bringing them into control once more.
In exchange for the aid by both the Whig/Southern coalition and the Minoritarians that ensured him his office, Russell introduced and passed a bill that would impose some limitations upon the GRU; while they were still allowed to do most of what they were already doing, they would no longer be allowed to unilaterally arrest government figures, and their investigations were opened a bit. While appealing to the politicians, the reality in the south was much the same, and the GRU continued its actions to stamp out counterrevolutionary activity.
