Ajidica
High Quality Person
- Joined
- Nov 29, 2006
- Messages
- 22,482
So, pecheneg is making three basic arguments (apologies if I misrepresent it):Honestly I have a hard time keeping track of what the argument even is.
1) The Huns were the Hsiung-Nu, a group of barbarians from northern China who were badly defeated, fled into the steppe, and emerged a few centuries later as the Huns.
2) The Huns enjoyed a technological superiority in mounted archery that allowed them to dominate their neighbors.
2a) That after adopting a sedentary lifestyle in the Danubian basin, the Huns continued to operate almost exclusively as mounted archers fighting in the nomadic style, as light units operating in loose skirmish order.
3) Something about Vegetius writing De Re Militari is to be taken as the absolute truth on late Roman military matters.
My responses are essentially:
1) The Hun - Hsiung-Nu link was thought up by a Frenchman in the 18th century because he thought the names sounded similar. However, by the mid 20th century that idea was widely disproven by EA Thompson (British historian) and Otto Maenchen-Helfen, an Austrian historian who spent several years in the Soviet Union. They rejected the idea on linguistic grounds, textual grounds, and archaeological grounds. The texts offer nothing to support the idea besides both fought for a while as mounted archers. On archaeological grounds, the Hsiung-Nu had some distinctive animal pattern metalwork which does not show up in even the burials tentatively identified as 'Hunnic'. The artifacts that do show up are generic enough to the steppe cultures that drawing any sort of link between the Huns and the Hsiung-Nu is far too tenuous to rely on. Linguistic grounds actually appears to be the shakiest, based around how 'Hsiung-Nu' could end up as 'Hun'. In the course of researching these posts I found an interesting paper proposing a Sanskrit transliteration in the transmission chain before it reached Greek, accounting for some of the otherwise unexplainable phonetic shifts. I'm not entirely sure I buy it, but I don't know enough about linguistics to have an intelligent opinion. Either way, the author noted it was a link external to the Huns. That is, the Greeks had heard of a terrifying barbarian people in the far east, so when they encountered a terrifying barbarian people close by, they decided they must be the same people and gave them the same name. (And being honest, I genuinely don't remember if any accounts say if the Huns called themselves the Huns, or indeed what they called themselves.)
2) My response is quite simply that nothing in the texts or archaeology supports that. The nomadic huns were certainly fine horse archers, but nothing available supports that they enjoyed a technological superiority over their enemies.
2a) As an early aside, I had included a quote from the British historian Guy Halsall regarding the mid 5th century Huns of Attila, after they had spent a few decades in sedentary life in the Danubian basin. Halsall, building off of the historian Rudi Linder's work on the agricultural capacity of the Danubian basin and Hungarian plains, was writing that the writings do not support the idea the Huns at this time fought almost exclusively as nomadic mounted archers, likely either fighting on foot in a manner similar to the Goths or adopting cavalry tactics similar to other nomadic people who settled down in the Danubian basin. In those better documented cases, it appears that as the societies became wealthier with greater access to arms and armor, along with less lifetime experience in the saddle out on the open steppe, their use of horse archers fighting in the nomadic style dwindled and shifted toward heavier units of horse archers more comfortable in the charge and fighting as a formed unit. I'll freely admit I could have provided better context for the Halsall quote, but pecheneg seems to have willfully persisted in misinterpreting it.
3) All I can say is that De Re Militari is not an absolute truth on anything, just like any ancient text. It is a collection of military maxims, some musings on the Roman military that have the distinct whiff of 'back in my day the men were manly men, not these weaklings and pansies', and some Roman 'wonder weapons' that would surely send the barbarians packing.
Into all this, pecheneg seems to have this idea that the European and American historians I've referred to - Guy Halsall, EA Thompson, Peter Heather, and Michael Kulikowski, are all ignorant of basic historical facts. To illustrate that, he linked to a paper by two (I presume) Russian authors.
As I laid out above in post 134, the section on the Huns has some serious problems in archaeology and textual references. How they were able to identify the graves as Hunnic is unclear, with what appears to be some circular reasoning and stuff like "composite bows were found and arrowheads in 'Hunnic' graves, bows and arrowheads were found in Hsiung-Nu graves, therefore the Huns were the Hsiung-Nu". In textual areas, they enagaged in what I can only describe as an intentional misrepresentation of Jordanes' writing in the Getica. (The Getica is a mid 6th century book written in Constantinople by Jordanes on history of the Goths.) A quick example of this. The authors are talking about Hunnic battlefield tactics and how they made great use of ambush, and they quote the Getica to support it:
However, the full quote from the Getica makes it clear Jordanes isn't referring to battlefield tactics of any sort.An extremely important role in the Hunnic strategy was assigned to the factor of surprise in the attack. The Huns fell upon their enemies "like some kind of tornado of nations" (Iord. Get. 126).
Like a whirlwind of nations they swept across the great swamp and at once fell upon the Alpidzuri, Alcildzuri, Itimari, Tuncarsi and Boisci, who bordered on that part of Scythia.
Hope that clarifies what is going on. If there is any aspect to my posts I can clarify, I'd be happy to.
With regards to the Wielbark/Chernjakov culture discussion, these are two material cultures located in eastern Europe. The Chernjakov culture, located in south western Ukraine, is clearly associated with the Gothic kingdoms identified by the Romans. The question is how much the Chernjakov culture drew from the neighboring Wielbark culture, located in southern Poland. This is important because Jordanes in the Getica writes the Goths emigrated from Poland to Ukraine. Heather identifies the Chenjakov culture as an outgrowth of the Wielbark culture, thus demonstrating the validity of Jordanes' statements on the migration of the Goths (and migration is a well attested historical phenomena). Kulikowski on the other hand rejects the idea the Chernjakov culture is an outgrowth of the Wielbark culture, noting how many other cultures influenced the Chernjakov culture; and the only reason people ascribe a special connection between Wielbark and Chernjakov is because of Jordanes, and Jordanes' account of the early history of the Goths is too unreliable to be a guide. Kulikowski believes that if we ignore Jordanes, we would not see a special connection between Wielbark and Chernjakov. Its an interesting argument, but unfortunately I don't know enough to decide one way or the other, though I lean toward Heather over Kulikowski because of the fact migrations historically did occur and the Poland-Ukraine migration path is along a long established amber trade route to the Black Sea, providing a mechanism for migration.
Last edited: