December World - game thread

[Seon]

On Creation of Public Spaces, Berlin

As the importance of our yearly fairs grow in German culture and our concept of normalcy, an idea has been proposed for the consideration of the German Federation--namely the creation of a large public space in the military parade and drilling ground of Tempelhofer Feld and construction of a new monument for the Federation unique from its history as the capital of Prussia, with the aim of creating a local nexus for tourism, public gatherings, and enterprise in that section of the city. A proposition has been made that such a large public space can double as grounds for the greatest and largest scientific and technological fair within the Federation so far, with the most fervent of supporters declaring that such an event would be an excellent way to showcase German might and technological expertise to the wider world.

In any case, here are some of the proposed designs for the central monument, to be voted on by members of the Bundestag and your Excellency's cabinet.

'Koechlin Tower.' Steel industrial corporations based in the Rhineland have suggested that Germany showcase its might in steel production through the construction of a great pylon, consisting of four lattice girders standing apart at the base and coming together at the top, joined together by metal trusses at regular intervals and with height of approximately 300 meters. Its detractors have noted that such a construct would dwarf every other structure of any importance within the city and reduce their aesthetic and cultural importance. Its proponents have countered that such is, in fact, the entire point of building a monument to separate the Federation from the legacy of Prussia.

'Colossus of Germania.' Association of artisans in Greater German regions and noble patrons have suggested for a large statue, approximately 40-50 meters in height and using steel for internal support, to be constructed as a centerpiece of the world's fair. Its detractors have noted that it is rather similar in design and scope to various 'victory monuments' built by old Royal Prussians. Proponents have countered that it will be good opportunity to reinforce the newfound peace and alliance with both the nobles of Prussia and South Germany, and as an added bonus this statue will at the very least look like something rather than a giant metal-[Data Expunged-XIII]

'Museum of Tempelhofer' Association of scholars and scientists have been lobbying hard for the creation of, instead of some 'worthless monuments with no practical value,' for the creation of the world's largest museum in the world, filled with curios, specimens, and artefacts from everywhere with German influence. The German scholars have argued that it shall showcase the extent of German influence and base of knowledge to the world, while providing continued education and learning of the world to citizens of the Federation for years to come. It shall, they have added, also make for an interesting, if not altogether exciting, attraction for the Fair.

'Rockets' Asso-[No.-XIII]

 

[ItsAGiraffe000]

Yo there. I was told Burma was open?

 

[Ahigin]

Burma indeed is. Welcome to the game. You still have ~2 weeks to prepare your orders. I'll send you your research options in a sec. PM me any questions.

 

[Crezth]

Treaty of Rangoon

Definitive treaty between the Third Burmese Empire and the Free Boer Republik.

In the name of International Peace & Civilization.

The power of Burma having, by the arms of its naval forces and through assertion thereof its maritime supremacy and territorial sovereignty, defeated the effrontery imposed by the Navy of the Boer Republik, which unlawfully invaded and violated the land of Burma and, refusing to acknowledge the sovereignty thereof, given war, has asserted in the eyes of the Free Boer Republik its Right to Exist, its Right to Sovereignty, and the respect and indemnities owed thereof. This treaty thus resolves, in the spirit of civilization, international peace, and the delicacy of noble treatment, to create a new peace and understanding of mutual coexistence between the Third Burmese Empire and the Free Boer Republik.

Thus these undersigned parties resolve, acting with all due authority to the respective governments by which they are thus empowered, to:

1. Terminate immediately all hostilities between the armed forces of the Third Burmese Empire and the Free Boer Republik and to stop the issuing of hostile directives from the governments to which they are beholden.

2. To engage once again in regular customs, trade, and agreements of co-migration, without the burden of war, at the particular discretion each party is entitled to.

3. That the Free Boer Republik shall cede a controlling interest of shares in its holding known as the East Asian Spice Trading Company to the Third Burmese Empire, and will renounce all future options on those shares at the due discretion of the Third Burmese Empire.

4. That the Free Boer Republik will no longer direct maritime traffic in the waters of the Myanmar Sea and the East Indian Ocean, of a commercial or military nature, with those areas respectfully acknowledged to be under the due jurisdiction of the Third Burmese Empire.

5. That the Free Boer Republik will cede all publicly-owned government assets and influences in the Thai region and the Burmese suzerainty to the government of the Third Burmese Empire, and offer no further diplomatic support or succor to the enterprises of private Boer citizenry in areas thus engaged.

6. That the Third Burmese Empire agrees to terminate all diplomatic affiliations with the British Royal Commonwealth.

7. That this treaty will become effective and remain in force no less than 15 years from when it is signed.

Signed on behalf of the Boer Kongres,

Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Gregor Duroc

 

[Crezth]

Treaty of Rangoon

Addendum -- Corollary of Canton

The authority of the Taiping Mandate and the Free Boer Republik agree to observe and respect the terms of the Treaty of Rangoon as they also apply and will be executed henceforth:

1. That hostilities between the Taiping Mandate and the Free Boer Republik shall cease.

2. That commerce and co-migration will be allowed to resume according to the respective customs authorities of both the Taiping Mandate and the Free Boer Republik.

Signed on behalf of the Boer Kongres,

Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Gregor Duroc

 

[thomas.berubeg]

From: The Confederate States of America
To: the World

The Confederate States of America hereby recognizes the Legitimacy of the States of Deseret and of the Iron Confederacy, and the legitimacy of their rule as sovereign over the lands they currently occupy. The CSA also reaffirms it's recognition of the Union of America as sovereign over the territories it controls.

 

[JohannaK]

The Free Nations of East and South Asia have come together in the harmonious and brotherly Treaty of Thale Noi Lake. Against the discord and confontration of Europe, this treaty seeks to bring our four great realms closer together and to bind them in peace.

Treaty of Thale Noi Lake


We the governments of the undersigned do agree that our nations recognize one-another as equal partners and cooperative leaders in the affairs of Asia.

1. We recognize the sovereignty and influence of each signatory nation and will not act directly or indirectly to reduce the territorial integrity or material or cultural prosperity of the other.

1.1 When dealing with third parties, we dedicate ourselves to implementing cooperative solutions to challenges and conflicts in the region that specifically respect the values and interests of the cosignatories.

2. We the governments of the undersigned do agree that our nations should trade open and fairly with one-another.

2.1 We dedicate ourselves to cooperative economic and material development in Asia.
2.2 We open our nations to trade and investment by the cosignatories- provided these are investments and not an attempt to usurp local influence or power.
2.3 We respect the influence and investments of our cosignatories. Specifically, when investing or involving ourselves in neighboring nations, we will do so in a way that does not have a negative impact upon the investments and influence of one-another.
2.4 We also agree to allow open trade within the region by signatory nations.

3. We the governments of the undersigned do agree to uphold the principles of modern Pan-Asianisn and the shared and mutual protection of our brothers and sisters across Asia.

3.1 We dedicate ourselves to the material prosperity of Asian peoples.
3.2 We dedicate ourselves to the goal of peace in Asia.
3.3 We dedicate ourselves to the liberty of the Asian people from European and Western colonization, dominance, and enslavement.

4. We the undersigned do agree to mutual protection:
We dedicate ourselves to defensive alliance in case of attack by foreign powers.

Signed, Sewakaran Singh, Minister Plenipotentiary of the Sikh Empire

 

[Crezth]

One of the most interesting cases of plenipoteniary authority in the turn of the century period, Gregor Duroc was a man embattled by the constant shifting tides of Eastern Politics, the unappreciated and overworked civil servant, and Chief Executive Officer of the East Asian Spice Trading Company. Later generations would unfavorably judge his unscrupulous commitment to duty: when orders came, he followed them fully. He was a capable executive, a keen thinker and a shrewd dealer, but he would not shy from the tasks the Kongres required of him. His personal political proclivities - sometimes extreme, even radical - were completely ignorable in favor of his overall capabilities, and his strong personal rapport with many re-elected members of the Kongres.

In the early years of the EAST-C, the labour trade - or as he called it die Arbeitsmarkt - boomed exponentially. The trade deal with Japan, personally encouraged by him at the time, included a major increase in immigration quotas, which the Shogunate government would "forcefully encourage." The first massive wave of Japanese immigrants came in this way, becoming hired as sharecroppers on the penny. Many of them, not necessarily willing to have come in the first place, but realizing their fate, bounced off into the darkness - going directly to Johannesburg, or the heart of darkness itself, Kaapstadt*. In one way or another, they were enterprising, and their subsequent influence on Johannesburg culture was felt in the sudden imminence of fried food, and the appearing of Japanese signage outside small spartan noodle shops, heavy with fermented soy. The third challenger was Durban: for many, the gateway to the west. Many entering Durban would take the trains to Transvaal, Boerika proper, but many also would remain there, joining the local communities of whalers and sailors.

*Critics of Kaapstadt culture often consider it amusing to call it by the name "heart of darkness," biting their thumbs at Mayor Garland Saaft's excesses and incapabilities, and the shameless, almost "confederate" way they seemed to treat human cargo. Often larger mining firms seeking indentured workers or plantations and farms would take several contracts at the docks, and put them in the care of a transport company - which had to be efficient, but not too brutal, as many of their clients paid for insurance.

Nevertheless, it was not a peaceful transition - and many extreme liberals in the Kongres began to speak rather loudly of Gregor's reputation. It was just as well, for in subsequent years his position was rendered moot by the declaration of war on Burma, and the Chinese declaration of war on the Boers. The "Tai-ping" authorities shut down all the offices and arrested Gregor on the spot, upon which he was permitted to send notification to the Kongres - what the Taiping, he supposed, considered was a ransom letter. He was stripped of relevant authorities and waited, hoping not to rot in Taiping jail.

The Taiping, it seemed, had their own goals: they approached Gregor with a deal. He would be permitted to return to Boerika, by his own means - after they dropped him off somewhere. In Pegu.

The catch was obvious but worrying. What interest would they have in dropping him off with the Burmese, exactly? Was it to secure a political alliance? Some sort of cruel humor? No, that didn't make sense. There's better ways to transport a person of interest. And after all, from Burma you can't get to Boerika. Because of the war.

So arriving in Pegu, he kept a low profile, wired home his request to become the peace ambassador. Realizing the opportunity, Gregor Duroc was appointed on the spot the Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, and given plenipotentiary authority to pursue peace with Burma and Taiping - on the very clear understanding that "it isn't really their war, anyway."** Plenipotentiary documentation in hand, Gregor walked to the palace of the local lord and revealed himself as ambassador.

**Some disagreement persists about whether or not this was said or the similar "It isn't really our war anyway."

The Burmese authorities were eager to take him in, although one in the peace party continually joked about annexing Madagaskar (something that puzzled Gregor greatly). The others seemed to have little patience for that, and so efforts proceeded speedily once underway. In Rangoon they came to meet him as he was hosted by the "Lord of Rangoon," and a peace conference was held. Ultimately the Treaty of Rangoon was hashed out (and a small delegation of Taiping, having just arrived, ratified once the terms had been received later that day). Gregor Duroc was therefore at last responsible for selling off and killing, once and for all, the EAST-C, which hitherto he had led and managed as its executive. Once a man fascinated about creating relationships with foreign countries, made to realize by his own hand the combined wish by those countries of expulsion of all of him and his doings. However, even in this he maintained hope that the connections salvaged could be made worthwhile - and Burma, honored enemy, may be converted from a fierce enemy to a fast friend.

Still, this portion of die Arbeitsmarkt may be dormant, but much had changed in the past few years - and as he always insisted, "There are greater opportunities in peace than war."

 

[Immaculate]

Treaty of Thale Noi Lake

Signed
Bugyō Ōta Ieyasu, director of Japanese Foreign Affairs

 

[ItsAGiraffe000]

Treaty of Thale Noi Lake

Signed,
Kinwun Mingyi U Kaung, Chief Minister of the Third Burmese Empire

 

[Masada]

Collaroy signed.
Lake Treaty signed.

*

The Taiping guarantee our fellow brothers in Christ and followers of Prophet Smith across the distant Pacific.

 

[Traveller76]

De Las Sombras

Many of my fellow expatriates and friends have asked me about the recent social changes in Mexico. Programs like Soup Kitchens, Family Support, Seniority Pensions, education reforms in Mesoamerica means that the country is caring for its own people, right? Yes, it is a good idea and more countries should do the same thing. However, many people forget that the government is sponsoring Art Endowments and a propaganda apparatus as a means to bolster the image of the regime. The other reason the government is enacting the social programs is a way to reduce support for the Catholic Church, one of the major pillars of Mexican society and a political and economic kingmaker.

Porfirio Díaz, Mexico, and the Catholic Church
Díaz came from a devoutly Catholic family; his uncle, José Agustín, was bishop of Oaxaca. Díaz had trained for the priesthood, and it seemed likely that was his career path. Oaxaca was a center of liberalism, and the founding of the Institute of Arts and Sciences, a secular institution, helped foster professional training for Oaxacan liberals, including Benito Juárez and Porfirio Díaz. Díaz was a Freemason, which did not necessarily put him at odds with the Catholic Church, but did give him access to a secret brotherhood of like-minded ambitious men.

Radical liberalism was anti-clerical, seeing the privileges of the Church as challenging the idea of equality before the law and individual, rather than corporate identity. The economic power of the Church was considered a detriment to modernization and development. The Church as a major corporate landowner and de facto banking institution shaped investments to conservative landed estates more than industry, infrastructure building, or exports. When Díaz abandoned his ecclesiastical career for one in the military, his powerful uncle disowned him.

Unlike many doctrinaire liberals, Díaz was not virulently anti-clerical. However, powerful liberals following the ouster of Santa Anna had moved to implement legal measures to curtail the power of the Church. The Juárez Law abolished special privileges (fueros) of ecclesiastics and the military, and the Lerdo law mandated liquidation of the property of corporations, specifically the Church and indigenous communities. The liberal constitution of 1857 removed the privileged position of the Catholic Church and opened the way to religious toleration, considering religious expression as freedom of speech. However, Catholic priests were ineligible for elective office but could vote. Conservatives fought back in the War of the Reform, under the banner of religión y fueros (that is, Catholicism and special privileges of corporate groups), but they were defeated in 1861. Conservatives unsuccessfully tried again with the French Intervention (1862–67) to reinstate the dominance of the Church.

Following the fall of the Second Empire in 1867, liberal presidents Benito Juárez and his successor Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada began implementing the anti-clerical measures of the constitution. Lerdo went further, extending the laws of the Reform to formalize: separation of Church and State; civil marriage as the only valid manner for State recognition; prohibitions of religious corporations to acquire real estate; elimination from legal oaths any religious element, but only a declaration to tell the truth; and the elimination of monastic vows as legally binding. Further prohibitions on the Church in 1874 included: the exclusion of religion in public institutions; restriction of religious acts to church precincts; banning of religious garb in public except within churches; and prohibition of the ringing of church bells except to summon parishioners.

Díaz was a political pragmatist and not an ideologue, likely seeing that the religious question re-opened political discord in Mexico. When he rebelled against Lerdo, Díaz had at least the tacit and perhaps even the explicit support of the Church. When he came to power in 1877, Díaz left the anti-clerical laws in place, but no longer enforced them as state policy, leaving that to individual Mexican states. This led to the re-emergence of the Church in many areas but in others a less full role. The Church flouted the Reform prohibitions against wearing clerical garb, there were open-air processions and Masses, and religious orders existed. The Church also recovered its property, sometimes through intermediaries, and tithes were again collected. The Church regained its role in education, with the complicity of the Díaz regime which did not put money into public education. The Church also regained its role in running charitable institutions. Despite an increasingly visible role of the Catholic Church during the Porfiriato, the Vatican was unsuccessful in getting the reinstatement of a formal relationship between the papacy and Mexico, and the constitutional limitations of the Church as an institution remained the law of the land.

This modus vivendi between Díaz and the Church had pragmatic and positive consequences. Díaz did not publicly renounce liberal anti-clericalism, meaning that the Constitution of 1857 remained in place, but neither did he enforce its anti-clerical measures. Conflict could reignite, but it was to the advantage of both Church and the Díaz government for this arrangement to continue. If the Church did counter Díaz, he had the constitutional means to rein in its power. The Church regained considerable economic power, with conservative intermediaries holding lands for it. The Church remained important in education and charitable institutions. Other important symbols of the normalization of religion in late 19th century Mexico included: the return of the Jesuits (expelled by the Bourbon monarchy in 1767); the crowning of the Virgin of Guadalupe as "Queen of Mexico"; and the support of Mexican bishops for Díaz's work as peacemaker.


Now the Church has been left alone with all of the privileges and powers but people will look towards the government for aid instead of the Church. The Church still has influence with the average Mexican citizen and many still listen to the words of the local priests and bishops on many affairs. However, with the government showing care and concern for some of her people the support of the people is now up for grabs.

 

[Ahigin]

GM announcement: there's some huge amount of tech research cooperation across the game, which is, in general, a good thing, but at this point it's starting to break the system. Therefore, for this turn all old rules hold true. But starting the next turn, two new research rules will be added:

• Joint tech research with 2-3 participants will gain X2, not X3 bonus (and 1-turn tech adoption cooldown instead of 2-turn);
• Joint tech research with >3 participants will gain no bonus and no cooldown (i.e., the new tech will be adoptable by any nation the next turn after research completion).

That's done in order to make allied tech research still feasible, but to represent how quickly technological knowledge spreads around the world when too many hands touch it.

 

[Belgarion95]

Congress of the Oficina de Coordinación Comunista (OCC)
In the United Communes, individual communes elect (often by vastly different methods) their own representatives to the massive, argumentative body. Independent representatives rapidly self-sorted into 5 large blocs which coordinate for legislative and bargaining purposes (from left to right). Incumbents are rarely defeated, with most relying on powerful personal loyalties in their home communes. Nevertheless, political coalitions shift rapidly in this massive chamber, as the founding of new communes and the incorporation of formerly-isolated indigenous communities causes the number of seats to rise steadily.

Civilista Bloc
Identified primarily with the former Spanish landowners, the Civilistas envision an "Aristocratic Commune" in which wealthy, educated elites offer political and economic leadership. They seek limited protections for property and capital, and advocate for Hispanic cultural leadership as descended from the "Ancient, Noble Latins." In addition to older, wealthier neighbourhoods of Lima, the Civilista also represent many of the "Academic Communes." (Elite families control the governing board of such institutions, while providing donations to hire European Intellectuals to instruct their children.) As such, they are also very strong advocates for Education. Members include ~10% of all representatives.

Seccionalista Bloc
Holding a plurality of the seats in the OCC, the Seccionalistas include the most diverse set of members; they advocate for minimal involvement of the central government in their lives. Ideologically committed to Communardism as radically local, they acknowledge little beyond a "Guardian of the Revolution" military force for protection. Seccionalistas hail from all corners of the United Communes, and from the corners in particular. Most Indigenous and rural commune representatives belong to this bloc, often forming sub-factions to advocate for specific interests and bargaining with other blocs. Most new communes become represented by Seccionalistas, and the bloc has slowly grown over time.

Progresivo Bloc
Viewing themselves as sensible, intelligent centrists, the Progresivos advocate for poly-communal partnerships, OCC-communal partnerships, and funding models that attempt to bridge the gap between Seccionalistas and Centralistas. Though this focus on political compromise has diluted the ideological rigor of the Progresivos, they have traditionally advocated for democratizing communal institutions. Progresivo representatives are elected in urban communes of larger cities, as well as in many of the represented Collective Enterprises. Though only including ~13% of members, the Progresivos are a crucial part of most legislative coalitions.

Centralista Bloc
Representing most urban centers and townships, and especially unions, the Centralistas advocate for strong government action to build infrastructure, centralize institutions, and increase political and cultural cohesion of the United Communes. Like the Seccionalistas, they see the central governments role as primarily to guard the revolution. However, they view Communardism as ideologically implying communal organization nation-wide. Bloc solidarity is high within the Centralistas, and they are the 2nd largest bloc within the OCC. Historically, they've lead many landmark multi-party legislative coalitions, including railroad construction, creation of the Aeronaves de los Andes y el Amazonas (AAA), and increases in presidential power. (Also, with Seccionalista support, a series of pro-Cholita wrestling bills which briefly, and in hindsight perplexingly, consumed all OCC activity.)

Internacionalista Bloc
Regularly cooperating with Centralista proposals, the Internacionalistas are distinguished by their support for radical state action to spread the revolution internationally. They often give lengthy speeches to the chamber decrying the "Imperialist Looting" perpetrated by Andean neighbours on the global stage, and consider themselves to be the most ideologically committed to Communardism of any bloc. Representing the academic communes not under civilista control, as well as a few young, urban communes in Trujillo, Lima, and Santa Cruz (most considered to be very hip). The smallest bloc, representing fewer than 10% of members.


President DeLuna
Elected for 5-year terms, the current president is presently serving his 3rd consecutive term, and enjoys broad support from all parties. Often seen as associated with the Centralistas, the Seccionalistas are either satisfied with his performance in bridging political divides, or are unable to effectively organize such a large coalition into support of a single opposition candidate.

 

[Ahigin]

Just a reminder to everyone that the first deadline for economic, diplomatic, and domestic orders is 2 days away. Get those orders in, folks.

 

[Shadowbound]

St. Petersburg Times​

The Opinion Pages
By Tomas Friedmann
Published: October 27th, 1893

Imagine if politicians sat down with ordinary people like you and me and ironed out some real solutions to Russia’s growing refugee crisis.

With the election season over, maybe you’ve forgotten about the refugees, but I certainly haven’t. It would be easy to forget that the problem even exists, when our headlines are constantly splashed with the ongoing world war, the political crisis in Ukraine and the fluctuating diplomatic lines in Asia. But the refugees are still coming and calls for autonomous provinces are still growing, and politicians are more divided than ever. The Opposition seem to think that the refugees can just be ignored. Constitutional Democratic politicians like Pavel Milyukov, on the other hand, seem to think that shrill rhetoric and indulgences will substitute for real solutions.

The Cadets of Pavel Milyukov are not the Cadets of Mikhail Speransky. Speransky wouldn’t stare down the opposition, he'd compromise because he'd understand that the fate of the country, and his own political career, depended on a lasting solution to the refugee crisis. It’s a crisis of Turkish creation: unable to maintain security and order in the Balkans, South Slavs are being driven from their homelands by Albanian bandits and cutthroats and into safer nations like Russia. But it's ultimately a Russian problem to solve, because you can never trust a Turk.

If I had fifteen minutes to pitch my idea to politicians, I'd tell them two things about the refugees. First, there's no way around the issue unless we're prepared to spend less: and not just spend less, but spend smarter by investing in the kind of communities that make countries succeed. That's going to require some tax cuts as well, but as they say, "Mo' money mo' problems." Bulgarian and Serbian communities will not be able to establish a firm foothold in Russia as long as they continue to receive government subsidies: welfare for refugees ends up perpetuating a cycle of dependence.

Second, I'd tell them to look at the Boers, which all but solved its refugee crisis over the past few years. When I visited Boerika in 1889, Peter, the cabbie who drove me from the airport, couldn't stop telling me about how he had to take a fourth job because of the British. I caught up with Peter in Kaapstad this year. Thanks to Boerika's reformed approach towards refugees, Peter has enough money in his pocket to finally be able to afford a steam carriage for his business. Boer success was possible because of an aggressive effort to return the British population to its homelands: one that should be replicated with the Bulgarians and Serbians.

That's all it takes. Don't expect to see any solutions as long as industry captains insist on playing a high-stakes game of poker with one another over market share in the Black Sea. Russia's got to call a time-out and take the Turks to task.

 

[JohannaK]

If refugees are Russia's flowerpot, then capitalism certainly is its serendipity.

 

[Shadowbound]

If refugees are Russia's flowerpot, then capitalism certainly is its serendipity.

Don't mock my culture.

 

[Ahigin]

I'll just leave it here:
Early orders deadline for Update 5, i.e., all economic, domestic, and diplomatic orders are due by: January 12, 2018, 9 am CST
Late orders deadline for Update 5, i.e., all military orders are due by: January 19, 2018, 11 pm CST.

 

[Traveller76]

To: The World Community
From: Secretariat of Foreign Affairs, United Mexican States

In order to promote trade and investment between Mexico and the Republic of Italy Mexico shall open a Consulate in Venice and an Embassy in Rome. Italy shall open an Embassy in Mexico City and Consulate in Veracruz. Let this action be the first in a series of positive developments.

Signed Porfirio Díaz, President of Mexico
Espiridion Hector Lobo, Secretariat of Foreign Affairs