GoobNES02: The Cold Civil War

[Goober]

Welcome Juluis Gandi!

 

[Goober]

Sorry Belaw1, NKorea is already taken.

The Farow, your economy did grow. It was at a Recession, giving you a total of 7 economic points per turn. At Failing, you get 8 economic points, greater then 7. I'll double check your stats.

Announcement regarding NKorea and Pakistan​

​

I have decided to declare null and void the agreements made between pakista and NKorea and between NKorea and SKorea. I think the reason is obvious, but those agreements were made by novice players. They are still learning how to NES, and they can learn best through experience and feedback. Please consider those agreements they made null and void for gameplay purposes. I have contacted both of them regarding this.

 

[The Farow]

Oh I am sorry I thought Failing was lower then Recession. Nevermind....

 

[Grandmaster]

Goobs, I can't send orders tonight, had to deal with virus sh*t. If I don't get them in on time, continue the economic and political reforms, make things better, not worse, and don't do anything crazy or dangerous.

 

[Stormbringer]

Stalin´s Shadow​

Prologue

Nikita Khrushchev stood atop a platform in the suburbs of a city in Kazakhstan. Before him was a crowd of farm workers and city dwellers, all listening intently as he declared, “I worked in a factory owned by Germans, at coal pits owned by Frenchmen, and at a chemical plant owned by Belgians. There I discovered something about capitalists. They are all alike, whatever the nationality. All they wanted from me was the most work for the least money that kept me alive. So I became a Communist.” The crowd cheered and Khrushchev went on.

Behind him sat Leonid Brezhnev, the current Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, and Mikhail Suslov, a known Stalinist and the main ideologue of the Communist Party. They forced themselves to smile as Khrushchev announced that “thanks to the efforts of our good Comrade Lomako in GosPlan the economy is growing at an unprecedented rate, and the farmers enjoy a higher standard of life.”

Suslov bent over to Brezhnev and whispered, “Lomako is an idiot. He was put in GodPlan by Khrushchev and knows nothing about how to run the economy.” Brezhnev continued to smile at the crowd as he replied, “But he backs all of Khrushchev’s ridiculous agricultural plans, and so there is no chance of removing him from power.” Suslov, in a conspiratory tone replied “I would not be so sure.” He was about to continue, but the crowd erupted in cheers and applause, and so both him and Brezhnev stood up and begun to applaud Khrushchev’s speech.

The Economics of a Coup

Aleksey Kosygin sat in his office. He was invited by Khrushchev to visit the Southern Republics with him, in an effort to publisize the agricultural reforms that Khrushchev undertood, but there were more pressing matters. Kosygin poured over one report after another trying to pinpoint what was wrong with the Soviet economy. Dmitry Polyansky came in and put another report on Kosygin’s desk. Kosygin gave him a weak smile and went back to work.

The economy grew at a solid 6.88% over the last year. Khrushchev had seized the number and used it in all of his speeches to show how strong the Soviet economy was compared to the Capitalist economies overseas, but Kosygin knew better. Well over 80% of this growth was coming from new investments and new capital projects undertaken by the state, and only a mere 18% from the productivity improvements that should, in theory, drive the economy. If the government were to stop pouring money into the economy the growth rate would stand at about 1.25%, well bellow the growth of most of Europe and the United States.

Even worse for Kosygin was the news that productivity growth was slowing down in the Light Industry sector. The Heavy Industry already made up almost 60% of the economy, and it continued to grow much faster than every other sector. If on top of the slow growth the productivity growth in Light Industry stagnated it would mean that the Soviet Union would need to invest a lot of money to re-start the consumer goods production that is stagnating. A lot of money that the Soviet Union did not have.

Kosygin looked at the reports from the Agricultural Sector. This sector was flooded with money for the last five years as Khrushchev put one reform after another forward to try and rejuvinate the sluggish agriculture. Reality was, the Soviet agricultural sector was working rather efficiently as it was, and the money was being wasted for the most part. For all the millions upon millions spent in agriculture all the analysts had to show was an annual growth of half of a percent, and an even lower productivity growth.

Kosygin threw the papers to the corner in frustration. An economic stagnation was in the making and Khruschevh refused to acknowledge it. As Kosygin lit up his cigarette he thought that it would probably be better if Khrushchev was no longer running the country.

Politburo Take One

The future of the Soviet Union was decided in a darkened room in the Kremlin, filled with Soviet flags and other decorations. A huge table sat in the middle, surrounded by two dozen chairs. The full members of the Politburo sat at the table, the candidate members by the walls. A few members were already in the room.

Arvid Pelshe, a known hard-liner in foreign policy, was talking to Andrey Kirilenko, a supporter of heavy industry, about the shift in emphasis to agriculture in the last few years. The tried to be as quite as possible so that Kirill Mazurov, a known Khrushchev loyalist who was sitting on the other side of the room would not hear them. “I apreciate what Khrushchev has done for us and for the country,” begun Pelshe, “but if we are to continue to be able to do this, we need a solid economic base.” “Agreed, said Kirilenko, and this economic base is not going to be in agriculture.” They stopped their conversation to listen to a new one that begun just outside the doors to the room.

There Rodion Malinovsky, the current Minister of Defense, was talking in a loud voice with Alexander Shelepin, a former head of the KGB. “This cannot go on Comrade Shelepin,” he roared, “the military is not receiving sufficient funding for the last two years. You tell me what is more important than the military in this country! You tell me where we all would be without the military!” A WWII General, Malinovsky was not a politician by any means, and had trouble understanding the Khrushchev, the leader of the country, could neglect the military. Shelepin spoke softly, and so the people in the room could not hear what he said to calm the old general.

Bit by bit the members trickled into the room. Suslov, Brezhnev, and Khrushchev arrived together from the airport; they have just flowin in from Turkmenistan. Kosygin walked in with his friends Polyansky and Voronov, the all looked conserned. Pyotr Shelest, an advocate for agriculture, and Nikolay Pogdorniy, walked in separate from everyone else. The candide members also filled their seats and the meeting was about to start.

The meeting was dedicated to a review of the last year’s economy and the creation of a general plan for the future. First to speak was, of course, Khrushchev who thanked everyone for their hard work, cited the 6.88% growth in the economy as testiment to the superiority of Communism, and outlined a new reform in the agricultural sector that would go on top of the two other ongoing projects to “bring us light-years ahead of where any Capitalist country can even dream of being.”

Khrushchev then passed the floor to Mazurov who praised the “obvious good economic results” and expressed his broad support for the Chairman in a statement almost exactly like the one he gave at every other Politburo meeting. Pyotr Shelest spoke next, and cautiously praised Khrushchev for his support and dedication to the agricultural center, but warned that “quick or poorly planned action” can do more harm that good. Khrushcev seemed pleased with his speech, since obviously “quick or poorly planned” could not refer to his own plans.

Kosygin then begun his testimony. Being the ranking economist on the Politburo he presented the others with an overview of the economy. Speaking in grave tones he painted a bleak picture of the overall economy. As he spoke Khrushchev became more and more aggitated, and right when Kosygin was about to get to his recommendation Khrushchev interrupted him. “Comrade Kosygin, do we have 6.88% growth or not?” “Yes we do Comrade Khruschevh, but-” “That is enough from you. Thank you for the presentation Comrade Kosygin.” Kosygin stopped talking, looked Khrushchev in the eyes for a few seconds, and them put his papers down.

But Arvid Pelshe picked up where Kosygin left off and begun his offensive against Khrushchev’s plan. “We are neglecting the interests of the other sectors by focusing entirely on Agriculture,” he critisized Khrushchev, “and this allows for the decline that Comrade Kosygin told us about in the Light Inudstry sector.” But being the newest full member of the Politburo Pelshe was on shaky ground at best. Khrushchev rebuffed him saying that “if you would, Comrade Pelshe, examine all of Mr. Kosygin’s findings you will notice that other sectors, such as Heavy Industry, continue to grow well. I suggest that you take notes during Comrade Kosygin’s presentation, so we don’t have to debate what he said later on.” This slap on the wrist silenced Pelshe.

But coming to his aid was the oldest member of the Politburo after Khrushchev, Mikhail Suslov. He did not officially critisize the plan but only noted that “Nikita Sergeyevich, I don’t think we shold treat our newest member so harshly. Afterall, why did we promote him to this position if we don’t want to listen to him?” Pelshe felt a little releived to have such a strong voice on the Politburo by his side.

Leonid Brezhnev spoke very briefly about the lack of funding to the military only to be rebuffed by Khrushchev who said that the Soviet Army is “the greatest army on Earth as it is,” and that this body needed to focus on other matters. After such a harsh rebuff to Brezhnev no other member wanted to speak up.

Khrushchev then concluded the agrument by saying that only “idiots would not see the great benefits that his agricultural reforms would bring,” and he knew full well that “there are no idiots in the Politburo.”

He then called for a vote. Traditionally all the votes in the Politburo have been unanimous. Under Stalin votes against his plans were not tolerated, and under Khrushchev, for the most part, the Chairman attempted to build consensus amongst the members to win the unanimity. But as the last few meetings grew more and more similar to the way meetings ran under Stalin the members grew restless. And Khrushchev, after all, was no Stalin.

Khrushchev cast his vote in favor first, and signaled that he was confident in this reform. Shelest followed his lead and noted that overall it would probably be in the interest of agriculture. Mazurov “eagerly support[ed]” the proposal and cast his vote in favor.

Next Khrushchev called on Kosygin who in turn replied, “Abstain.” Silence fell in the room as all those present weighed the possibility of what might happen to the outspoken member of the Politburo. Khrushchev banged his fist on the table, obviously frustrated, but said nothing.

At this moment Polyansky and Voronov were desperately thinking of what to do. On one hand, their good friend and a senior member of the Politburo has just abstained on a vote, putting him in danger, and he desperately needed people to stand up with him to the almost dictatorial chairmanship of Khrushchev, but on the other they were just new members and would be putting themselves in a position of huge risk. As their thoughts desperately ran from one possibility to the next Khrushchev went on.

“Comrade Suslov,” Khrushchev was calling on the second oldest, and one of the most respected, members in order to solidify his position and stamp out any further opposition. “Abstain,” came a cold and unemotional response. Khrushchev’s shock was evident. He glared at Suslov, threw his army up and begun, “How dare you-” but then cut himself off and proceeded. “Comrade Brezhnev.” “Abstain.” With the three other senior members of the Politburo voting to abstain this was an outright uprising against Khrushchev. His anger was evident as he pounded his fist into the table again.

“Comrade Pogdorniy,” he asked, targetting a weaker member, and won as Podgoriy replied, “In favor.” Kirilenko also voted in favor, and the momentun seemed to turn again in favor of Khrushchev. Then the chairman called on Pelshe, who was desperately trying to figure out what to do. On one hand he did not like the proposal, but his patron, Shelepin, has not voted yet. Pelshe decided to bet on the save side and voted in favor.

Shelepin, who was called on next voted to abstain, as did the two friends of Kosygin who were called on last. Khrushchev, sitting in his chair, was obviously furious. His authority has been denied, undermined, challanged. He pounded his fist on the table and barked, “meeting adjourned,” and then stormed out of the room.

The next morning Pravda printed a story that said “The Politburo Unanimously Votes to Support Comrade Khrushchev’s Plans.”

“He is a Clown!”

Suslov, Brezhnev, Kosygin, and Shelepin all sat around a table in Kosygin’s apartment. Khrushchev has gone abroad to the UN General Assembly meeting in New York and now the “rebels” gathered to discuss the next move.

After they all spoke they agreed that Khrushchev in the last few years has become uncontrollable, and that the Politburo must exercise its power to restrain him. There was no talk about replacing him, even though every one of the four thought about the idea. As of yet, there was no evidence that Khrushchev needed replacement. They agreed to wait until the next Politburo meeting where they were going to discuss the military, and to try and press Khrushchev there. All of them went home uneasy.

Meanwhile, in New York, Khrushchev had outdone himself. It was not enough for him that he had become the laughing stock of everyone in the USA after the two incidents when he removed his shoes and waived them or pounded them on the podium. At this meeting Khrushchev was talking to the representative from Japan, who accused Khrushchev of being an imperialist. In response Khrushchev got angry, begun to shout, and then dumped his glass of water onto the Japanese representative. What followed was a scene that would have been appropriate in an Irish pub, and, to make things worse, it was recorded on tape and shown on TV.

Shocked by the behavior of Khrushchev, and emboldened by the open revolt in the Politburo Arvid Pleshe openly criticized Khrushchev for his behavior at the United Nations. The speech, given at the meeting of Communist Parties of Europe, denounced Khrushchev as an “incompetent diplomat” and “a clown.” This was the most public criticism any Soviet leader has ever faced from within the government.

Furious with the dissent, Khrushchev terminated his visit to the UN and flew back to Moscow. On the day of his arrival the four main conspirators met again and agreed to support Pleshe in any public confrontation with Khrushchev. It was obvious to all that tomorrow’s Politburo meeting would be tense.

Politburo Take Two

Pelshe did not arrive to the meeting the next morning. All inquiries as to why he was not there were unanswered and Khrushchev issued a statement of disappointment to Pleshe for failing to show up.

“To business now,” said Khrushchev, “we have to discuss the issue of military funding.” He looked around the room. “Comrade Mazurov, how strong is our military?” Mazurov, without hesitation answered, “The strongest in the World Comrade Khrushchev!” “Is it much stronger than that of the Capitalist countries?” “Yes Comrade Khrushchev!” He shouted his lines off as if it were a theatrical show. “Very well, since our military is so much larger than the militaries of the Capitalist countries I see no reason to further increase it. I propose a cut of 20% in the funding of military capital projects, and to fund full maintenance at the level it has been at for the last two years. Anyone objecting?”

Obviously there were objections. Almost everyone thought that cutting the already small fund that was supposed to go towards military development by a fifth was a ridiculous idea, but an objection? There were never any objections in the Politburo. The Chairman put forth a proposal, it was debated, amended, and passed. An objection would be equivalent to a “no” vote on the proposal, and the last time a “no” vote was recorded was under Lenin. While everyone was at a loss for what to do Khrushchev seized the moment, “hearing no objections the proposal will stand approved unanimously. Thank you for your work. The meeting is adjourned.”

As he left the room the four conspirators looked at each other. This has gone too far, even Stalin had not ran the Politburo meetings in a manner as to silence all other members but himself. They stood up and walked out together. After the meeting they agreed to meet later that day in Kosygin’s apartment to discuss their plans.

The Makings of a Coup

The conspirators met in Kosygin’s apartment once more. Shelepin had bad news. He had talked to the Chairman of the KGB, Vladimir Semichastniy, who was his personal friend, and had gathered that Pelshe had been arrested and detained in the morning on Khrushchev’s orders. Khrushchev had arrested a member of the Politburo who had criticized him, and had lied to the rest of the Politburo about it.

“This is the beginning of a new series of purges,” argues Kosygin, “and just like under Stalin all who disagree with Khrushchev and his mad ideas will now be put away.” The others agree, with Suslov saying lastly, “I do not care about myself, I am prepared to sacrifice myself, but I will not allow that buffoon to run this great country into the ground.” The others nodded.

They drew up a plan in which all roles were clear. Suslov and Kosygin, the best negotiators, were going to approach members and candidate members of the Politburo about a possible ousting of Khrushchev. Shelepin was going to see if he could find some old guard Stalinists who were still serving in the government to back up this move, as well as make sure that his friend in the KGB was on board. Brezhnev was responsible for the contacts in the military and the MVD. They also decided that it would be best if they were not seen, and so left the apartment and chose to check in to hotel rooms for the night. Two hours after they left KGB officers arrived to find the apartment empty.

“Revolutions are the locomotives of history.” – Khrushchev

Suslov walked into the office of Nikolay Podgorniy to find out that yesterday the KGB talked to Pogdorniy about the whereabouts of Suslov. It became clear that the conspirotors needed to act fast. Suslov talked quickly to Podgorniy, a known pluralist and politician, about the recent developents in the Politburo, and got his agreement that he would vote with the rebels. Suslov then decided it best to disappear from public so he would not end up in a KGB holding cell.

Brezhnev, in his military uniform, arrived at the Ministry of Defense. He walked openly passed all the checkpoints knowing that even the KGB would think twice before arresting him in the office of the Minister of Defense. Minister Malinovsky greeted him with a broad smile and invited him to review the latest projects the military was undergoing. By and by the discussion moved on to the funding of the projects and then to the critisism of Khrushchev. When Brezhnev realized that Malinovsky wanted Khrushchev out just as bad as the conspirators did he presented the whole plan to the Minister who wholeheartedly agreed to it. Brezhnev then asked to be shown around the Ministry, so the KGB would not have an easy time getting to him.

Kosygin met with two of his friends on the Politburo in his hotel room. They came up unnoticed, or so they hoped, and discussed what was to happen. Both gave their enthusiastic support for the plan and promised to cooperate. After they left Kosygin walked out of his hotel room and down two floors, where he knocked and then entered a different room. His old friend, whom Kosygin called with this request, was there, and the two sat down to play a game of chess. Kosygin had just made his first move as he heard an explosion two floors above the one he was on.

Shelepin walked into the building of the KGB and was immediately arrested. “Take me to Semichastniy,” he ordered the guard. Seeing that the guard was new he continued to press him, “I used to run this place, and I promise that if you do not take me to Semichastniy you will be thinking that all other people who have passed through here are lucky.” That did the trick and Shelepin was taken up to Semichastniy’s office. There him and his successor had a very long discussion. Semichastniy was not a good ma for the job. He was too ambitious, impulsive, and stupid. He thought that if he removed the conspirators he would earn himself a spot on the Politburo and then move up from there. Shelepin bluffed and said that the Army was already on the side of the conspirators, and if Semichastniy wanted to take his KGB against the tanks he could. Semichastniy still was unsure and at that point Shelepin pulled a gun out and pointed it at Semichastniy. “Either you are with us, or I shoot.” That got the point across and Semichastniy agreed to craft a report for Khrushchev saying that all four main conspirators have been eliminated. His aid took it to Khrushchev while Semichastniy remained with Shelepin, Shelepin’s gun always pointing at him from Shelepin’s pocket.

Politburo Take Three

Khrushchev left the next morning for Ukraine where he wanted to promote his reforms in agriculture. After his plane took off the conspirators sent a message to all other members of the Politburo requesting that they come to a special meeting. At nine in the morning all of the full members, except Khrushchev and Pelshe have gathered in the room.

“Seeing as the chairman of the Politburo is not able to come to this meeting I nominate Mikhail Suslov to act as chairman for the duration,” said Kosygin. “I second the nomination,” added Brezhnev. The Politburo unanimously elected Suslov to lead the meeting.

“Comrades, our great country is in peril,” begun Suslov, “the poor leadership decisions of the past years have begun to catch up to us, and have hurt our country both economically and politically. Economically, we have heard to report of Comrade Kosygin, who indicated that under the current policies long term growth is unsustainable. Politically, the reputation of the Soviet Union has suffered abroad as a direct result of poor performance by its top leadership. Internally, certain members of the Communist Party have attempted to gain full, even dictatorial, control over all functions of the party, and to hijack the country. Because of all of this I see fit to put forward a proposal to recommend to the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union the removal and replacement of Nikita Khrushchev as the General Secretary of the Communist Party.”

One by one members of the conspiracy and their supporters voiced their enthusiasm for the plan. The lone voice of opposition was the Khrushchev loyalist, Kirill Mazurov, who spoke, with a shaking voice, in opposition of the recommendation. Pyotr Shelest, another Khrushchev supporter refused to speak. After everyone has spoken Mikhail Suslov called on all members in turn to make a vote. By a vote of 9 to 2 the Politburo recommended to the Central Committee to replace Khrushchev.

In reality, this recommendation was a de-facto coup. The Central Committee took its cues from the Politburo and the replacement of Khrushchev was now imminent. By the end of the day the Central Committee confirmed the decision and Leonid Brezhnev, the Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, removed Khrushchev from his position of Chairman of the Council of Ministers.

While the political wheels were moving Shelepin talked to Minister Malinovsky and they ordered two army divisions to move into Moscow, to “avoid any complications” that may arise during the transition of power. Semichastniy, the Chairman of the KGB, was arrested by the military as he could not be trusted. The new provisional chairman ordered Khrushchev to be arrested in Kiev.

The Epilogue

After the removal of Khrushchev the Politburo still faced the problem of who would now compose the top leadership of the country. There were many vacant positions after the collapse of Khrushchev and his friends, and the conspirators were eager to fill them.

First, Vladimir Semichastniy, the Chairman of the KGB was arrested, tried, and found guilty of treason for his involvement in attacks on Politburo members. He was replaced by Yuri Andropov, an energetic young politician who had shown his skill in intelligence during WWII. He was destined to reform the KGB in the years to come into an organization more potent than it has ever been.

The Chairman of GosPlan, the political figurehead who had supported Khrushchev’s plans was removed. In his place Kosygin put Nikolay Baybakov, an able economist who had longed worked for Kosygin. His emphasis on efficiency and productivity of the economy would assure Kosygin a supporting voice in GosPlan for any of his future reforms.

Rodion Malinovsky, the Defense Minister, resigned after Khrushchev was removed. He insisted that his participation in the coup was involuntary and he regretted his actions. Andrey Grechko was appointed to replace him as the Minister of Defense who would go down in the history of Red Army as “the Great Modernizer.”

These positions were not contentious, and the decisions were made easily by the Politburo. What would happen to the top leadership of the party and the country, however, was a different question. Kosygin and Suslov insisted on making sure that no single member of the Politburo were allowed to gain total power over the party.

As a compromise the Politburo, after prolonged negotiations, appointed Alexander Shelepin as the General Secretary of the Communist Party. The ardent hard line Stalinist denounced Khrushchev publicly and promised a return to the true path of Communism paved by Lenin and Stalin. As part of the compromise Brezhnev was to keep his position as the Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet and Kosygin was appointed Chairman of the Council of Ministers.

The compromise, however, was not to last. Brezhnev favored heavy industry and did all he could to promote increased state support to heavy industries and the military industrial complex. Kosygin argued that the economy could not survive without a gradual restructuring in favor of light industry and consumer goods, and there was no point in deposing Khrushchev is the Politburo would now allow Heavy Industry instead of Agriculture to ruin the economy. Three months after the deposition of Khrushchev Kosygin and Shelepin joined forces in the Politburo and removed Brezhnev from his position as Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet. In return for full control over the economy Kosygin backed Anastas Mikoyan, another hard line Stalinist candidate for the position. Brezhnev retained his position in the Politburo, but for now had lost any means of influencing the decisions and the direction the country would go.

Kosygin retreated into the shadows where he directed the economic policy of the country, trying desperately to undo the damage that had been done, and to create a sustainable path to economic growth. At the political help, Shelepin, Mikoyan, and Suslov, three dedicated Stalinists took the Soviet Union down a path nobody could have predicted a mere six months ago.

Out in the streets very few people noticed the smirk on the many portraits of Stalin that re-appeared in Moscow, and those who did notice thought that it was nothing more than the aging portraits of a long gone leader.

 

[Alakazen]

Stalin´s Shadow

That's gonna take a (long) while to digest...

EDIT: *Buuuurp* That was good, especially the shoe waving part!

 

[Goober]

... and THAT, Ladies and Gentlemen, is why Stormy is the Master of Stories. Good job Stormy. It shall be interesting incorporating that into the Update ...

 

[JosefStalinator]

Richmond "Robert E. Lee" Times

President Goldwater announces construction of new "Lee Towers and War Memorial"

Goldwater officials today announced the construction of a new massive tower in Richmond today, commemorating beloved General and Second President Robert E. Lee, and all others who participated and died in the Second Revolution. The "Lee Tower" would stand at 1300 feet and be pure white in color, standing taller than any other building currently in existence, beating the United States "Empire State Building". Within the building will be a grand painting of General Lee, and around the painting inscriptions of the names of every recorded death during the Second Revolution and in the conflicts thereafter. This massive undertaking is expected to take years to complete, but once completed will be a monument to Confederate Glory.

The painting chosen to commemorate Confederate Greatness

Nearly 20 White women looked at, raped, by subversive communist negroes.

Nearly 50 Negroes were arrested in a serious of armed rebellion against their owners in factories across the confederacy, government sources say. All were found harassing white women rather than acheiving their objective of armed revolt against their paternalistic owners, who were shocked by their actions. "Not one has ever filed a complaint in the complaint box, or asked me for anything that I have refused to oblige. I am still in utter shock from their actions and wondering how this could have happened," said Factory owner George Downs. The incidents are suspected to be a condition of the increasing Negro population throughout the South, resulting in many of them reverting to their barbaric roots and resorting to uncontrollable violence, say top psychologists. The army has been put on alert to any further unrest, but the violence seemingly lacks any organization at this time.

More men signing up for army by the thousands!

Amid several crises emerging throughout this turbulent world, patriots throughout the Confederacy have begun signing up for the Confederate army by the thousands. Recruitment centers all throughout the South are expanding to accomidate the upsurge in Patriotism amongst the population, equipping all the men with the finest weapons developed anywhere on Earth. "I done got to do my job, cuz i got no other, to preserve our way o' life" said Red Nex, an 18 year old high school graduate from Atlanta, Georgia. The army is greeting this increase in size with jubiliation, at a time when more Confederate troops are overseas fighting for freedom than ever before.

​

 

[Lord_Iggy]

subversive communist negroes

Notice your parents always enter the room when you scroll over those words?

 

[BananaLee]

Red Nex, an 18 year old high school graduate from Atlanta, Georgia.

Priceless...

And Stormy, that's a bloody long and good story.. If I had the time, I'd challenge you to a story-telling contest

 

[Alakazen]

I will like to challenge too, but my England not that powderful.

 

[conehead234]

The Republic of China signs the APEC treaty.

 

[#1 Person]

The Flight of the Filipino Eagle: Part 1

The Beginning of the New Beginning ​

Although the events started with a phone call, they had a far reaching consequence on the nation of the Philippines. It all started when Victorian Mapa participated in the worst press-conference of his life where it was left to be inferred that Russia covertly was funding terrorists inside of the Philippines. It was clearly not his intention of doing as such, yet is did, and it caused great pain on the president.

After the press conference, Jaguars of Representatives leaped onto the carcass of Hawkism and created bills cutting relations with Russia. However, many Senators didn't agree with such actions. In one instance during a party meeting when the issue was being heatedly debated, a verbal fight broke out into a brawl over the subject. Divisions grew in the RA among moderates and extremists. Soon the fabric of the party would tear at the seems like the weak quilt it was.

However, well before such meetings took place a far more important catalyst arose. In a phone-call between President Person and Senator Andres R. Narvasa, both people outlined their visions for the Philippines and their plans regarding the bills being proposed regarding Russia. Both agreed that making right wing policies, like the proposals of cutting relations with Moscow, would most certainly divide the country.

They mostly talked about how the RA is growing more and more incompetent, and the LP is growing more and more left wing. They agreed that the only course of action was for the President to disconnect from the RA and for the Senator to disconnect from his LP. With such powerful, influential, politicians leaving, other moderates would disconnect as well.

"Such actions must be taken quickly” President Person continued to repeat. He knew that if they happened to close to the elections the new partly will not be able to put up a united defense against the communist parties.

The Syndicate​

Over the next few weeks, the two of them gained political allies from all sides of the Legislature. The President eventually left the job of attaining allies to his brother and chief of staff, Thomas Person. He was able to futher attract support from the Rightist Alliance. Soon, over half of the RA was in firm support of the separation. “We must act quickly” president person reminded Thomas and Narvasa.

Such quick pass was difficult, however. The supporting portions of the LP and RA still had divisions. Particularly over the issues of foreign relations. Although all agreed on the major points, they argued continually over relations with the CAN and with issues concerning the Spratly Islands. President Person, in the second secret conference of the syndicate, as those who knew and were against its existence referred to it as, made the following remark;

One must be ken and understand those around us, however that shall only be secondary to defeating the problems within our own selves. We must not falter in the face of the communist aggression within our country.

Such remarks were able to encourage the politicians set aside such specific discussions until after the elections.

Actions and Reactions​

The time came to finally take actions. In a joint press-conference with President Person and Narvasa, they outlined their plans for the country. However, most surprising to those unaware of the “Syndicate”, President Person announced how he was resigning as the head of the RA:

Although the Rightist Alliance was originally a formidable and righteous party. They have fallen into a chasm of isolationism and hawkish. Their policies have been slowly dividing and destroying our nation. As such I have lost my respect for them and renounce my loyalty to them.

Narvasa made similar remarks in a later press conference. As did all other members of the syndicate in their own press conferences. The causes of the RA and the LP were lost, and within the next week the parties officially disbanded and their members joined the new “Progressive Party”, became independents or joined the Communist party.

In a discussion between President Person and Narvasa they discussed the leadership of the party. After a debate about the different options, decided that Narvasa will be the Progressive Parties head, and President Person will be the candidate for the Presidency in the new election.

 

[alex994]

I do dislike it when stormy does this... This will not be good....

 

[Swissempire]

End of an Era, Beggining of an Age​

A Devious Plot
10 men sat in a dark, smoke filled room playing cards and drinking. They knew these weren't muslim things to do, but they didn't care. What was religion but a weapon to be used against thine enemy, and to threaten thine friend? It was in this dark room that the future of a great nation would be decided. The men swapped stories, and echanged money, but thats not what this meeting was about. It was much more sinister than that. These men represented the highest Echelon of Egyptian power. They were the body, blood, brains, and soul of Egypt. Nasser was only the mouth. But what a mouth he was. He was the unifier, he was the means. But what was wrong with trained monkeys like him, was that sometimes, they realized, or at least THOUGHT, they had some power. Nasser had obtained these "unwanted" thoughts. He sold the oil rights, good move for now, but bad for the future. He was preaching his silly ideal of Pan-Arabism, when it was so clear the Middle East was only a powder keg, waiting to explode. He was misguided, and somethin had to be done before the elections. And thats what these men came for. To dicuss the future.

The End of the Beggining

Anwar Sadat stood in Parliment to be sworn in as Vice-President. He was very fortunate to have resigned right before the attack at the Presidents speech. He was quickly nominated and confirmed. So he stood here today, to be sworn in a Vice President, to make the Egyptian Government whole again, right before Parlimentary Elections. He took his oath, and began his acceptance speech.

"Friends, people of Egypt, I stand before you here today, to retake my position, and to represent all of Egypt. Egypt is in a time of political turmoil, and i plan to solve tha.."

A man burst trhough the doors weeping. Everyone gasped and looked back at him, as he fell to his knees on the Emboridered Red and Gold carpet. "He is dead" he wailed, "Nasser IS DEAD!" he then broke down and wept, and wept, and wept. And so did others in the great hall. People were shocked. General teared up, people didn't know how to handle this. Anwar Sadat was in what seemed like a state of shock, though it would be touted by conspiracy theorists that he was just a good actor. He called a 10 minute recess to find out the details, and said things would reconvene outside in the square.

A Shimmer of Brilliance

Anwar Sadat stood outside the square at a podium, where peasents and aritocrats stood shoulder to shoulder. Where Shias and Kurds, and Coptic Christians embraced, where women and men were equal in this moment of tragedy. Anwar Sadat looked upon the crowd and cleared his throat.

"Words cannot describe the great man we lost today. Although he died of a heart attack, he lives on immortal in our souls and in the eyes of Allah. He lead our country down the path to righteoussness, towards resurgence, towards dominances. His patriotism was unparralled, his nationalism complete. He was a leader, a brother, a father to our people. He began us modernizing, he threw off the hold of the British. HE brought prosperity, HE brought new life for Egpyt. I pledge to support his policies. Nasser was Egypt." People clapped heavily, they seemed still in shock. For effect, Sadat repeated, "Nasser was Egpyt" and a man with a booming voice in the crowd yelled "Sadat is now".

Sadat was horrified. This person could be forcing him into the biggest political blunder ever. But surprisingly, the people clapped, then cheered. They chanted "Nasser, Sadat, Egypt". Sadat simply smiled.

 

[Goober]

Cool stories guys.

I am going to be on MSN for much of today, and likely on CFC as well.

Just so everybody knows, I have 12/32 Orders. I have orders from: Philippines, France, WGermany, Pakistan, Yugoslavia, CSA, Indonesia, CC, Iraq, RoC, Egypt, Argentina. I need more in order to Update ...

 

[KrimzonStriker]

I'll be sending mine by the end of the day, expect them soon.

And alright, fine, prevent me from taking advantage of an inexperienced player, not like I wasn't taken advantage of when I first came. But why listen to me rant, we have better things to do... (walks away muttering curses under his breath)

 

[andis-1]

Gah, I'm sorry goober but I just don't have enough time to write those lenghty orders this NES needs, I'm dropping out

 

[Goober]

That's ok, andis. And lengthy orders are not required. I hope you decide to rejoin!

 

[Capulet]

I sent my orders, they were only one line.