To me this is a bit like saying "calling President Trump a liar and a racist degrades the quality of the discourse". To some degree I actually prefer the honesty of internet comment sections to the euphemistic "both sidesist" crap you hear in "respectable" places, so, uh, thanks.
Except calling Trump a liar and a racist is a straightforward matter of just looking at the things he says and believes. When we look at the things libertarians say and believe, it doesn't seem we arrive at any clear conclusion that they are fascists.
I am not calling people fascists flippantly. I am doing so on the basis of long study of both fascism and American libertarians.
Yet my descriptions of libertarianism in this thread and your descriptions of fascism
here show striking differences.
- Strong in-group affinity: libertarians have a strong affinity for libertarians, that's true enough. But for, say, Americans or white people? Clearly a more complicated picture, as evidenced by the fact that many libertarians are strong supporters of immigration and strong believers that immigrants make everyone better off. I already gave an example of the CATO institute supporting this view. Of course there are racist libertarians, but in-group affinity and racism don't seem to be particularly salient descriptions of libertarians or libertarianism.
- Political authoritarianism: in terms of direct action by the state, this is a very poor descriptor of libertarians. I continue to maintain that an important historical context of libertarianism is in fact backlash to authoritarian regimes in the 20th century, including of course the fascist ones. Again, in recent decades a major hobby horse of libertarians has been staunch opposition to the expansion of police powers and expansion of state powers in the name of counter terrorism. I dunno about you, but fascist is not the first thing that comes to mind when I think of Edward Snowden.
- and distaste for parliamentary or other forms of democracy: There is a little bit going on here in terms of libertarian opposition to electorally popular welfare programs and apathy about corporate governance. But they maintain this is about maximizing utility for society and that many popular or well-intentioned policies are socially suboptimal. A related issue is their concern for bloated state programs. E.g., CA's stupid and expensive
HSR plan. They are occasionally correct on these fronts. An issue is their naive belief in the powers of civil society and markets to fix things, but this is not tantamount to fascism by any stretch of the imagination. Also, look to how loads of libertarians
support UBI as an alternative to the web of welfare policies we currently have. As it turns out, most of them don't actually want people to starve
- scapegoating of racial, ethnic or religious minorities: I have never seen libertarians do this. They are much more likely to see the state as a vehicle for enforcing the prejudices of an ethnic majority and oppose state power on those grounds. For example, they regularly point to the Holocaust as an example and say it wouldn't have happened in a libertarian world. I'm sure you have some nice theory about how capital caused the Holocaust, but don't convince me, convince the libertarians who just want to point out a weaker state apparatus with way better respect for individual rights would not have regulated Jewish life, confiscated Jewish property, or murdered millions of Jews. Another example: in the US context, many libertarians are of the view that the state has been extremely oppressive towards African Americans and this continues via mass incarceration and the drug war. I'll concede the picture libertarians paint is complicated by some degree of Social Darwinism underlying their ideology. But it seems their views lend themselves more to Social Darwinism within the white population, than between whites and people of color. Once again, I have a lot of criticisms of libertarians with respect to issues of racism and justice, but scapegoating minorities is not a prominent feature of libertarian ideology or rhetoric.
You say fascism is not a one size fits all model. Reading your denunciations, it seems like it almost
is. Until I read your own description of fascism and then I'm not so sure.
My response was sadly quite inadequate. The reality is that statist ontology and market ontology are essentially identical; or perhaps mirror-images of one another. The state and the market, contra Libertarian and liberal theology, are not in some sort of eternal trans-historical conflict but rather are symbiotically related, such that states bring markets into existence and then the market's continuous disruption and destruction of the organic forms of organization and human community provide the excuse for states to "step into the vacuum", so to speak. Bureaucratic rationalization and market rationality always come hand-in-hand.
This is basically what I'm getting at. Here we have a fraught claim to knowledge about what is natural or organic. As I'm sure you know, these types of claims are inspired by Newtonianism and Darwinism. Yet they only have a scientific veneer. Leftists of the early 20th century, convinced of the certainty of their doctrines, used the state as a vehicle to accelerate the natural and inevitable trends of history. So two things are going on. One is a lack of epistemic modesty regarding social models and beliefs about how virtually
everything works. The other is the bureaucratic ontology that gives people a point of view where they can simplify the subtle dynamics of economic networks, institutions, information processing and flow, social relations, justice, human psychology, even
genetics. It's important to see that 19th and early 20th century intellectuals were not safely cordoned off from ballooning statist ontology. Rather, they were enamored with it. Their policies were made realizable by the idea that if the state could, say, mobilize the population to win World War I, the state could mobilize the population to bring about known, inevitable, and morally righteous transformations.
Market-oriented thinking and bureaucratic thinking may go hand in hand, but knowledgeable liberals seem to be much more cognizant of known unknowns and unknown unknowns. They openly acknowledge that things are complicated, hard to model, and monkeying around is fraught with challenges and unintended consequences. Libertarians are more utopian, but they still emphasize complexity and subtle efficiencies in ways that, say, socialists rarely, if ever, do. In fact, their epistemic modesty is a key element of their philosophy: they always point out that there's only so much the state can know and do and therefore it is often best to let the more spontaneous organization and information processing of markets just do their thing. Capital is an important part of all that, so let's definitely be careful there. Liberals, more generally, will maintain that we can't know
exactly what's best or what will happen in the future, so we'll take a hands off approach, providing interventions, investments, and legal tools when we can identify them as necessary.