Liufeng
A man of his time
I couldn't help to notice that many many many people didn't know much about the Kongo leader, Mvemba a Nzinga, or had a rather bad opinion on him. Thus, I translated a very good article on him so that people could know a little more about the character. Here is the link for those who can read french and wish to read the original : http://libeafrica4.blogs.liberation.fr/2015/09/09/les-machiavel-du-kongo/
Otherwise, please know that English is not my native language, so if you see many grammar or spelling mistakes, please known I'm truly sorry as it was unintended.
By Jean-Pierre Bat
The Machiavels of the Kongo
In 2015, near the 500th anniversary of Marignan and its upcoming, is commemorated Francis I : he appears as the exemple of the Renaissance Prince. However, history teachs us that at the same era, in Central Africa, Machiavel had unwillingly made authentical african emules that had nothing to envy to the european princes in the XVIth century.
In 1482, the navigator Diogo Cão found the mouth of the Kongo river ... and one of the most powerful monarchies in the continent : the Kongo kingdom. Sent by the king, the navigator had to scout the african coast, but also authorisations to evangelise (didn't his contemporaneous Christophus Colombus marked his sails with red crosses as the true program for the New World?).
Diogo Cão took with him a « Padrão », a stele mounted by a cross used as a landmark for the portuguese crown conquests. In 1490, the objective is confirmed and more explicitly formulated : the portuguese king John II whishes to make a true missionary expedition, trusted to Gonçalves de Sousa.
João I or the ruses of the Realpolitik
Kongo is a kingdom led by a souverain entitled the Manikongo. He reigns from his capital, Mbanza Kongo, on confederation of kingdoms scattered througout the Kongo basin (essentially on the territories in actual Angola, Congo-Kinshasa and Congo-Brazzaville). That makes that for each monarch needs different political strategies to reaffirm his authority. The arrival of the portuguese with their ecclesiastics contitutes a nnew asset that the Manikongo expects to exploit. In 1490, diplomatic games are preparing, on the Kongo's conversion to christianism. In the eyes of the portuguese, it can only be the triumph of their missionary expedition that reveals the true God to pagan populations (a little like the spanish of the Cortès expedition in Aztec country, some years later).
But from the Kongo perspective, it is more subtle. A rebellion is threatening the kingdom, and the Manikongo Nzinga Kuwu is eager to make an alliance with the portuguese. With his approval, the Mani Soyo, one of the kings of the Kongo confederation, has already converted in Easter 1491 under the name of Dom Manuel. During the following weeks (probably may the 3rd 1491), the Manikongo makes his baptizing and takes the name João I in tribute of the portuguese king, João II. With the Manikongo, are converted several high officers of the kingdom. In the following weeks (probably the 4th june 1491) the queen is baptized as well under the name Leonor, in tribute of the portuguese queen. The same day is baptized Nzinga Mvemba, governor of Nsindi, who takes the christian name Afonso. Nzinga Mvemba is a particular character in Kongo's monarchy : in this monarchy between matrilenear heredity and elective regime, he appears as João I's successor.
The ceremonies have barely finished that the Nzinga Kuwu goes on war against the rebellious lords. The portuguese lend their military aidand place this campaign under the sign of the monarch's new religion (a banner embroidered with a croos is given to him). This portuguese intervention in the political game of the Kongo confederation reinforces radically the central power of the Manikongo at the expenses of the provincial lords.
Rapidly, between 1492 and 1494, Nzinga Kuwu having obtained what he desired, loses patience with the portuguese missionaries installed in Mbanza Kongo. The question of polygamy was vital in the royal disavowal : not for personnal reasons, but for political reasons. Monogamy was going to break the matrimonial alliances he patiently built. Not wanting to break ties with the Kongo monarchy's sacred and traditional foundations, and having obtained what he desired with the help of christianism, João I abandons the christian religion. Around 1495, almost all missionaries had left Mbanza Kongo.
Afonso I, apostle of Kongo
The missionaries, the portuguese and the Kongo nobles expelled of Mbanza Kongo by Nzinga Kuwu found refuge in the Nsundi province, taken by Nzinga Mvemba since the 1491 campaign. In 1506 dies the Manikongo Nzinga Kuwu. Two parties are opposing each other : the tenants of the traditional religion which regroups the big individuals of the kingdom, and the christian party. The first group elects Mpanza Nzinga, descendant of cadet royal branch, while Afonso , at the head of a christian coalition, prepares to wage battle at the gates of Mbanza Kongo. The tiddes turn into Afonso's favor : Mpanza Nzinga is executed, officially for his opposition to christianism. Portuguese chroniclers rewrite the history of this conquest for power under the patronage of the christian God.
Afonso I is much more consciencious than his predecessor on the advantage he can have from the christian religion for his kingdom's reform. This alliance allows him, first, to maintain his regional monopoly and his commercial privileges with Portugal. Direct consequence : diplomatic relations are officialy established between the crowns of Portugal and Kongo. Lisbon establishes through its consequentive missions (1508, 1509, 1512) the representation of portuguese community that establishes in the Manikongo's entourage. This economic initiative reinforces the centralisation will of the Manikongo. Lisbon, with the title of Padroado, which is regarded as the intermediary between the Holy Siege and Kongo, sends successive religious missions to accompany the effort of evangelisation. But Afonso I, who understood well western diplomacy, tries to create a direct link with Rome : a first kongolese mission is sent to the Pope in 1513. Kongo imposes itself a one of the most connected kingdoms in the beginning of the XVIth century.
The religious conception of Afonso participates at the reinforcement of his monarchy's centralisation : he wishes to make Mbanza Kongo the religious capital of his kingdom, to reinforce even more his power. To that end, he creates a religious administration and a specific fiscality. Afonso I counts on his family to direct that policy : in 1506, he sends his son Dom Henrique to Portugal ; the latter is nominated bishop of Utica in 1518 ; the Manikongo asks in a 1526 leter to Portugal that his capital is made an archbishopric (liberating itself from the episcopal tutelage of Funchal) and that Ddom Henrique becomes its archbishop. In other words, having his own catholic church in Kongo. To make sure his family possesses this new power, he asks that his maternal nephew becomes Dom Henrique's auxiliary.
For the fiscality, nothing more simple : the dime is « invented » in Kongo, inspired by the western system. It is the main uniformised royal tax throughout the kingdom ; a corps of royal collectors is developped to garantee its levy.
Afonso I doesn't hesitate to use portuguese as royal secretaries for his relations with the portuguese crown, to preserve the monopoly of dialogue with Lisbon. But in reality, he tries to create his own royal administration. Emulating european monarchies, Afonso I wants to modernize his State by creating a « bureaucracy », proto-fonctionnaries and scholars, destined to administrate more efficietly his kingdom. In 1509, he creates a school with 400 students : in facto, it opens its doors mainly to the royal family and the families of his entourage and servants. In other words, Afonso I constitutes his catholic clan (in the political sense from 1506) around his family and partisans, to reform the Kongo State around this trustful center. Again, to achieve his ends, religion and politics are closely related ... with a goal mainly political. In 1516, th eportuguese Ruy d'Aguiar, vicar of the Kongo kingdom, states there are more or less 1000 students in the royal school, now enlarged to the sons of nobles ; he also states there is a school for women, led by a sister of the Manikongo, which allows to guess a royal action throughout the provinces.
Finally, like his predecessor, Afonso I knew how to use his catholic alliance with the portuguese crown to remain « emperor in his kingdom » : following the expression used by Georges Balandier (The kingdom of Kongo from the XVIth to the XVIIIth centuries), the Manikongo didn't looked only for missionaries from Portugal, but also bombards and muskets ... that allowed him, without doubt, to submit the rebellious lords that didn't disarmed since 1506. In short, having the carot and the stick, Afonso I's programm was, with the pretext of a portuguese alliance and christianisation, to reinforce of the central State of Kongo with the help of a modernist christian party. For Afonso I, christianisation is mainly a way to reinforce the centrality of Mbanza Kongo on the lordships confederations, in putting a maximum of regalian powers between the hands of thee Manikongo. The sacred is put under the service of politics in this strategy.
A question remains : what was the degree of faith of João I and Afonso I. The first doesn't hide the pragmatical, interested and ponctual use he made : the alliance only lasts one to three years. The second has adopted a more subtle position : if it is impossible to know his deep opinion on the matter, let's admit that a certain historiography, y consecrating him « apostle of Kongo », tried to make him a champion of christiandom, a kind of Saint Martin or Saint Louis from Central Africa. A golden catholic legend was created around him after his death in 1543, specially at the european missionaries will. In reality, he first left in Africa the souvenir of a powerful lord, which the reign corresponds to the peak of Mbanza Kongo's central power. Because in the facts, he opted for a very political attitude : ciment by the constitution of a christian party the modern reform of Kongo. In this sense, the Machiavel's The Prince was emulated without knowing in central Africa. Also, in this same sense, the Kongo kingdom participates in the worldwide connected great monarchies that shine at the beginning of the XVIth century.
Otherwise, please know that English is not my native language, so if you see many grammar or spelling mistakes, please known I'm truly sorry as it was unintended.
By Jean-Pierre Bat
The Machiavels of the Kongo
In 2015, near the 500th anniversary of Marignan and its upcoming, is commemorated Francis I : he appears as the exemple of the Renaissance Prince. However, history teachs us that at the same era, in Central Africa, Machiavel had unwillingly made authentical african emules that had nothing to envy to the european princes in the XVIth century.
In 1482, the navigator Diogo Cão found the mouth of the Kongo river ... and one of the most powerful monarchies in the continent : the Kongo kingdom. Sent by the king, the navigator had to scout the african coast, but also authorisations to evangelise (didn't his contemporaneous Christophus Colombus marked his sails with red crosses as the true program for the New World?).
Diogo Cão took with him a « Padrão », a stele mounted by a cross used as a landmark for the portuguese crown conquests. In 1490, the objective is confirmed and more explicitly formulated : the portuguese king John II whishes to make a true missionary expedition, trusted to Gonçalves de Sousa.
João I or the ruses of the Realpolitik
Kongo is a kingdom led by a souverain entitled the Manikongo. He reigns from his capital, Mbanza Kongo, on confederation of kingdoms scattered througout the Kongo basin (essentially on the territories in actual Angola, Congo-Kinshasa and Congo-Brazzaville). That makes that for each monarch needs different political strategies to reaffirm his authority. The arrival of the portuguese with their ecclesiastics contitutes a nnew asset that the Manikongo expects to exploit. In 1490, diplomatic games are preparing, on the Kongo's conversion to christianism. In the eyes of the portuguese, it can only be the triumph of their missionary expedition that reveals the true God to pagan populations (a little like the spanish of the Cortès expedition in Aztec country, some years later).
But from the Kongo perspective, it is more subtle. A rebellion is threatening the kingdom, and the Manikongo Nzinga Kuwu is eager to make an alliance with the portuguese. With his approval, the Mani Soyo, one of the kings of the Kongo confederation, has already converted in Easter 1491 under the name of Dom Manuel. During the following weeks (probably may the 3rd 1491), the Manikongo makes his baptizing and takes the name João I in tribute of the portuguese king, João II. With the Manikongo, are converted several high officers of the kingdom. In the following weeks (probably the 4th june 1491) the queen is baptized as well under the name Leonor, in tribute of the portuguese queen. The same day is baptized Nzinga Mvemba, governor of Nsindi, who takes the christian name Afonso. Nzinga Mvemba is a particular character in Kongo's monarchy : in this monarchy between matrilenear heredity and elective regime, he appears as João I's successor.
The ceremonies have barely finished that the Nzinga Kuwu goes on war against the rebellious lords. The portuguese lend their military aidand place this campaign under the sign of the monarch's new religion (a banner embroidered with a croos is given to him). This portuguese intervention in the political game of the Kongo confederation reinforces radically the central power of the Manikongo at the expenses of the provincial lords.
Rapidly, between 1492 and 1494, Nzinga Kuwu having obtained what he desired, loses patience with the portuguese missionaries installed in Mbanza Kongo. The question of polygamy was vital in the royal disavowal : not for personnal reasons, but for political reasons. Monogamy was going to break the matrimonial alliances he patiently built. Not wanting to break ties with the Kongo monarchy's sacred and traditional foundations, and having obtained what he desired with the help of christianism, João I abandons the christian religion. Around 1495, almost all missionaries had left Mbanza Kongo.
Afonso I, apostle of Kongo
The missionaries, the portuguese and the Kongo nobles expelled of Mbanza Kongo by Nzinga Kuwu found refuge in the Nsundi province, taken by Nzinga Mvemba since the 1491 campaign. In 1506 dies the Manikongo Nzinga Kuwu. Two parties are opposing each other : the tenants of the traditional religion which regroups the big individuals of the kingdom, and the christian party. The first group elects Mpanza Nzinga, descendant of cadet royal branch, while Afonso , at the head of a christian coalition, prepares to wage battle at the gates of Mbanza Kongo. The tiddes turn into Afonso's favor : Mpanza Nzinga is executed, officially for his opposition to christianism. Portuguese chroniclers rewrite the history of this conquest for power under the patronage of the christian God.
Afonso I is much more consciencious than his predecessor on the advantage he can have from the christian religion for his kingdom's reform. This alliance allows him, first, to maintain his regional monopoly and his commercial privileges with Portugal. Direct consequence : diplomatic relations are officialy established between the crowns of Portugal and Kongo. Lisbon establishes through its consequentive missions (1508, 1509, 1512) the representation of portuguese community that establishes in the Manikongo's entourage. This economic initiative reinforces the centralisation will of the Manikongo. Lisbon, with the title of Padroado, which is regarded as the intermediary between the Holy Siege and Kongo, sends successive religious missions to accompany the effort of evangelisation. But Afonso I, who understood well western diplomacy, tries to create a direct link with Rome : a first kongolese mission is sent to the Pope in 1513. Kongo imposes itself a one of the most connected kingdoms in the beginning of the XVIth century.
The religious conception of Afonso participates at the reinforcement of his monarchy's centralisation : he wishes to make Mbanza Kongo the religious capital of his kingdom, to reinforce even more his power. To that end, he creates a religious administration and a specific fiscality. Afonso I counts on his family to direct that policy : in 1506, he sends his son Dom Henrique to Portugal ; the latter is nominated bishop of Utica in 1518 ; the Manikongo asks in a 1526 leter to Portugal that his capital is made an archbishopric (liberating itself from the episcopal tutelage of Funchal) and that Ddom Henrique becomes its archbishop. In other words, having his own catholic church in Kongo. To make sure his family possesses this new power, he asks that his maternal nephew becomes Dom Henrique's auxiliary.
For the fiscality, nothing more simple : the dime is « invented » in Kongo, inspired by the western system. It is the main uniformised royal tax throughout the kingdom ; a corps of royal collectors is developped to garantee its levy.
Afonso I doesn't hesitate to use portuguese as royal secretaries for his relations with the portuguese crown, to preserve the monopoly of dialogue with Lisbon. But in reality, he tries to create his own royal administration. Emulating european monarchies, Afonso I wants to modernize his State by creating a « bureaucracy », proto-fonctionnaries and scholars, destined to administrate more efficietly his kingdom. In 1509, he creates a school with 400 students : in facto, it opens its doors mainly to the royal family and the families of his entourage and servants. In other words, Afonso I constitutes his catholic clan (in the political sense from 1506) around his family and partisans, to reform the Kongo State around this trustful center. Again, to achieve his ends, religion and politics are closely related ... with a goal mainly political. In 1516, th eportuguese Ruy d'Aguiar, vicar of the Kongo kingdom, states there are more or less 1000 students in the royal school, now enlarged to the sons of nobles ; he also states there is a school for women, led by a sister of the Manikongo, which allows to guess a royal action throughout the provinces.
Finally, like his predecessor, Afonso I knew how to use his catholic alliance with the portuguese crown to remain « emperor in his kingdom » : following the expression used by Georges Balandier (The kingdom of Kongo from the XVIth to the XVIIIth centuries), the Manikongo didn't looked only for missionaries from Portugal, but also bombards and muskets ... that allowed him, without doubt, to submit the rebellious lords that didn't disarmed since 1506. In short, having the carot and the stick, Afonso I's programm was, with the pretext of a portuguese alliance and christianisation, to reinforce of the central State of Kongo with the help of a modernist christian party. For Afonso I, christianisation is mainly a way to reinforce the centrality of Mbanza Kongo on the lordships confederations, in putting a maximum of regalian powers between the hands of thee Manikongo. The sacred is put under the service of politics in this strategy.
A question remains : what was the degree of faith of João I and Afonso I. The first doesn't hide the pragmatical, interested and ponctual use he made : the alliance only lasts one to three years. The second has adopted a more subtle position : if it is impossible to know his deep opinion on the matter, let's admit that a certain historiography, y consecrating him « apostle of Kongo », tried to make him a champion of christiandom, a kind of Saint Martin or Saint Louis from Central Africa. A golden catholic legend was created around him after his death in 1543, specially at the european missionaries will. In reality, he first left in Africa the souvenir of a powerful lord, which the reign corresponds to the peak of Mbanza Kongo's central power. Because in the facts, he opted for a very political attitude : ciment by the constitution of a christian party the modern reform of Kongo. In this sense, the Machiavel's The Prince was emulated without knowing in central Africa. Also, in this same sense, the Kongo kingdom participates in the worldwide connected great monarchies that shine at the beginning of the XVIth century.
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