OOC: FINALLY DONE! I wonder if anyone actually remembers this timeline...
I'm not terribly good at 18th century warfare, I know; technically this particular war was more inspired by the Napoleonic ones, though isn't quite the same (the levee en masse isn't as huge, while the commanders generally have less leeway and in most cases aren't allowed to do as much crazy stuff, like many of Napoleon's campaigns). So, feel free to point out any glaring military errors - or continuity ones, as though I went to great lenghts to avoid them, this update IS a product of feverish work with lenghty intervals, even moreso than most of mine.
Oh, and bonus points to whoever recognizes all the more-or-less obscure people I have elevated to important positions! Personally I particularily like the uneaten, militarized James Cook. Trust me, there is a reason to all the biographical changes!
IC:
The Great Eastern War (or the Third World War, but we're getting ahead of ourselves) had begun with Russia-Poland and Byzantium fighting against Austria, Prussia and all the lesser states of the HRE (including Belgium); almost immediately, Sweden joined in on the Austro-Prussian side, and many expected the rest of Europe to join in as well - but not even Venice dared make a move, for the fear of being quickly and easily crushed if it were to take a risk. Though some countries voiced diplomatic support for one side or another, the rest of Europe chiefly looked on as the empires clashed.
The war begun with the Prussian capture of Danzig (due to a German rebellion within) and victories at Thorn and Poznan against some smaller Russian detachments. Austrians, meanwhile, advanced through Galicia, yet were fought to a standstill at Lvov by General Nikolai Larionov's forces, graced with luck and with a good commander. Lastly, the Swedes defeated the Russian Baltic Fleet in the Gulf of Finland; though the land advance to Vyborg was parried, a surprising landing in Estonia was very succseful, Revel falling with scarcely a struggle.
But already, the Russians had recovered from the shock effect; though they did lose some ground and the Russian Baltic Fleet was weakened at best, most of Pavel's land forces were not only intact, but also ready for action. This was the moment the Tsar had been waiting for - it did come earlier than he expected, but as his forces were already mobilized, the success of the early actions of the "Central Powers" was very dubious, as in September 1800, the Russian Empire struck back on all theatres. Though the invasion of Finland was no more succesful than the previous Swedish attack on Vyborg, the various Guard regiments, commanded by Graf Miloradovich, had isolated and pushed the Swedes out of Revel, surprising them just as the Swedes had previously surprised the local garrison. In Western Poland, the Prussians advanced on Warsaw, defeating all attempts to stall their advance but still hindered by the Cossack raids and by the Russophilic Poles; as for the Austrian advance, it was resumed, but Lvov still had to be besieged. In the Balkans, operations begun in the earnest, but the Austrians again fared badly - Russo-Byzantine forces had quickly defeated a would-be invasion of Wallachia, while another Byzantine army, commanded by General Ioannis Mavros, invaded Austrian Serbia and defeated the Austrian army stationed there at Leskovac. Although the Serbs themselves weren't awfully sympathetic to the Byzantines, they were mostly considered a lesser evil, and as rebellions spread Austrian authority in Serbia collapsed, with a single garrison barely holding out in Belgrade; these rebellions soon spread into Bosnia and Temesvar as well.
At this point the confusing political situation in Poland must be mentioned as well. Out of the various Polish factions, only one had a clear allegience - the present government, the Regency and thus the greater szlachta. The lesser szlachta and the newborn middle class, plus a few peasant leaders, constitued the vague "Polish resistance", which however splintered immediately upon the war's beginning. This was largely caused by the fact that neither the Russians nor the Austro-Prussians were particular friends of the Polish people; the Russians, usually considered the greater evil, now went out of their way to assure Polish cooperation, and though these efforts were not particularily succesful at first, the announcement of the Austro-Prussian "Partition Plan" (which called for total destruction of Poland as a state, as opposed to autonomy within Russia) quickly discredited and marginalized the pro-Prussian party led by Jacek Jeziercki. After that, many patriots defected to the Russians, attacking the Prussian supply routes to great effect. Others, unable to reconcile themselves with Pavel, continued to follow Tadeusz Kosciuszko, who decided to fight "without discrimination" against "all the invaders of the sacred Polish soil". And even with the Partition Plan in mind, several ethnic Polish legions were formed, especially in the Habsburg armies; their leaders either decided that Poland was doomed and there was no point in crying over spilt milk, either hoped to persuade the Kaiser and the Konig to change their minds. Lastly, several Polish rebel organizations, with ties to the Paris Patriots, took no action just yet and went into the underground; they awaited a decision to come from Paris, either from the emigres or from Fouche...
As autumn rains ruined the roads, and the logistical situation for the attackers (who still held the initiative) proved to be worse than expected, the rest of 1800 went by boringly, anticlimatically and indecisively. Both sides were preparing for the campaign season in 1801, and for now merely fought in a few skirmishes. Finally, with the onset of winter and the failure of a breakout attempt, Larionov surrendered at Lvov, allowing the Austrians to occupy Galicia. This and the early Prussian successes had predetermined the location of the main campaign of 1801 - the Wielkopolska, Central Poland, the Vistula Basin and especially - the vicinity of Poland's three capitals - Warsaw, Lublin and Krakow. All three remained in Russian hands; all three needed to be taken if the Russians were to be expelled from Poland. As the Russians had no intentions of being expelled from Poland, they gathered their troops in the area, set up redoubts, combed the area to eradicate resistance and prepared for the titanic struggle...
The titanic struggle begun immediately in March 1st 1801; on the Prussian part, that was probably a rather poor decision because the rains soon ruined the Polish roads yet again. Still, after a minor battle, the Prussians had captured the town of Lodz, and so their columns were now free to advance towards Warsaw itself from at least three directions. With raised banners and rising morale despite the aforementioned logistical problems, the Prussians were 30 miles away from Warsaw when bad news came from the south; the Austrians were repulsed at Krakow, while Russo-Byzantine forces invaded eastern Galicia, Bukovina and Transylvania, preventing the hoped-for Austrian thrust into southern Poland to link up with the Prussians. Still, the Prussian commander (Rudolf von Radowitz) was undeterred, and on March 27th the two Prussian armies (there was also the third, operating to the east from the Vistula) under his command secured positions just outside of Warsaw, daring the Russians to come out.
Come out they did, under the personal command of the militaristic Pavel I (who just had a falling-out with Suvorov; still, recognizing his talent, Pavel simply sent him away to chase some Austrians). Against 40,000 Prussian troops, the Russians had put out 60,000 of theirs - admittedly, this weakened their positions elsewhere, but if Pavel's army did have one key strenght then it was numbers (and thus, the ability to leave no theatre uncovered). Wishing a decisive battle, Pavel engaged the Prussians at the village of Pruszkow; the initial Russian attack went terribly, as the Prussians took up positions in the mountains and decimated the attackers with artillery fire; excited, Radowitz ordered a counterattack, routing several Russian columns, but also taking heavy casualties - both sides had underestimated the efficiency of rifle and artillery fire against large concentrations of infantry (and cavalry too; a suicidal charge done by a Prussian light horse brigade, devastated by artillery fire before coming anywhere near the main Russian positions, was made infamous by the British observer who has allegedly remarked: "'Tis beautiful, but 'tis not war; the Continent is yet to learn from Agincourt, so why do some of us expect it to learn from Burke?"). In any case, Pavel I almost immediately used Radowitz' rather sloppy and bungled attempts to exploit the early successes. The Tsar committed all his (tactical) reserves and thus started the general battle - a terrible, gruesome melee in the fields near Pruszkow (just below the hilly Prussian positions, now foolhardily near-abandoned), made worse when Radowitz too commited his reserves. The well-placed Prussian artillery still provided a certain advantage, but as ranks collapsed and soldiers from both sides intermixed in a chaotic battle, friendly fire was very frequent for both sides.
Across the field, as already said, a chaotic, confusing battle went on, individual companies and even soldiers often having to fend (and think) for themselves. At one point, it seemed like the Russians were at the breaking point, as Pavel I himself was wounded just as he rode into the battle; still, he climbed his horse once more and drunk with blood-lust charged into the fray anyway, miracilously surviving. Even as the Prussians were gradually expelled from the northern part of the fields and the Prussian batteries were once more attacked, Radowitz still thought he was on the brink of victory. Yet the hours went on, with Prinz Heinrich's forces still nowhere to be seen...
Prinz Heinrich, who was given command of Prussia's aforementioned "third army" to the east from the Vistula, was dead already two days ago - technically he was very old and ill for years now, and the king's decision that resulted in his appointment was from the start considered to bear the mark of senility. So Heinrich died from heart failure when his forces were caught in open field and attacked by Feld-Marschall Andrey Gagarin's vanguard forces and the attached Cossacks. Though unaware of the death of the enemy commander, Gagarin was still encouraged by the panic and confusion that suddenly spread in the enemy ranks, and by the apparent importance of this Prussian force for some insidious plan (that was, ofcourse, true - the Prussians intended to attack Warsaw from the north should their western attack fail); not giving the Prussians any time to recover, he ordered a general attack. The Battle of Plonsk, as it went down in history, saw the complete and sudden rout of the surprised Prussian force, which was soon cut down or surrendered. As for Gagarin, he went on to invade East Prussia as per plan, that was why he was there in the first place after all.
So the Russians were free to press on and on, and finally, as his northern batteries begun to fold and a general rout started in the field, Radowitz ordered his troops to rally, regroup and retreat, retaining a semblance of order. They were scarcely pursued - the Russians won a pyrrhic victory, they protected Warsaw but lost almost a third of their force here and more importantly nearly lost their Emperor. In the immediate aftermath of this battle, there was shock and trepidation at the size of the casualties; this was caused not only by commander mistakes, terrain (battles in open field simply invite bilateral massacre if they are not won or lost quicky) and technology, but also because it was simply hard for a central command to competently use so many troops; Pruszkow was an example of both sides having to resort to simply throwing everything at each other and hope that things are somehow sorted out then (well, that was how it came out for the Russians, but a large price). This experience proved both sobering and very valuable.
The dual shock of Plonsk and Pruszkow took the entire world by surprise; for one thing, it showed just how much the Prussian army had degenerated after years of peace and complacency, and thus immediately caused a scandal in Potsdam. Also, though at Prouszkow itself the Russians had, as already mentioned, won a very pyrrhic victory, that victory allowed Gagarin to easily occupy East Prussia, while Suvorov crossed the Carpathians to rout the Austrians at Baia Mare, allowing the Russo-Byzantine forces to overrun most of Transylvania. If initially the European onlookers feared that the Austro-Prussian alliance will quickly rout the inefficient Russian hordes and then, more strong and more united than ever, turn to conquer the rest of Europe, now a whole different fear emerged - the ancient, near-primal fear of "the Scythians", who, it seemed to some, would soon turn the Elysian Plains into a grazing-ground for their horses. Even though the French political elite was more sceptical of Russian military power, especially as the Austrians finally captured Krakow, still it was feared that the Russians might gain a decisive victory in this war, and nothing else - barring a decisive victory by the other side - could be worse for French foreign policy in Eastern Europe. So Joseph Fouche ordered the Paris Patriots to start working with the Prussians, even as the French government offered to intermediate between the Russians and the Austro-Prussians (the offer was considered thoroughly, but ultimately rejected).
Denied a quick victory, the Holy Roman Empire now had to settle down for a long, drawn-out war with an uncertain outcome. The euphoria of the early war was now gone, but a grim determination to still come out on top appeared, and after some initial reshufflings, purges and intrigues, the Prussian and Austrian monarchs (and their respective advisors and diplomats) met in Ostrau, on the 25th of May. There, a joint plan of action was formulated; requests for greater military and financial contributions were sent to the lesser German rulers; levies and conscriptions on a greater scale were ordered; loans were taken, chiefly from Britain. Initially, when the war had only started and the unslain bear was already cut up, it was intended to goad Denmark-Norway and Venice into joining the war on the Russian side, allowing Prussia the pretext to take over Holstein, while Austria could expand its Italian holdings. Now, the opposite was done, or at least attempted; Denmark-Norway, coming under domestic and British pressure as well as Imperial, agreed and officially pledged neutrality, but the Doge's stance remained ambigous. Still, at least it wasn't outright war... Also, ofcourse, the Austro-Prussians tried to secure French neutrality; smiling devilishly, Fouche promised them as much, though ofcourse the Austro-Prussians knew better than to trust any Frenchman, to say nothing of this particular one (that kinda made securing French neutrality a fool's errand, but it had to be attempted for the sake of form).
With funds, supplies and troops prepared, the Austro-Prussians struck back in June, and not a moment too soon as Pavel I finally recovered enough to once more take supreme command (though he still lost a leg and all appetite for actually leading from the front), establishing a "stavka" at Warsaw. Russian armies had failed to properly capitalize on their initial Spring victories, and that was as much a fault of bad coordination as that of growing resistance and bad logistics. With supply routes more-or-less functioning and coordination now restored, the Russians were able to finish off the Austrian forces in Transylvania in the Siege of Oradea, while the Byzantines finally took Belgrade in a bloody assault. Despite his old age and bad relations with Pavel, Aleksandr Vasilyevich Suvorov was still allowed to take supreme command of Russo-Byzantine forces in the incoming Danubean Campaign. Meanwhile, Ivan Gudovich (called Vasilyevich for his cruelty) was given command of the rehabilitating, reinforced Russian army on the Vistula; his goal was obvious, it was to expel the Prussians from Poznan. And ofcourse Andrey Sergeevich Gagarin was still in charge of the Russian army in East Prussia; he was to retake Danzig and the mouth of Vistula, and after that ward off the Austro-Prussians until further orders. The Russian plans for 1801 were quite modest, really; they only wanted to take over the entirety of Poland and Hungary, and after that move on to Berlin and Vienna...
The plan formulated in Ostrau called for large-scale counteroffensives in Hungary and East Prussia; more specifically, it was hoped that it would be possible to cut off and destroy at least some of the Russian forces involved. In particular, the Austrians intended to lure the Russians into the Great Hungarian Plains, where they would be at some point attacked from multiple directions and slaughtered. The Prussian approach was more straightforward; they sat on the defensive in Poznan, and attacked in East Prussia.
The summer saw action in all the theatres, excluding the Finnish one; but even then, off Finland's coast a volatile naval campaign occured. The Russians quickly won a battle at Kolari, seriously endangering the Swedish naval supremacy, and went on to fight several indecisive skirmishes; the Swedish fleet had to retreat to Turku, and the Russians broke out of the Gulf of Finland, but not for long; a large Swedo-Prussian fleet - reinforced, to Pavel's ire, by British ships - converged on the Russian navy in the Battle of the Entrance (in long, Battle of the Entrance of the Gulf of Finland). Outnumbered, outmaneuvered (being attacked by the Swedes from the north, by more Swedes and Prussians from the southwest and by the remaining Swedes plus Britons from the west) and, in the British regards at least, outdated, the Russian Baltic Sea Fleet fought valorously in these last few hours of its existance. A few ships did flee to Sankt-Petersburg, and in any case, an amphibious attack on the Russian capital was out of question due to its powerful fortifications (about which the Swedes had only the worst of memories).
At this a point, a digression is necessary, to explain and expand upon the British actions. Although the war with the Washington Republic was still ongoing, it was going nowhere, with the latest British campaign stalemating just outside of the besieged Philadelphia. In any case, Pennsylvania was not perceived as all that crucial to Britain; the growing power of France was rather more concerning, and so, even as sporadic warfare continued in the Americas, the Washington War was deprioritized. William Pitt and his government had all reasons to expect France to join in the present war on the Russian side, and when this failed to occur, paranoia only increased - with Washington and the HRE all fighting other enemies, Fouche's hands were untied, and that meant that he could try and strangle Bristol. Feeling war to be imminent, and doubting the Commonwealth's strenght to be sufficient to properly win a one-on-one struggle with France, William Pitt sought allies, and the HRE was a natural ally. It was British pressure that assured Denmark-Norway's neutrality, and it were British funds that made the Imperial mobilization (on the scale planned in Ostrau) possible. Still, Britain wanted to avoid official commitment... until news came of the Russian victory at Kolari. Gustav III panicked, and Friedrich Wilhelm III was also alarmed. In reply to their pleas, the British Parliament authorized the deployment of a Commonwealth Navy expeditionary force to the Baltic Sea, officially declaring war on Russia soon after. That immediately meant British blockades - although mostly nominal at present - and trade embargo against Russia, the latter being very damaging to Russia's economy as Britain - and Netherlands, which joined the embargo, if not the war - were its primary trade partners. However, to the displeasure of the Austro-Prussians, the British refused to commit any land forces to the main theatres. Out there, the events were developing uenevenly at best...
The Prussian plan almost ended in disaster. Feldmarschall Ludwig von Blumenthal attacked rather rashly, before properly securing the Vistula River, and ran into the also-attacking army of Andrey Gagarin at Marienburg. This time both sides were shocked, and confused fighting broke out. The Prussians had the numerical supremacy, but that also meant that von Blumenthal - a rather average commander - had more difficulty rallying his troops and restoring order. Meanwhile, the Russians rallied faster and also received reinforcements. Gagarin ordered a general attack on the Prussians in three columns; that wasn't as foolish a decision in the Vistula lowlands, and the Prussians were threatened with defeat. Finally getting his act together, von Blumenthal ordered a retreat, leaving a few regiments to cover his army as it tried to regroup. Though they held the Russians at bay for a while, eventually they were overran, and the Russians attacked again, preventing von Blumenthal from taking up proper positions in Marienburg itself. One Russian division even threatened to cut off the Prussian retreat route; it was shattered and routed, but the Prussians now had to fall back to the Vistula. By now the catastrophe had become apparent; the Russian numbers and aggression were underestimated, and a new plan was in order. Meanwhile, Gagarin sensed an opportunity and ordered a forced-march to secure the bridges over the Vistula. There his luck ran out; von Blumenthal's forces too were reinforced, and the tired Russians were beaten back from the bridges with considerable loss. Consequently, both sides surrendered initiative in the area, occasionally skirmishing and probing each other, but chiefly sitting by and waiting for the enemy to attack (this was "the Stand on the Vistula"). However, the Prussians at least quickly realized that nothing of importance was going to happen here, and consequently diverted forces and resources south, where things were going little better...
The combat in the Greater Polish Lakelands was quite straightforward at first, as the Russians advanced along the main Warsaw-Poznan road (tied there by the very large size of Gudovich's force), and the Prussians deployed forces on that road to block the Russians. In order to deny the Russians freedom of maneuver, the Prussians defended slightly to the east from major crossroads near the town of Wrzesnia. There a general battle occured. The Prussians wisely avoided attacking the enemy, instead shelling and sniping at him from afar. Enraged, Gudovich ordered a massive assault. It was not quite as simple as it seemed, though; a suicidal Cossack charge led the way, and though those chargers that reached the Prussian batteries were massacred before causing too much damage, this distracted the Prussians and nearly made them panic. Meanwhile, the main body of the Russian army came close enough, especially the grenadiers... The resulting charge cost the Russians many men, but the Prussian army was battered and launched a hasty retreat. Wrzesnia was soon taken, and after a rest the Russians pressed forth. Sroda Wielkopolska was secured in the south, and the Russians now split up forces, launching a two-pronged offensive to Poznan. Yet things weren't as simple as Gudovich thought they would be now. Firstly, the army that he defeated was but a part of the main Prussian (and lesser German) force at Poznan itself. And secondly, the quicker East Prussian campaign had already ended, and the Prussian reinforcements were marching from the north, poised to strike in the Russian rear from Gniezno. No decisive battle occured at Poznan; instead, both sides, surprised by the numbers and uncertain on what should be done, traded skirmishes and bombardments while waiting for each other's reinforcements. The Russian reserves were perhaps greater, but the Prussians were better-positioned; General von Scharnchorst quickly recaptured Wrzesnia from the north, severing the overstrained Russian supply route, and proceeded west. Upon hearing of this disaster, Gudovich launched a half-hearted attack on Poznan and, judging his situation hopeless (chiefly because the huge Russian army was already being barely supplied, and so had good chances of starving to death even if it survived the Prussian attacks that were sure to come soon), surrendered with his entire army. Pavel was enraged. There were some good news for the Russians in the area later, though; General Petr Alekseevich Pahlen took command of the remaining Russian forces, reinforced by some of the strategic reserves, and recaptured Lodz, proceeding to secure the eastern bank of river Warta and defeat all Prussian attempts to get across. Between Warta and Vistula, there was neither much of value nor a good route for an attack; so the Prussian theatre died down as well as both sides regroupped and recovered from their losses...
In Hungary, Suvorov's Russo-Byzantine forces were in full control of Serbia, Temesvar and Transylvania now, and to the north Galicia was also mostly cleared of Austrian troops, who only held out in Krakow and nearby. The Austrian situation detiriorated more quickly than Franz II had expected; the Russian forces secured the Tisza and begun to advance northwards along the Danube, while from the north another Russian army struck into Slovakia. The latter was defeated at Pressburg, failing to attain the hoped-for surprise effect, but Suvorov's main force on the Danube succesfully crossed the river to capture Buda in a morning assault, besieging an Austrian army in Pest. Soon enough it had to surrender, though not before trying to sally forth with the assistance of more Austrian troops. Further advance was complicated, both due to the mountainous areas ahead and due to the far greater Austrian attention (the Austrians neglected the Bosnian rebellion, and instead attacked the Russians wherever possible, winning local-significance battles at Pecs and Lake Balaton, but failing to retake the Danube; they also blocked Suvorov's more straightforward attack at Esztergom). And as if that wasn't bad enough, the Hungarians, antagonized by Russian cooperation with and assistance for the local Serbs and Romanians, suddenly became very loyal to Vienna, launching rebellions and worse still partisan attacks; that invited retribution, which in turn caused even more rebellion. As the war seemed to die down here as well, Suvorov decided to launch a daring attack; while most of his forces consolidated their gains and fought back Austrian attacks, several Russian divisions crossed the Dunantul Mountains (just to the west from Buda) and quickly captured Gyor, threatening the supply routes of the Austrians at Esztergom. This put the Austrians off balance, allowing a Russian victory in the second Esztergom, while Suvorov himself advanced further. Avoiding the heavily-fortified Pressburg, he raided towards Vienna itself, devastating the countryside and shelling the capital. Though his army wasn't nearly enough to actually capture the city, the Austrians didn't immediately realize that. They shifted forces to react to Suvorov, and were pleasantly surprised when he decided to fall back just like that. That surprise was no longer pleasant when it turned out that this was a diversionary attack, while a new multi-pronged invasion took over Slovakia and besieged Pressburg. However, even as another Russian army captured Szekesfehervar, the Austrians not only cut down Suvorov's smaller force, but also, in a lenghty battle, relieved Pressburg. The Russians took considerable casualties, and lost their initiative, but did take over most of Hungary and properly countered the later Austrian counterattacks. The Byzantines advanced into Bosnia after a considerable delay.
Though Russia was chiefly kept in bay, the much hoped-for counteroffensives had also failed to commence, or at least to gain as much as was hoped; and in the end, 1801 turned out to be a draw. The war was still far from resolved, but both sides were already quite damaged, both militarily and economically. Peace still wasn't seen as an option; the Austro-Prussians recovered and built up their forces, while the Russians introduced conscription and looked up diplomatic possibilities... with not much success. Venice was still unwilling to move openly against Austria, even though it did begin supporting Russia and Byzantium financially, whereas France - and all of its allies - were unwilling to move just yet, even though Fouche was a bit alarmed by the sudden change of British priorities. As long as Russia was holding out on its own, France limited itself to restraining Egypt, secretly encouraging Russo-Polish cooperation and secretly preparing for war. It was all too clear that Europe was going to have a general war after all, and that to make sure its interests are defended France will have to join in sooner or later. Fouche intended for it to join in the optimal moment, but that moment wasn't quite here yet.