@Crezth: Pretty mouthy for someone who's had 48 additional hours to get orders in because the mod has actually slacked off a little to allow latecoming orders but yet has not sent them in.
Capto Iugulum Background Thread
- Thread starter EQandcivfanatic
- Start date
Grandkhan
Telvanni Master Wizard
Because Rivera's schtick was more about culture than race. Basques aren't culturally Iberian like Catalans or Castillians or Indians (by Rivera's reckoning), they're Rivera's scapegoat.
Also, because blaming Jews for things is tired and cliche. I was blaming the Basques for things before it was cool.
Turns out I was 100% justified too. Who let the French into Iberia during the civil war? BASQUES!!!!!!!!
Lord of Elves
Suede-Denim Secret Police
- Joined
- Oct 31, 2009
- Messages
- 6,976
The Basques never get enough blame as they should in NESes. I applaud Grandkhan for sticking it to them as a good authoritarian regime ought to.
Crezth
i knew you were a real man of the left
Fair point.
theDright
King
- Joined
- Dec 10, 2011
- Messages
- 605
OOC: I'm going to request a synopsis of the methods of Traditional Proletarism, Social Proletarism, and Moralism, German Drexlerism, and Russian Monarchism from those who have or have had these forms of government.
Particularly I'd like to hear from:
Lord of Elves, Chiefdesigner, Justo, and Bair_the_Normal regarding Traditional Proletarism.
Terrance888, <nuke>, Immaculate, Nailix, and Lord_Iggy regarding Social Proletarism.
Milarqui, Luckymoose, qoou, and Jehoshua regarding Moralism.
<nuke>, Nintz, and TheLizardKing regarding German Drexlerism.
TheLastJacobite and others regarding Russian Monarchism.
And Liberal Democracies/Republics from everyone who has one.
If I forgot you, just post anyway!
Particularly I'd like to hear from:
Lord of Elves, Chiefdesigner, Justo, and Bair_the_Normal regarding Traditional Proletarism.
Terrance888, <nuke>, Immaculate, Nailix, and Lord_Iggy regarding Social Proletarism.
Milarqui, Luckymoose, qoou, and Jehoshua regarding Moralism.
<nuke>, Nintz, and TheLizardKing regarding German Drexlerism.
TheLastJacobite and others regarding Russian Monarchism.
And Liberal Democracies/Republics from everyone who has one.
If I forgot you, just post anyway!
And I'm going to request that someone puts the suggested ideals above on the wiki, once they've been heard from and analyzed.
Lord of Elves
Suede-Denim Secret Police
- Joined
- Oct 31, 2009
- Messages
- 6,976
Scandinavian proletarism is founded along the principle that the principle means by which the proletariat is oppressed is wage-slavery and the repression of labor unions. Along the lines of Mathus' writings, labor has been democratized in Scandinavia, with the help and leadership of government-approved labor unions that form pseudo-political entities. Workers are not paid wages, instead they are granted a share in the market stock of their labor union as is appropriate to the importance of the work they do. They are free to do what they will with this stock. The stock does not increase or decrease in proportion to the amount of time they spend working, but instead to the efficiency of their job and their usefulness and efficiency as an employee. This prevents wage-slavery conditions wherein workers are unable to seek new employment, or are forced by necessity to endure poor conditions.
Workers are, in proportion to their stock, permitted a direct say in the running of their labor union by various elections which all labor unions are compelled to hold. The labor unions themselves are members of the Workers' Trade Congress, which is meant to be a legislative body in which the labor unions elect representatives to determine matters of inter-industry production, labor union relations and domestic trade. The Revolutionary Government retains control over all matters of international trade and commerce.
Being traditionally proletarist, the Revolutionary Government is for all intents and purposes a Mathusian "dictatorship of the proletariat". Colleague Mannerheim's official title (there seems to be some confusion on the issue internationally) as head of state is First Proletarian. As First Proletarian he fulfills the role of Mathusian "Dictator of the Proletariat" and is by proxy the ceremonial head of the armed forces, the Fatherland Proletarian Army, Navy and Air Fleet. In his role as ceremonial head of the domestic legislature (the Manniskorstag, empowered to make laws strictly on domestic and civil matters) he is the Syndic. The Revolutionary State is comprised, in theory and according to any given Scandinavian primary school textbook, of a few "simple" branches. The Revolutionary Government, the autocratic "Dictatorship of the Proletariat" headed by the First Proletarian and Father of the Revolution Colleague Mannerheim, the Manniskorstag, the domestic legislature and democratic arm of the Government and the Workers' Trade Congress, the labor arm of the government. Judicial powers, sometimes referred to as the "authority of Revolutionary Tribunal" are held by the Revolutionary Government.
The Revolutionary Government, in its earliest inception in the 1910's, played a very direct role in the day-to-day affairs of the state. It still does so, however, over the past twenty years the assembly of various offices, institutions and agencies has allowed Colleague Mannerheim and his ilk to delegate much of the affairs of the state. While the "cabal" of individuals which form the core of the Revolutionary Government is relatively small, it additionally consists of the usual agencies of government like an office of foreign affairs, which are unique in that they respond to the autocracy of the Revolutionary Government and not the democratic legislature, the Manniskorstag. Issues of non-Revolutionary import (generally speaking civil statutes, domestic concerns, etc) are left to the Manniskorstag, to which are elected representatives from all the major provinces and districts of the Fatherland.
In terms of its assembly the Manniskorstag is roughly identical to the Imperial Rikstag it succeeded. Its powers are significantly limited, however, as by the beginning of the 20th century the Rikstag held primary power of statecraft and sovereignty. Political parties exist, but they are to the exception of the Syndikalistika Partiet, largely informal organizations. The Syndikalistika Partiet maintains a paramilitary organization, informally tied to the Fatherland Proletarian Army, of proletarist fanatics. The similarity of the Syndikalistika Partiet's paramilitary wing to organized crime is largely unremarked upon in areas where the Syndikalistika Partiet maintains significant ideological authorit.
Culturally speaking, Scandinavian proletarists do not wholly reject the legacy of imperial Scandinavia. Instead they prefer to style themselves as the rightful successors of 19th-century liberal reformers who could only see "part of the picture". Early on Scandinavian proletarists were also by and large supporters of colonialism on the basis that African tribal societies had to be uplifted and civilized in order to enjoy the benefits of Revolution. Unlike other proletarist ideologies, informally, Scandinavian proletarism is heavily tied to a sense of Scandinavian nationalism that proclaims Scandinavia's history as a nation of reformers, inventors and forward-thinkers. The Revolution then is merely the next evolution in the path towards the best possible Scandinavia. While the term "Fatherland" was largely invented during the Great War by Scandinavian romantic and nationalist authors, Scandinavian proletarists refined and adopted the term as their own moniker for the paternal, anthropomorphized spirit of the benevolent Scandinavian nation.
Workers are, in proportion to their stock, permitted a direct say in the running of their labor union by various elections which all labor unions are compelled to hold. The labor unions themselves are members of the Workers' Trade Congress, which is meant to be a legislative body in which the labor unions elect representatives to determine matters of inter-industry production, labor union relations and domestic trade. The Revolutionary Government retains control over all matters of international trade and commerce.
Being traditionally proletarist, the Revolutionary Government is for all intents and purposes a Mathusian "dictatorship of the proletariat". Colleague Mannerheim's official title (there seems to be some confusion on the issue internationally) as head of state is First Proletarian. As First Proletarian he fulfills the role of Mathusian "Dictator of the Proletariat" and is by proxy the ceremonial head of the armed forces, the Fatherland Proletarian Army, Navy and Air Fleet. In his role as ceremonial head of the domestic legislature (the Manniskorstag, empowered to make laws strictly on domestic and civil matters) he is the Syndic. The Revolutionary State is comprised, in theory and according to any given Scandinavian primary school textbook, of a few "simple" branches. The Revolutionary Government, the autocratic "Dictatorship of the Proletariat" headed by the First Proletarian and Father of the Revolution Colleague Mannerheim, the Manniskorstag, the domestic legislature and democratic arm of the Government and the Workers' Trade Congress, the labor arm of the government. Judicial powers, sometimes referred to as the "authority of Revolutionary Tribunal" are held by the Revolutionary Government.
The Revolutionary Government, in its earliest inception in the 1910's, played a very direct role in the day-to-day affairs of the state. It still does so, however, over the past twenty years the assembly of various offices, institutions and agencies has allowed Colleague Mannerheim and his ilk to delegate much of the affairs of the state. While the "cabal" of individuals which form the core of the Revolutionary Government is relatively small, it additionally consists of the usual agencies of government like an office of foreign affairs, which are unique in that they respond to the autocracy of the Revolutionary Government and not the democratic legislature, the Manniskorstag. Issues of non-Revolutionary import (generally speaking civil statutes, domestic concerns, etc) are left to the Manniskorstag, to which are elected representatives from all the major provinces and districts of the Fatherland.
In terms of its assembly the Manniskorstag is roughly identical to the Imperial Rikstag it succeeded. Its powers are significantly limited, however, as by the beginning of the 20th century the Rikstag held primary power of statecraft and sovereignty. Political parties exist, but they are to the exception of the Syndikalistika Partiet, largely informal organizations. The Syndikalistika Partiet maintains a paramilitary organization, informally tied to the Fatherland Proletarian Army, of proletarist fanatics. The similarity of the Syndikalistika Partiet's paramilitary wing to organized crime is largely unremarked upon in areas where the Syndikalistika Partiet maintains significant ideological authorit.
Culturally speaking, Scandinavian proletarists do not wholly reject the legacy of imperial Scandinavia. Instead they prefer to style themselves as the rightful successors of 19th-century liberal reformers who could only see "part of the picture". Early on Scandinavian proletarists were also by and large supporters of colonialism on the basis that African tribal societies had to be uplifted and civilized in order to enjoy the benefits of Revolution. Unlike other proletarist ideologies, informally, Scandinavian proletarism is heavily tied to a sense of Scandinavian nationalism that proclaims Scandinavia's history as a nation of reformers, inventors and forward-thinkers. The Revolution then is merely the next evolution in the path towards the best possible Scandinavia. While the term "Fatherland" was largely invented during the Great War by Scandinavian romantic and nationalist authors, Scandinavian proletarists refined and adopted the term as their own moniker for the paternal, anthropomorphized spirit of the benevolent Scandinavian nation.
TheLastJacobite
No Commies
The position of Emperor of Russia was established with the unification of Moscowy and Novgorod in 1852, bringing in as well the Kingdom of Kiev and the lands of the Cossacks. Initially, the government was very decentralized, with the nobles retaining much of the power over their lands, as they had been the major forces behind unification in both kingdoms. However, the Emperor slowly accumulated more and more power. The joining of the crowns on Novgorod and Moscowy in the 1860s allowed the monarchs to exert greater control because the royal family then controlled more land and more people directly. This was aided by not only eroding the existing power of the nobles, but in granting lands and titles to those supportive of the crown, such as the Reznov family being granted the title Count of Riga after the area was incorporated into the Empire from Scandinavia. Riga quickly became the major shipping and trading hub for the young nation, giving the Reznovs (distant cousins to the Emperor at the time) much greater power than other nobles of similar rank. Other individual nobles (and at times entire families) who had been shunned or shamed by their peers were raised up by the Emperor in seemingly fortuitous incidents, such as case of the Orlovs.
Stas Orlov was a minor noble who had been a childhood companion of Emperor Constantine II. He had been ostracized for impregnating Svetlana Filipov, the sixteen year old daughter of Feodor Filipov, Duke of Odessa. At the time, Kiev's inclusion to the Empire was still not entirely willing and action had to be taken to appease the outraged Duke. The Emperor gave to Orlov a large tract of seemingly useless land east of the Urals, to which he was told to go to and never return to court. Svetlana, despite her father's wishes, stoically joined Stas, with the two being privately wed prior to the start of their trip. Near the edge of the Empire, Stas built up a small town which became known as Orlovka. The town subsisted on little more than meager trade that supplied the nearby army outpost until five years later when the Emperor decreed that a major railroad be built to supply the new push east, which just so happened (upon the Emperor's insistence) to pass straight through Orlovka. Overnight the sleepy border town became a booming trade hub and major stop on the Imperial Railroad. Though it has since diminished in importance, it continues to serve as a major Army center, with one of the main Imperial training camps, and was one of the main supply and logistic centers for the Georgian front in the Great War and later in the annexation of Azerbaijan. Though not always so dramatic, it is common for those noble families that have little more than their name and unwavering devotion to the Emperor to see their faith rewarded, usually at the expense of those who were not so loyal.
The fortunes of families rise and fall upon their position within the Empire, politically, economically, and geographically. In general, the older noble families centered around main cities of Moscow, Novgorod, Kiev, and Odessa have the most power, with those in the other western cities such as Riga, Sevastopol, and Tallinn also exercising significant power. In the east, cities such as Konstantinya and Novaya Britaniya also sport large and powerful noble families, due to their strategic locations on the Ob River and Pacific coastline, respectively.
The dawn of the 20th century saw the Emperor wielding almost total control over the government. The power of the nobles had been reduced to that of local administrators to their respective regions. At the top, Dukes and Duchess (Gertsog/Gertsoginya) oversee the provinces, generally based out of the provincial capital. Below them, Counts and Countesses (Graf/Grafinya) control the major cities and towns and their environs. The title of Viscount/Viscountess (Vikont/Vikontessa) is generally given to the eldest heir of a Count and Countess and serves as a sign that the holder is set to inherit that title e.g. the Viscount of Riga, after his father's death, would become the Count of Riga. However, the title can also be given to the holder of a medium sized settlement, generally in the eastern regions. This stems from the time of expansion, when many new towns and cities were established and given to middle or younger children of noble families, who retained their lower title rather than becoming full Counts due to the smaller initial size of the cities in the east. The final title is that of Baron or Baroness (Baron/Baronessa), denoting the holder of a small town or village, as well as the younger children of noble families with no actual holdings.
Nobles are charged with ensuring that the Emperor's laws are upheld, taxes are collected on time, that their subjects are provided for in times of want and that their realm is able to defend itself in times of war. In the past, this meant the raising of levies of peasants with little to no training or equipment. Today, that means ensuring the fighting status of the Provincial Guards. First established during the Great War, the Provincial Guards were originally conscript brigades formed around veteran regulars. This tradition has continued, with the Provincial Guard serving as body guards for the local nobles and peacekeepers in the more remote regions. They monitor the provinces and report back to both the local lord and the Emperor, via Army Command In times of war, they become not only the first line of defense against invasion, but also the training cadre for any conscripts from that province prior to said conscripts entering the Russian Army. This allows the new recruits to have limited training before being thrown into the rigors of the Russian military, increasing their survivability not only in combat, but in the training itself. These crash courses involve basic drill procedures, rifle handling, rudimentary navigation and map reading, and, in more remote areas, operation of a motor vehicle. Conducted only if conscription has been issued (or prior to large recruiting drives by the word of the Emperor), these 2-3 week courses make transition into military life much more easier for recruits. They arose after it was found during the Great War that many soldiers being sent to the front did not even know how to properly place a latrine, let alone handle a rifle or throw a grenade. As servants of not only the local noble, but also the Emperor himself, Provincial Guards can exercise a good deal of influence in their areas. It also allows the Russian Army to retain older troops or those wishing to leave the military at a reduced cost.
These facts are important to note because they play a major role in how Russia is run. As the head of state, the Emperor holds the power to declare war, impose martial law, raise or lower taxes and is the titular head of the military. Emperor Nicholas I took an active role in the running of the military, even visiting the front during the Great War, whereas his brother, the current Emperor Mikhail, allows his generals and admirals to go about their business with only minor interference. In general, the eldest son inherits his father's title, though in some instances, it has been a daughter who has done so. Katarina Pasternak, Countess of Sevastopol, inherited her father's title when he passed away with her as his only child. Scoffed by other (mostly male) nobles, she has made sure that the shipyards in her home city are the best on the Black Sea and second in Russia behind only Riga. She remains a major naval mind in Russia, constantly pushing for better and more modern ships, even having helped to personally lay down the keel of the King Juan battleship Nicholas, the flagship of the Black Sea Fleet, shortly after coming into her title. Her son Vasily currently serves as a Captain in the Russian Navy.
Early on in the history of the Empire, it was decreed that nobles could not break apart their fiefs upon death. This means that titles are static, with new ones being created only upon the adding of more territory to the Empire or the bestowing of previously untitled (parts of Siberia, Poland, Prussia) or Crown land (certain mining towns in the Urals, forests in the east) to a particular noble, thus creating a new holding. Therefore, the nobles are often the most warlike portions of the population, hoping to expand their own influence and holdings. With the main titles being generally bestowed upon eldest child, middle and younger children and those of lesser lords must turn to other means of advancing themselves. After attending university, many enter the Imperial government, serving as clerks, administrators, ambassadors and ministers. Others join the military, where they receive further education in the martial field. Those that are found to be less skilled than desired in the ways of war are relegated to desk duties, serving as aide de camps or occasionally as commanders of remote postings of the Provincial Guard. Other children turn to religion, becoming priests, monks or nuns, though this is a less common occurrence than in the days of yore. Most noble children not slated for an inherited title will take a portion of their family's wealth and turn to business. The booming Novgorod Stock Exchange allows those with money to expand their wealth and with Russian trade being highly important in Europe, even the most disinclined businessmen can turn a profit selling to European markets, though the recent downturn will surely have a negative effect in that regard.
The Poles maintain a unique standing in the United Russian Empire. Due to their continued rebellion, they have been singled out among the recently acquired lands for a near total military occupation. A strike curfew prevents covert meetings at night, though they continue in places. As Catholics in a majority Orthodox nation, their right to worship is not impinged, though rumors of Catholic priests acting as provocateurs in Poland do not help matters. In a similar position are the Jews of Russia. Living in small communities orbiting around the main cities of Russia, the Jews continue to be treated as a lesser race, as they have for centuries, look upon with suspicion and anger. Though these feelings have lessened over time (with the government and nobles choosing to blame Proletarists, Germans and the British for the woes of the nation), the common Russian continues to view the Jew with distrust at best and hatred at worst.
Commoners in Russia live in varying degrees of modernity. Those residing in and around the major cities enjoy the pleasures of radio, automobiles and even airplane flights. They wear modern dress, living in houses or apartments with indoor plumbing and electricity and working jobs not dissimilar to those of the average European. In the vast farmlands of central Russia, however, the Russian peasant lives much as his ancestors did, farming the same land his family has for generations. Modern farms in the Ukraine produce the grain that feeds much of Europe, but in the more remote regions, subsistence farming is not uncommon. Though crime can be high in certain areas, fear of the swift and brutal retribution doled out by the Imperial Court of Justice keeps many honest. A life sentence to a work camp in Siberia is a powerful deterrent. Constantly keeping watch is the Emperor's Hand. Formed during the Great War as a Special Brigade to deal with the most stubborn of the Empire's enemies, the Emperor's Hand have taken on an additional role of suppressing revolt and rebellion at home. Masters of intelligence gathering, infiltration and assassination, they're expertise is used not only in Russia, but in nations around the world seeking to end internal strife.
Stas Orlov was a minor noble who had been a childhood companion of Emperor Constantine II. He had been ostracized for impregnating Svetlana Filipov, the sixteen year old daughter of Feodor Filipov, Duke of Odessa. At the time, Kiev's inclusion to the Empire was still not entirely willing and action had to be taken to appease the outraged Duke. The Emperor gave to Orlov a large tract of seemingly useless land east of the Urals, to which he was told to go to and never return to court. Svetlana, despite her father's wishes, stoically joined Stas, with the two being privately wed prior to the start of their trip. Near the edge of the Empire, Stas built up a small town which became known as Orlovka. The town subsisted on little more than meager trade that supplied the nearby army outpost until five years later when the Emperor decreed that a major railroad be built to supply the new push east, which just so happened (upon the Emperor's insistence) to pass straight through Orlovka. Overnight the sleepy border town became a booming trade hub and major stop on the Imperial Railroad. Though it has since diminished in importance, it continues to serve as a major Army center, with one of the main Imperial training camps, and was one of the main supply and logistic centers for the Georgian front in the Great War and later in the annexation of Azerbaijan. Though not always so dramatic, it is common for those noble families that have little more than their name and unwavering devotion to the Emperor to see their faith rewarded, usually at the expense of those who were not so loyal.
The fortunes of families rise and fall upon their position within the Empire, politically, economically, and geographically. In general, the older noble families centered around main cities of Moscow, Novgorod, Kiev, and Odessa have the most power, with those in the other western cities such as Riga, Sevastopol, and Tallinn also exercising significant power. In the east, cities such as Konstantinya and Novaya Britaniya also sport large and powerful noble families, due to their strategic locations on the Ob River and Pacific coastline, respectively.
The dawn of the 20th century saw the Emperor wielding almost total control over the government. The power of the nobles had been reduced to that of local administrators to their respective regions. At the top, Dukes and Duchess (Gertsog/Gertsoginya) oversee the provinces, generally based out of the provincial capital. Below them, Counts and Countesses (Graf/Grafinya) control the major cities and towns and their environs. The title of Viscount/Viscountess (Vikont/Vikontessa) is generally given to the eldest heir of a Count and Countess and serves as a sign that the holder is set to inherit that title e.g. the Viscount of Riga, after his father's death, would become the Count of Riga. However, the title can also be given to the holder of a medium sized settlement, generally in the eastern regions. This stems from the time of expansion, when many new towns and cities were established and given to middle or younger children of noble families, who retained their lower title rather than becoming full Counts due to the smaller initial size of the cities in the east. The final title is that of Baron or Baroness (Baron/Baronessa), denoting the holder of a small town or village, as well as the younger children of noble families with no actual holdings.
Nobles are charged with ensuring that the Emperor's laws are upheld, taxes are collected on time, that their subjects are provided for in times of want and that their realm is able to defend itself in times of war. In the past, this meant the raising of levies of peasants with little to no training or equipment. Today, that means ensuring the fighting status of the Provincial Guards. First established during the Great War, the Provincial Guards were originally conscript brigades formed around veteran regulars. This tradition has continued, with the Provincial Guard serving as body guards for the local nobles and peacekeepers in the more remote regions. They monitor the provinces and report back to both the local lord and the Emperor, via Army Command In times of war, they become not only the first line of defense against invasion, but also the training cadre for any conscripts from that province prior to said conscripts entering the Russian Army. This allows the new recruits to have limited training before being thrown into the rigors of the Russian military, increasing their survivability not only in combat, but in the training itself. These crash courses involve basic drill procedures, rifle handling, rudimentary navigation and map reading, and, in more remote areas, operation of a motor vehicle. Conducted only if conscription has been issued (or prior to large recruiting drives by the word of the Emperor), these 2-3 week courses make transition into military life much more easier for recruits. They arose after it was found during the Great War that many soldiers being sent to the front did not even know how to properly place a latrine, let alone handle a rifle or throw a grenade. As servants of not only the local noble, but also the Emperor himself, Provincial Guards can exercise a good deal of influence in their areas. It also allows the Russian Army to retain older troops or those wishing to leave the military at a reduced cost.
These facts are important to note because they play a major role in how Russia is run. As the head of state, the Emperor holds the power to declare war, impose martial law, raise or lower taxes and is the titular head of the military. Emperor Nicholas I took an active role in the running of the military, even visiting the front during the Great War, whereas his brother, the current Emperor Mikhail, allows his generals and admirals to go about their business with only minor interference. In general, the eldest son inherits his father's title, though in some instances, it has been a daughter who has done so. Katarina Pasternak, Countess of Sevastopol, inherited her father's title when he passed away with her as his only child. Scoffed by other (mostly male) nobles, she has made sure that the shipyards in her home city are the best on the Black Sea and second in Russia behind only Riga. She remains a major naval mind in Russia, constantly pushing for better and more modern ships, even having helped to personally lay down the keel of the King Juan battleship Nicholas, the flagship of the Black Sea Fleet, shortly after coming into her title. Her son Vasily currently serves as a Captain in the Russian Navy.
Early on in the history of the Empire, it was decreed that nobles could not break apart their fiefs upon death. This means that titles are static, with new ones being created only upon the adding of more territory to the Empire or the bestowing of previously untitled (parts of Siberia, Poland, Prussia) or Crown land (certain mining towns in the Urals, forests in the east) to a particular noble, thus creating a new holding. Therefore, the nobles are often the most warlike portions of the population, hoping to expand their own influence and holdings. With the main titles being generally bestowed upon eldest child, middle and younger children and those of lesser lords must turn to other means of advancing themselves. After attending university, many enter the Imperial government, serving as clerks, administrators, ambassadors and ministers. Others join the military, where they receive further education in the martial field. Those that are found to be less skilled than desired in the ways of war are relegated to desk duties, serving as aide de camps or occasionally as commanders of remote postings of the Provincial Guard. Other children turn to religion, becoming priests, monks or nuns, though this is a less common occurrence than in the days of yore. Most noble children not slated for an inherited title will take a portion of their family's wealth and turn to business. The booming Novgorod Stock Exchange allows those with money to expand their wealth and with Russian trade being highly important in Europe, even the most disinclined businessmen can turn a profit selling to European markets, though the recent downturn will surely have a negative effect in that regard.
The Poles maintain a unique standing in the United Russian Empire. Due to their continued rebellion, they have been singled out among the recently acquired lands for a near total military occupation. A strike curfew prevents covert meetings at night, though they continue in places. As Catholics in a majority Orthodox nation, their right to worship is not impinged, though rumors of Catholic priests acting as provocateurs in Poland do not help matters. In a similar position are the Jews of Russia. Living in small communities orbiting around the main cities of Russia, the Jews continue to be treated as a lesser race, as they have for centuries, look upon with suspicion and anger. Though these feelings have lessened over time (with the government and nobles choosing to blame Proletarists, Germans and the British for the woes of the nation), the common Russian continues to view the Jew with distrust at best and hatred at worst.
Commoners in Russia live in varying degrees of modernity. Those residing in and around the major cities enjoy the pleasures of radio, automobiles and even airplane flights. They wear modern dress, living in houses or apartments with indoor plumbing and electricity and working jobs not dissimilar to those of the average European. In the vast farmlands of central Russia, however, the Russian peasant lives much as his ancestors did, farming the same land his family has for generations. Modern farms in the Ukraine produce the grain that feeds much of Europe, but in the more remote regions, subsistence farming is not uncommon. Though crime can be high in certain areas, fear of the swift and brutal retribution doled out by the Imperial Court of Justice keeps many honest. A life sentence to a work camp in Siberia is a powerful deterrent. Constantly keeping watch is the Emperor's Hand. Formed during the Great War as a Special Brigade to deal with the most stubborn of the Empire's enemies, the Emperor's Hand have taken on an additional role of suppressing revolt and rebellion at home. Masters of intelligence gathering, infiltration and assassination, they're expertise is used not only in Russia, but in nations around the world seeking to end internal strife.
Jehoshua
Catholic
- Joined
- Sep 25, 2009
- Messages
- 7,284
Moralism rests upon the principle that man is ontologically flawed (original sin), and yet is called to holiness and salvation. In the midst of human imperfection, moralism seeks to promote the common good of society not only for this life, but also for the next, in acknowledgement that man is more than merely an intelligent animal and serves a higher purpose than merely economic gain, or national aggrandisement.
Supporting this foundational position, moralism rests its teachings on Catholic doctrine seeing co-operation between the Church and the state as being essential to the good of society. Moralism, being a Catholic movement to begin with naturally sees the Church as the vehicle of salvation, with the Church's moral teachings (in social matters in particular) being strenuously upheld including its opposition to proletarism, liberalism and other errors. This moralists see as necessary as part of a states duty to promote the good and the best interests of their citizens, including doing everything possible to assist in their salvation. In addition to matters of morality, moralism upholds the Catholic conception of natural and divine law, as such to the moralist any legislation or law, be it in existence or to be legislated can only be truly valid and legitimate if it is in accordance with this higher law, and an implementation of the divine order in the earthly human realm. Moralism, unlike any other ideology, upholds the centrality of God as the fundamental authority and sovereign force in world affairs, rather than in any secularist relativistic conception which sees the good as dependant on the opinions of men. Or an amoral conservative/realist conception which bases policy solely on rational self-interest
Noting likewise the dangers of liberalism and proletarism, (the latter of which it particularly opposes) moralism generally upholds the principles of traditionalism and organicism. The first, traditionalism, sees moralists reject the idea of linear progress, noting the naivete of the idea and the fact that what is 'progressive is not necessarily good. Moralists therefore refer to traditional values, and to the past when making decisions, seeking to observe the lessons of history, considering them, before making decisions in the present for the future. This flows into the idea of organicism, which is that change should be a product of a societies natural development, with due respect for its culture and the moral law. Radical change imposed upon society is condemned, as is the idea of overturning traditional institutions of state. To use an analogy, moralists when they see the house of the state with broken windows and a leaky roof, prefer to fix the window and repair the roof rather than burn the house down, looking to build a new one only to find nothing in its place. The principles of traditionalism and organicism together naturally result in the consequence that moralism does not uphold ideologically the idea of an "ideal government type", it accepts many types of political administrative arrangements as valid so long as they uphold the fundamental purpose of the state to serve the common good of its citizens in this life temporally and spiritually with an eye to their salvation.
As to lower down organisational principles. In accordance with Catholic social teaching moralism upholds the importance of community and subsidiarity in local management. Ergo the family should be free to manage its own domestic affairs, the local community should manage its own affairs that it is able to effectively do, and so on up the chain to city, to province, to state with each respecting the rightful role of other levels of society, as part of a fundamental commitment to the primacy of society within the state (rather than the other way around). This is not to say however that moralism is libertarian, it does not seek the overthrow of the state or its reduction, but rather it proposes that governance is done at the appropriate social level and is connected to the community it serves so that a potentially tyrannical leviathan that may drown out civil society (as we see in proletarism) is avoided. This position also results in a wariness regarding the state intruding into social services (charity/social welfare) with the corresponding taxes involved (excessive tax harming the family unit when the money taken is there money to begin with). Moralism in many places prefers instead to leave such matters to the Church, the society of Christians, as part of its role in education, healthcare and other areas within its moral and religious authority. Some places however depending on local custom allow state financial assistance (see Brazil) within reasonable limits, working for the common good while seeking to ensure that the family, the base social unit, is properly supported.
On the worker, moralism upholds that as part of the common good, it is wrong for the worker to be unduly exploited. As such moralists support the idea that the worker should be suitably paid in order that he can live reasonably, and that he should be given suitable dignity in the workplace in respect for his humanity. However moralists see society as a holistic whole which should rightly work in harmony, they oppose as such worker activism along prole lines, and seek conciliation between the interests of the bourgeoisie and the working class, with suitable reference to their common solidarity as human beings with the same spiritual end. Ergo the factory owner and his workers should collaboratively conduct themselves as part of a community, with the factory owner being morally responsible for the good of his workers, and the workers being dutybound to conduct their work. An eye to the common good of society as a whole and the greater glory of God should be maintained in the workplace. This results in a corporatist economic paradigm, where negotiations between worker, business, religious and state interests direct economic policy in accordance with the natural interests and social functions of the component parts of the community (of which all these groups are apart), which collectively has a common interest in its collective good.
This eye to the common good of society and the greater glory of God, applies also in politics, economics, business and in the family as an individual and institutional imperative of moral conduct. Moralism, as per the name, sees the moral dimension as being important as compared to mere self interest. It upholds the commonsense idea that greed and other sins in public life have consequences down the road and are counter-productive to the common good. Corruption in politics harms the tranquillity and good-management of the state, and immorality in economics and business results in economic damage that harms the lives of many. Moralists therefore, for example, call for moral economics rather than a system purely based on self-interest and greed and particularly exhort politicians to conduct themselves morally, and seek personal holiness before the Lord.
Supporting this foundational position, moralism rests its teachings on Catholic doctrine seeing co-operation between the Church and the state as being essential to the good of society. Moralism, being a Catholic movement to begin with naturally sees the Church as the vehicle of salvation, with the Church's moral teachings (in social matters in particular) being strenuously upheld including its opposition to proletarism, liberalism and other errors. This moralists see as necessary as part of a states duty to promote the good and the best interests of their citizens, including doing everything possible to assist in their salvation. In addition to matters of morality, moralism upholds the Catholic conception of natural and divine law, as such to the moralist any legislation or law, be it in existence or to be legislated can only be truly valid and legitimate if it is in accordance with this higher law, and an implementation of the divine order in the earthly human realm. Moralism, unlike any other ideology, upholds the centrality of God as the fundamental authority and sovereign force in world affairs, rather than in any secularist relativistic conception which sees the good as dependant on the opinions of men. Or an amoral conservative/realist conception which bases policy solely on rational self-interest
Noting likewise the dangers of liberalism and proletarism, (the latter of which it particularly opposes) moralism generally upholds the principles of traditionalism and organicism. The first, traditionalism, sees moralists reject the idea of linear progress, noting the naivete of the idea and the fact that what is 'progressive is not necessarily good. Moralists therefore refer to traditional values, and to the past when making decisions, seeking to observe the lessons of history, considering them, before making decisions in the present for the future. This flows into the idea of organicism, which is that change should be a product of a societies natural development, with due respect for its culture and the moral law. Radical change imposed upon society is condemned, as is the idea of overturning traditional institutions of state. To use an analogy, moralists when they see the house of the state with broken windows and a leaky roof, prefer to fix the window and repair the roof rather than burn the house down, looking to build a new one only to find nothing in its place. The principles of traditionalism and organicism together naturally result in the consequence that moralism does not uphold ideologically the idea of an "ideal government type", it accepts many types of political administrative arrangements as valid so long as they uphold the fundamental purpose of the state to serve the common good of its citizens in this life temporally and spiritually with an eye to their salvation.
As to lower down organisational principles. In accordance with Catholic social teaching moralism upholds the importance of community and subsidiarity in local management. Ergo the family should be free to manage its own domestic affairs, the local community should manage its own affairs that it is able to effectively do, and so on up the chain to city, to province, to state with each respecting the rightful role of other levels of society, as part of a fundamental commitment to the primacy of society within the state (rather than the other way around). This is not to say however that moralism is libertarian, it does not seek the overthrow of the state or its reduction, but rather it proposes that governance is done at the appropriate social level and is connected to the community it serves so that a potentially tyrannical leviathan that may drown out civil society (as we see in proletarism) is avoided. This position also results in a wariness regarding the state intruding into social services (charity/social welfare) with the corresponding taxes involved (excessive tax harming the family unit when the money taken is there money to begin with). Moralism in many places prefers instead to leave such matters to the Church, the society of Christians, as part of its role in education, healthcare and other areas within its moral and religious authority. Some places however depending on local custom allow state financial assistance (see Brazil) within reasonable limits, working for the common good while seeking to ensure that the family, the base social unit, is properly supported.
On the worker, moralism upholds that as part of the common good, it is wrong for the worker to be unduly exploited. As such moralists support the idea that the worker should be suitably paid in order that he can live reasonably, and that he should be given suitable dignity in the workplace in respect for his humanity. However moralists see society as a holistic whole which should rightly work in harmony, they oppose as such worker activism along prole lines, and seek conciliation between the interests of the bourgeoisie and the working class, with suitable reference to their common solidarity as human beings with the same spiritual end. Ergo the factory owner and his workers should collaboratively conduct themselves as part of a community, with the factory owner being morally responsible for the good of his workers, and the workers being dutybound to conduct their work. An eye to the common good of society as a whole and the greater glory of God should be maintained in the workplace. This results in a corporatist economic paradigm, where negotiations between worker, business, religious and state interests direct economic policy in accordance with the natural interests and social functions of the component parts of the community (of which all these groups are apart), which collectively has a common interest in its collective good.
This eye to the common good of society and the greater glory of God, applies also in politics, economics, business and in the family as an individual and institutional imperative of moral conduct. Moralism, as per the name, sees the moral dimension as being important as compared to mere self interest. It upholds the commonsense idea that greed and other sins in public life have consequences down the road and are counter-productive to the common good. Corruption in politics harms the tranquillity and good-management of the state, and immorality in economics and business results in economic damage that harms the lives of many. Moralists therefore, for example, call for moral economics rather than a system purely based on self-interest and greed and particularly exhort politicians to conduct themselves morally, and seek personal holiness before the Lord.
Luckymoose
The World is Mine
A few things you said are not precisely in line with Brazilian Moralism, but the Papal variety is far more conservative and anti-liberal than Brazil (a state with a long and proud tradition of liberalism and social services--also, Spain and Uruguay have similar histories). Education, pensions for the elderly or ill, and subsidies for sciences are all part of Brazilian Moralism as state funding being re-purposed to help the common man for the common good. Tax raises were unnecessary because Brazil does not overspend the income provided by the taxpayer. It is a balance to provide the framework for the most moral society possible.
I'm not sure if you meant progressive changes to include science. But, if you did, Brazil is a home of international education for not only Brazilians, but also foreigners. Education and the moral use of intelligence as given by God is one of the founding principles of Brazilian Moralism. Progress through science is a means to make life superior on Earth, so the individual has more time to work towards salvation.
I'm not sure if you meant progressive changes to include science. But, if you did, Brazil is a home of international education for not only Brazilians, but also foreigners. Education and the moral use of intelligence as given by God is one of the founding principles of Brazilian Moralism. Progress through science is a means to make life superior on Earth, so the individual has more time to work towards salvation.
Jehoshua
Catholic
- Joined
- Sep 25, 2009
- Messages
- 7,284
ooc: No I did not mean scientific development. I was referring the idea of progress in relation to political and social systems, ergo social progress as it exists in liberal, socialist and modernist teleology. On science, The Church naturally sees intelligence as God-given, and wholeheartedly supports the use of an individuals intellectual faculties when it is purposed for the good of society and humanity in general in accordance with the moral law, this naturally applies to science. Moralism as you say, is presumably like most other ideologies in supporting technological and scientific development.
As to your first paragraph, I don't think what I said was contrary to moralism as it exists in Brazil (I would actually say there is no Brazilian vs Papal moralism, merely differing implementations of moralist ideology in various contexts). Indeed if you refer to what I said about organicism, its political history would naturally result in a somewhat different policy vis a vis welfare and other things than say Uruguay, or Colombia. Likewise If you note my brief statements on state welfare involvement, I said that moralists are wary of it due to the risk of excessive taxation to support it harming the family (taking mothers the home, making child-rearing difficult), not that moralism is dogmatically against it. This doesn't seem to contradict what you say, since Brazil can be said refrain from excessive spending, seeking to ensure an appropriate balance with regards state involvement in welfare, precisely due to this wariness of the dangers of too much state involvement in such things of which I speak.
As to your first paragraph, I don't think what I said was contrary to moralism as it exists in Brazil (I would actually say there is no Brazilian vs Papal moralism, merely differing implementations of moralist ideology in various contexts). Indeed if you refer to what I said about organicism, its political history would naturally result in a somewhat different policy vis a vis welfare and other things than say Uruguay, or Colombia. Likewise If you note my brief statements on state welfare involvement, I said that moralists are wary of it due to the risk of excessive taxation to support it harming the family (taking mothers the home, making child-rearing difficult), not that moralism is dogmatically against it. This doesn't seem to contradict what you say, since Brazil can be said refrain from excessive spending, seeking to ensure an appropriate balance with regards state involvement in welfare, precisely due to this wariness of the dangers of too much state involvement in such things of which I speak.
christos200
Never tell me the odds
In Burgundy the Emperor is a figurehead and the country is led by the Great Leader Alexander Hollande. Burgundy is one of the few countries that can claim to be 100% Fascist. Burgundy is the Nazi power of the Capto.
Added some quotation marks to make this statement more accurate. Also going to point out, no such thing as fascism in this timeline. At all. Anywhere. Not even written out as a manifesto. There's radical nationalism, typically a partner of liberalism, but not fascism.
Luckymoose
The World is Mine
Since it is a big deal to post pics of leaders these days. I think I'll just use this to represent First Minister Víctor Simões.
"God wills it!"
"God wills it!"
Lokki242
Emperor
High Shahansha Abdul al-Din with his son, Nazir al-Din behind.
JohannaK
Heroically Clueless
But... that's the late Shah Reza Pahlevi, isn't it? D:
Lokki242
Emperor
Technically, it's Reza Shah and his son, Reza Pahlavi. I thought it made sense, since I've been using Reza Shah as Abdul. I can change it if people would prefer, however.
Terrance888
Discord Reigns
I was struck by how non middle-eastern they looked. :3
