December World - game thread

Yes, you very much may. Please keep in mind that NPC Egypt has agreed to support the Ottoman ultimatum posted above your message, so I expect you to play along with it. Otherwise, you're free to act as you wish, and welcome to the game!
 
Through the Scientific Magic of Statistical Analysis and the Incalculable Powers of the Mind the Brilliant Scientist of the Pacific Directory has ascertained the Identities of the various Clandestine and Illegal Activities happening Around the World. Interested Parties should send representatives to their nearest Post Office or Telegraph Station to Learn More.

Director Vitus of Cultural Affairs
 
The map is here. I also have added it to the table of contents and the first post of the update.
Spoiler :
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Speaking of inconvenient boners, all of you must have now received research options for this turn. Enjoy.
 
Plum Blossom Treaty

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The Tokugawa Savant-Shogunate and the Taiping Mandate hereby agree to the following terms:

1) The Taiping Mandate cedes to the Tokugawa Savant-Shogunate former Qing coastal territories north of Korea (OTL Russian lands within the Korean-Manchuria region).

2) The Tokugawa Savant-Shogunate provides to the Taiping Mandate the former Qing notables now residing within its territories.

3) The Tokugawa Savant-Shogunate provides to the Taiping Mandate (100IC) of computation power from the Great Edo Difference Engine

4) The Taiping Mandate and Tokugawa Savant-Shogunate formally recognize one-another’s territorial sovereignties (including territories won through conquest of Qing)

5) The Taiping Mandate and Tokugawa Savant-Shogunate agree to a formal non-aggression pact.


Signed
Jitsugyōka-Bugyō Ōta Ieyasu, director of Japanese Foreign Affairs
 
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(Yes, yang guizi this is our "signature")
 
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No need for alarm, we were simply passing through. We will be leaving Arabia this year.
 
Racing for pips under Manju rules
Story is set in the 'Catholic Resistance' quest chain.

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Perspective is more than distance; it is mental also. At this level, the Masayoshi Baindo is flanked to the port by deceptively soft appearing stratocumulus clouds and to starboard by the towering jungle-clad caldera of Pinatubo volcano. The air is cleaner up here, cooler, the cloying heat and humidity of the valleys cut with the speed of the wind and, lightly, coal-smoke of the engines.

The Tokugawa samurai-marines and Pinay rebels, gunshot, cut, bleeding, black and brown with mud from boots to top, uniforms heavy with sweat… dying- are far below- physically and psychologically. To Ima Naoaki they appear as thin snaking lines of ant-sized specks caught in a struggle somehow more distant than just altitude would suggest.

Through his spy-glass, Ima Naoaki has an excellent view. Masayoshi Baindo’s helm- giant steering wheel of polished brass and teak, speaking tubes labeled ‘engines’, ‘starboard control’, ‘port control’, giant brass levels, burgundy velvet seat, is built into the bow of the crew gondola. Beyond a railing of brass and teak… a thousand-foot drop.

The ship is a unique creation, a work of ingenuity and of love. Caressing the polished railing with a weathered hand, Ima Naoaki corrects his line of thought- love, yes for the ship, but also love between its creator and its captain (and sponsor). It was designed and built by Kazuyo Sejima, genius inventor and man who would have shaken the savants to the core, a man who loved all machines from airships to fair-ground carousels. Kazuyo- who Ima had loved, who Ima does love, and who Ōta Ieyasu slew without a second thought. There is grief in the gloved hand that strokes the railing, but only for a second- because right at this moment the Masayoshi Baindo is racing for pips under Manju rules.

Yes- unique, the first of its kind, built entirely around concepts of ‘line-streaming’ and ‘dynamic movement of the air’. Built for minimal crew- only four- it is much smaller than most airships. The envelope is rubberized cotton, shaped in a horizontal “V”, with thin bow and stern edges. Kuzuyo had based his design on the way that geese flew in the sky, or like the blade of a sword. The gondola was not so much a nest as a ship’s keel, narrow, deep, and tapered at front and rear. It also made use of modern chemistry, a material called ‘helium’ within an internal bladder and hot air from the steam-engine for lift in the external bladder. The engine drove five giant propellers mounted on the wing-like balloon. The control stations to port and starboard deploy sails like the pectoral fins of a lionfish. Relative the wind, it could reach speeds of 45-50 knots. With the wind at its back, and sails extended, relative to the ground, it could reach four times those speeds. Today, far from the University's airfields, the Masayoshi Baindo is racing for pips under Manju rules; the port and starboard control stations each house repeating cannons and shining brass bombs.

Ima Naoaki scans the horizon with the spyglass Kuzuyo made for him- there it is- ahead, the rebel’s forward command post. Ima Naoaki calls into the brass speaking tubes and soon the right ‘wing’ is dipping five degrees and the air yacht is shedding altitude. Another call to the lateral control points and a series of blue and red flags are dancing along the pectoral sails. Ima confirms the ground forces have spotted his message- they have raised their own flags confirming his findings.

Soon the
Masayoshi Baindo is diving at the rebel’s forward command nest, and though still four-hundred feet above the jungle tops, the brass barrels of its repeating cannons are spinning gently, the cannons raking the Pinay rebels ruthlessly. Pulling up and away, its engines at nearly full-throttle, it races away from the rebels and their rifles, dropping incendiary bombs as it does.

***

Months later Ima Naoaki sews the envelope and after repairs, polishes the teak hull himself. It is only then that he realizes how close he came to death- a Pinay bullet is found lodged in the railing of the helm. Later, alone, Ima weeps and wonders if maybe he would have been better if it had flown just inches above or below – and he could be with Kuzuyo again.
 
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Politics in the Northern Union

Fall of the Republican Party

The social consequences of the civil war (1876-1881) and the capture of the political process by organized labor shifted the entire political spectrum of the Northern Union radically leftward in the years following the peace of 1881. For the duration of the war years the Republican Party maintained supremacy of politics at all levels of government, uniting northerners with the dual fight against British tyranny and Southern slavery. When the war ended, the Grand Old Party was free of southern slave power holding back their progressive ideals - the Republicans convened the Second Philadelphia Convention that year to write a new constitution. Away went federalism, the Senate, statehood along with states’ rights. The new constitution also expanded a broad range of progressive rights and freedoms in pursuit of a more perfect union - the Union of North-America.

The Republican Party itself would soon be consumed by the tides of socialistic and progressive politics sweeping the reborn nation. While the war had held together a diverse coalition of interest groups and political factions, the forthcoming peacetime brought out deep factionalism in the monolithic party. Between rural farmers, the competing wings of organized labor, the co-operative movement, big business, traditional abolitionists, technocratic progressives, and the communards, the Republican tent was hopelessly divided. The party finally collapsed before the elections of 1884, as a deluge of major figures abandoned the GOP and pulled their backers with them.

Today the political landscape is the battlefield of two leftist political factions - on the “left” the socialists, and on the “right” the progressives.

The Progressives

Over a dozen Republican successor parties contended for the election of 1884, but only one triumphed at the polls - the Progressive Labor Party (the PLP, known at the time as the Progressive Workingmen’s Party). The PLP, which represents the “right” of North-American politics, drew its founders from the most liberal-minded of Republican splitters and won the 1884 elections primarily because of support from Samuel Gompers and his North-American Federation of Labor (NAFL). The NAFL is the largest labor organization in the country, dwarfing the more radical Knights of Labor (KoL). The NAFL represents the moderate wing of the labor movement, pushing to negotiate a fair deal between workers and capitalists rather than engage in class conflict. The NAFL’s endorsement sealed victory for the PLP, as the moderate unions provided crucial funding, legitimacy, and groundwork during the campaign.

Since then the PLP has grown into a force of its own. The party retained the Presidency and their majority in the House of Representatives in both the elections of 1888 and 1892. Nowadays the party is supported by a variety of groups: they are popular in cities where middle class progressives and the moderate unions makeup their core backers. Big business has also quietly prefer the progressives and willing to tolerate the party’s progressive technocratic policies.

Although the PLP is the “right-wing” party in the North-American two-party system, they are quite progressive by international standards - they led a major expansion of government programs, from labor boards to pensions to other worker protections. The PLP belays the jingoist post-war fervour of the public to their benefit and believes in a hawkish foreign policy known as “Continentalism” - the idea that the entire North-American continent is the rightful backyard of the Northern Union.

Whether the PLP continues to reign in the upcoming 1896 elections will depend much on the strength of their adversary, the left-wingers of the North-American two-party system.

The Socialists

It was not obvious in the 1884 election that the other major party that would dominate the Northern Union’s politics would be the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (the CCF). The CCF did not have as large a share of that year’s votes as other Republican successor parties, and their institutional leverage was weak - their support at first came from churches and farmers, while their intellectual leaders were utopian socialists with connections among writers and universities. What catalyzed the CCF into the main opposition to progressive rule were two congruent trends in the post-war Union: firstly, the political maturity of cooperatives, farmers, and the KoL, and secondly the intellectual power of the party’s foundational goal - that America should become a “Co-operative Commonwealth” (the meaning of which is open to interpretation).

Firstly, several interest groups favourable to the CCF grew in size over the years following the war. Agricultural production boomed and farmers began coalescing into a distinct bloc of agrarian socialists. The most prominent organization representing them, the National Grange of the Order of the Patrons of Husbandry (“the Grange”), exploded as both the farmer population increased after the war and the communard spirit was brought to the midwest, where numerous farming communes were founded along socialist principles. Miming the Grangers, co-operatives increased in number and sophistication, reigniting the Order of the Sovereigns of Industry and creating a reservoir of profitable enterprises supportive of Christian charity, brotherhood, and co-operation. It was the endorsement of the militant wing of the labor movement, represented by the KoL, that finally ended vote-splitting among the parties left of the PLP - the KoL formally endorsed the CCF in 1889, bringing in workers and talented radicals to the party’s support base.

The second trend that pushed the CCF to prominence was the charisma of its early political icons (including Manhattan writers and cultural figures) and the immense power of its central idea - the creation of a more brotherly, socialistic society, a Co-operative Commonwealth. The most common interpretation of the term is that held by its inventor, Laurence Gronlund, who believes in a society of autonomous ochlocratic entities - trade confederations, co-operative enterprises, communes, etc. - where free federations of people collectively run society. The more radical voices (among them many immigrant communities who had experienced European revolutionary politics) argue for the Edward Bellamy vision of “nationalism,” by which is meant the nationalization of industry. The “nationalists” believe that the economy should be run as a single, giant co-operative enterprise.

This tension between a centralized versus decentralized commonwealth remains unresolved to date, though being the party of opposition has mollify the debates for now.

1896 and Beyond

Although the PLP has won the national elections in 1884, 1888, and 1892, the CCF boasts a strong base in the midwest and has consolidated the nation’s political groups to the left of the PLP, making their greatest gains to date last year. Moreover the regional and municipal governments are littered with elected CCF leaders, including the Manhattan Commune which has swung to the CCF in recent years. What will happen in 1896 will depend upon the success of the PLP in their third term of progressive administration, who the CCF chooses to run for the next presidential ticket, and the winds of world politics.
 
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Crisis update
Congress of Brno, February 2-15, 1893
Spoiler :
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Driven by the Russian effort to deescalate the crisis growing in the heart of Europe, nations of Central and Eastern Europe have gathered for a diplomatic summit in the city of Brno, the capital of neutral Moravia. So far, the list of invited nations includes Directorial Russia, North German Federation, Austria-Bavaria, Hungary, Sublime Porte, British Royal Commonwealth, and Sardinia-Piedmont out of which only representatives of Directorial Russia, North German Federation, and Austria-Bavaria have arrived so far. Non-invited nations are allowed to express their positions via non-Congress-related channels.

Besides them, the Congress is attended by delegations of Poland, Illyria, Romanian Domnate, Ukrainian Hetmanate, Switzerland, and the Netherlands.

The main topics of the summit include:

  • potential de-escalation of tensions between Austria-Bavaria and Hungary;
  • containment of the Communard aggression.
Statement from Austria-Bavaria:
Should any de-escalation agreement be made in regards to the Hungarian ultimatum, Austria-Bavaria will accept it only in case it suffers no territorial, diplomatic, economic, or military losses. Hungarian threats are unprovoked and opportunistic, and the Confederacy of Austria, Bavaria, and the Rheinland Duchies would rather face war than fold to this blatant blackmail. As for the French aggression, Austria-Bavaria is confident it can handle the invasion on its own, but it would be receptive of and grateful for any international assistance against the Red Plague.

Statement from Illyria:
As a Catholic nation with close ties to the Archduchy of Austria, we will stand by our allies and protectors should all peaceful resolutions fail.


Statement from Romania Domnate:
The Hospodar is not pleased with the prospect of war, but it would support Hungary, its long-time ally and protector, in case of war.

Statement from Poland:
Hectic reversals and blatant opportunism of Hungarian diplomats have changed our geopolitical stance and made us most threatened by their irresponsible actions. We express our dismay at the Hungarian monarchy's actions and would like to be considered as voluntary members of a peacemaking coalition, should any concerted anti-Hungarian military action be deemed necessary.


Statement from Ukrainian Hetmanate:
We would like to stay neutral in the conflict, regardless of its development. We will provide no military access to foreign armies through our territory, unless some significant geopolitical event or a meaningful diplomatic promise force us to reconsider this position.

Statement from Switzerland:
We would like to stay away from this conflict by all means. However, we feel threatened by the Communard expansion.

Statement from the Netherlands:
The Red Plagues is at the gates. We are not eager to join the fight, but we urge all major nations to acknowledge the danger of unchecked spread of Communard tyranny. Should an anti-Communard coalition be built, we would be happy to join it.
 
Russia is unequivocally opposed to the Hungarian invasion of Austria. It is unjustified and blatantly opportunistic.

We guarantee the independence of Ukraine and will respect its neutrality without conditions.

We also guarantee the independence of Illyria without conditions.

We call upon the Sublime Porte to end its defensive alliance with Hungary. In return we are prepared to offer a pact of non-aggression and friendship and enter negotiations into mitigating any other threats that it feels justify the maintenance of that alliance.
 
The French State is appalled at the invitation of Hungary, an opportunistic and unjustified aggressor to the Congress, yet we were not invited to discuss a possible de-escalation and talks over our reasonable demands for the return of French Speaking territories that they themselves were opportunistically stolen during the Second French Revolution.

We call upon our Ochlocractic friends and allies to condemn this summit for simply ignoring a major state and refusing to work with us simply because of our ideology.
 
North German Federation's positions in the Congress are as follows:

1. It unequivocally denounces Hungarian aggresssion against Austro Bavarian Confederacy, as their 'claims' lack even the justifications of territorial dispute the French Communards possess against the Princedoms.

2. The NGF further guarantees the independence of Illyria and Moravia without any conditions for the next 5 years.

3. NGF supports Austrian position that any deescalation of conflict from the Hungarian ultimatum will require no concessions from Austro Bavaria.


To Sweden and Denmark-Norway
From the North German Federation

With central European politics being what it is, would like to offer an official non aggression pact to both your nations.
 
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We absolutely condemn this congress and fully support our brothers in Europe. Long live the Revolution!
 
Europe is once more subject to another round of games and puppets like its powers like to inflict on each other and on the rest of the world.

One day they will renounce the error in their ways.
 
From Denmark-Norway
To North German Federation

We agree to a non-aggression pact.

From Sweden
To North German Federation

We do not oppose a non-aggression pact, but don't consider it necessary. We share no land borders and possess no military power capable of threatening the Federation.
 
The Dahomey Julep
(or simply The Dahomey)
This drink was enjoyed by rich Confederate Landowners as well as well to do Bantu Natives, many of whom sought to emulate their white overlords. Since Gabon-Confederate society was much more fluid and open, where wealth had as much to do with social access and mobility as skin color did, and a rich enough Native African would find himself rubbing shoulders with Confederate elite, the Ingredients for this drink are a synthesis of Confederate and Bantu tastes. The Dahomey Julep, so named simply because it was consumed in Africa, and nothing to do with the distant Dahomey tribe itself, was often consumed with breakfast. It is said that some would refuse to conduct business before having consumed two or three of these drinks.

4 Shoots of mint, leaves on
2 Tablespoons of Palm Wine
Fine Bourbon Whiskey
(Optional: 1 tablespoon Peach Brandy)
(Optional: 1 tablespoon Crushed Pineapple)

In a tall glass, put the shoots and leaves of the mint. Pour in the Palm wine, and gently muddle until aromatic. If using pineapple, add here. Fill the glass with crushed ice, and cover with the Bourbon. If using the Peach Brandy, add here.
Stir slightly, cooling the whiskey and meddling the flavors, and garnish with a mint leaf.

 
The Red Crown
The growth of the Porto-Brazilian empire allowed its denizens access to quite a few new different styles of drinks, and one of the most popular became "The Red Crown", called that due to the love of the drink by princesses and its reddish hue. It is quite sweet, and it is noted that ingredients for the drink come from all over the empire. Due to the nature of the drink, it will taste a bit different each time it's made, but its ability to be experimented with has made it quite popular with the creative types.

1 Bottle of Wine, White preferred
1 Cup of Rum
1 Cup of Pineapple Juice
1 Cup of Pineapple Chunks
1/2 Orange cut in thin slices (save the other half)
6-8 Strawberries sliced in half

Allow the mixture to cool in your cellar for a few hours before serving. Some enjoy using different fruits, but as long as you bring some of this delicious drink, you'll be the toast of the party, whether you're in a manse or in a favela.
 
Confederate Bourbon
Trade with Dixie has brought more than just minerals, coal, and cotton to Japan, it has also brought bourbon. Oh so delicious bourbon!

1 part imported Confedrate bourbon
ice

In a heavy glass, pour bourbon over 2-3 ice cubes.

Kanpai!
 
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