Global warming strikes again...

Forget emissions, just cool the planet.

Can We 'Cool The Planet' Through Geoengineering?
For years, environmental and energy researchers have been working on solutions to stop or slow down the effects of global warming. One approach that has recently gained popularity is what scientists call geoengineering -- the idea that Earth can essentially be retrofitted with technology to reduce global warming. The field includes proposals to cool the Earth by capturing carbon dioxide emissions, changing the reflectivity of the sun or even redirecting sunlight away from the Earth.

The idea that geoengineering can combat global warming is a controversial one, fraught with scientific uncertainties and ethical issues. In his new book, How to Cool the Planet, Jeff Goodell explains that there are certainly some good reasons to be reluctant to tinker with the Earth's climate -- but there are also some very good reasons to take the idea seriously. "So far, we've shown absolutely no political will to actually cut carbon dioxide emissions," Goodell says. "You know, we've been talking about global warming in a serious way for some 30 years, and by the only measure that matters -- which is the amount of carbon dioxide that's going into the atmosphere -- we're not doing anything. We have a lot of talk about clean energy, about green energy, people trying to do their part and change their lives in small ways, but in fact, we're really not doing anything."

Because of increasing evidence of planetary warming, scientists who previously thought the field was full of what Goodell calls "crackpot ideas" are exploring geoengineering as a serious endeavor. One idea that is being explored by engineers is whether it would be feasible to launch sulfur particles high into the stratosphere in order to lower the Earth's temperature and control the polar melting in the Arctic.

"The impacts of this [on both the atmosphere and the Arctic] are being explored by a number of climate modelers," Goodell says. "One of the concerns right now is that we know that the warming on the planet is happening most quickly in the Arctic and at the poles, so there's a question of, well, if we saw that the Arctic was starting to melt even more quickly than it was now, what could we do to stop it? Is there a way that we could stop the melt of the Arctic?"

Goodell's most recent book,
Big Coal: The Dirty Secret Behind America's Energy Future, considers the perils of coal dependency in America. Goodell says that researching his book taught him that the world was not going to be cutting carbon emissions any time soon.
Though a high-altitude, sulfur-spraying hose anchored in the stratosphere to a high-altitude balloon sounds implausible, it's doable from a physics perspective, Goodell says.

"The amount of particles you'd have to put up into the stratosphere is quite small," he explains. "But there are, of course, many issues about holding this thing aloft and actually working out the technical bits of it. There are even people at the National Academy of Sciences [who], when they looked into this, even talked about put[ting] this stuff up with artillery. Using artillery shells to shoot this stuff into the stratosphere -- that's sort of a low-tech way of doing it, but it is possible."


Goodell notes that geoengineering raises all sorts of geopolitical questions: Who controls the Earth's thermostat? Would countries act unilaterally or collectively? And what kind of climate do we actually want to live in?

"It's often compared with nuclear arms: One nation could undertake this, one billionaire could fund this and do this, and so how do you restrain that person?," he says. "If India or China or the United States decides that it's in their political interest to try to do something like this, how do you restrain them? What does it mean to stop them? Is it seen as an act of aggression? If it starts to shift the rainfall patterns in other parts of the world -- if we put rainfall particles into the stratosphere and it causes a drought in China -- what are the consequences of that?"

Jeff Goodell is a contributing editor for Rolling Stone and a frequent contributor to The New York Times Magazine. He also is the author of Big Coal, a book about the coal industry.

Excerpt: 'How to Cool the Planet'
JEFF GOODELL

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HOW TO COOL THE PLANET: GEOENGINEERING AND THE AUDACIOUS QUEST TO FIX EARTH'S CLIMATE
BY JEFF GOODELL
HARDCOVER, 272 PAGES
HOUGHTON MIFFLIN HARCOURT
LIST PRICE: $26
Chapter 1


The Prophet

I grew up in California, where human ingenuity is a force of nature. Computers, the Internet, Hollywood, blue jeans, the Beach Boys -- they are all inventions of my home state. The economic and cultural power of these things is obvious. What's less obvious is how they transformed the place that gave birth to them. Until the early 1970s, my hometown of Silicon Valley was mostly orchards and Victorian ranch houses, with rows of cherry and apricot trees that marked the coming of spring with delicate white and pink blossoms. During the PC revolution, I watched those orchards fall to make room for glassy high-tech office buildings. The hillside where I saw the footprint of a mountain lion in the 1970s is now cluttered with houses. Silicon Valley is still a beautiful place, but the blossoms are mostly gone, the sky is hazy, and the beaches are crowded. This is happening everywhere, of course -- it's the story of modern life. And there are many upsides to this transformation, including the fact that the ideas and technologies born in California have been a great boon to humanity. But you have to be pretty obtuse to grow up in a place like Silicon Valley and not be aware that progress sometimes comes at a price.

I left the Valley in my midtwenties and moved to New York City to begin a career as a journalist. My connection to the Valley served me well. I spent the next decade or so writing about the business and culture of my hometown for publications such as Rolling Stone and the New York Times Magazine. But my perspective changed after I became the father of three kids. The future of digital culture was suddenly much less interesting to me than the survival of the human race. I spent a lot of time with climate scientists while I was reporting my previous book, which was about the coal industry. It was a sobering experience. I think of myself as an optimistic person, but the deeper you probe into the climate crisis, the darker the story gets. It's hard not to read it as a parable about the dangers of living in a high-tech society. (No matter how hard they tried, a world of hunter-gatherers could not cook the planet.) And it's harder still not to wonder whether the smartest, most technologically sophisticated creatures that ever existed on earth will figure out a solution for this looming catastrophe. My friends in Silicon Valley are sure we can. They believe we are one big idea -- Thin film solar! Cellulosic ethanol! High-altitude wind power! -- away from solving this crisis. I used to think that, too.

In early 2006, a friend emailed me an essay by Paul Crutzen that was about to be published in an academic journal. Crutzen is a Dutch atmospheric chemist who won the Nobel Prize for his pioneering research on the ozone hole in the atmosphere. In his note, my friend -- a successful entrepreneur in the solar power industry -- wrote: "Read this. We are in deep trouble. We're going to geoengineer the damn planet now!"

I may have heard the word "geoengineer" once or twice before, but I knew next to nothing about it, other than the fact that it generally referred to people with outlandish ideas about how to counteract global warming. I had a vague memory of reading an article about a handful of scientists -- I imagined them toiling in a lab buried deep in a mountain somewhere in New Mexico -- who wanted to launch mirrors into space or dump iron into the ocean in a desperate attempt to cool the earth. The title of Crutzen's essay certainly amused me: "Albedo Enhancement by Stratospheric Sulfur Injections: A Contribution to Resolve a Policy Dilemma?" The phrase "albedo enhancement" sounded like a procedure a surgeon might perform on a lonely middle-aged man.

When I started to read, however, I was captivated. The basic facts were familiar: carbon dioxide (CO2) levels in the earth's atmosphere are rising to concentrations not seen in twenty million years, with no end in sight. Meanwhile, the earth's climate is warming even faster than scientists had predicted just a few years ago. What was new in Crutzen's paper -- new to me, anyway -- was the view that some of this accelerated warming was driven not only by high levels of CO2 but also by the progress we have made in the fight against smog and other traditional pollutants. The tiny particles that cause some kinds of air pollution act like mirrors in the sky, reflecting sunlight away from the earth, which cools the planet.

As we eliminate pollution, the particles vanish, letting us all breathe easier -- but also letting more sunlight in, which heats up the earth ever faster. As Crutzen pointed out, by trying to save kids from asthma, we were inadvertently making the climate crisis worse.

What to do? Clean air is obviously a good thing: air pollution kills people. The simplest solution would be to cut greenhouse gas emissions. If anyone should have been confident that we could take bold action to address this problem, it should have been Crutzen.

After all, he was in part responsible for the fact that the leading nations of the world had come together in the late 1980s to confront another global threat, the ozone hole. In that case, once the risk of ozone damage was clear, action was swift: an international treaty, the Montreal Protocol, was negotiated and signed in 1987, banning ozone-depleting substances. It was an inspiring example of political leaders from around the world coming together to confront a grave threat in a rational and decisive way. But when it came to dealing with greenhouse gases, Crutzen was not so sanguine that a political solution could be found. He understood that the problem of reducing greenhouse gases is far deeper and more complex than eliminating chlorofluorocarbons from refrigerators and air conditioners, in part because greenhouse gas emissions are, in some ways, a proxy for economic health and prosperity. In fact, Crutzen called the notion that industrialized nations would join together and significantly reduce emissions "a pious wish."

Instead, Crutzen offered a radical proposal: rather than focusing entirely on cutting greenhouse gas emissions, maybe it was time to think about addressing the potentially catastrophic consequences of global warming in a different way. If the problem is too much heat, an obvious solution would be to find a way to reduce that heat. One method to do that would be to increase the earth's reflectivity in ways that would not cause asthma attacks and kill people. As Crutzen knew as well as anyone, about 30 percent of the energy from sunlight that hits the earth is immediately reflected back into space, while the other 70 percent is trapped here by CO2 and other greenhouse gases, warming the planet. If we could reflect just 1 or 2 percent more sunlight away from the earth's surface, it would be like popping up an umbrella on the beach on a hot summer day. Crutzen called it albedo enhancement ("albedo" is just another word for reflectivity). There are lots of ideas about how one might deflect sunlight away from the planet, from launching mirrors into space to painting roofs white. But as Crutzen pointed out in his paper, the simplest way to do it might be to add a relatively small number of sulfate particles -- you can think of them as dust -- to the upper atmosphere. The dust would remain in the stratosphere for only a year or so before raining out -- so any serious geoengineering scheme would require continuous injection. But unlike pollution in the lower atmosphere, which is where the nasty stuff we breathe resides, pumping a modest amount of particles into the upper atmosphere would pose little danger to human health. The effect they might have on the chemistry of the stratosphere, especially the ozone layer that protects the earth from the sun's ultraviolet light, was, Crutzen admitted, unclear. However, his preliminary calculations suggested that the risks were low.

Would it work? On a scientific level, there is nothing complicated about it. Light colors reflect sunlight; dark colors absorb it. That's why asphalt is hot on your bare feet and white clothes are popular in the summer. The same basic idea holds true for the planet.

Anything that reflects sunlight (ice, white roofs, certain kinds of clouds and air pollution) contributes to cooling; anything that absorbs sunlight (open water, evergreen forests in northern latitudes, asphalt parking lots) contributes to heating. In his paper, Crutzen talked specifically about the cooling effect of volcanoes. For years, scientists have known that the sulfate particles that volcanoes spew into the air are remarkably effective at scattering sunlight. If the eruption is large enough, they can have a global impact on temperatures. One of the most recent examples is Mount Pinatubo, a volcano in the Philippines that erupted in 1991, lowering the earth's temperature by a degree or so for several years. A more extreme example of the phenomenon is the so-called nuclear winter — a theory that was much debated in the 1980s, suggesting that a nuclear war could inject enough soot and particles into the atmosphere to block out the sun and send temperatures plummeting.

Crutzen didn't say how we might go about mimicking volcanoes to offset global warming, except to suggest that there are lots of ways to inject particles into the stratosphere, including spraying them out of high-altitude aircraft, pushing them up a long hose tethered to a stratospheric balloon, or even shooting them up into the sky with artillery. As far as engineering challenges go, it wouldn't be too difficult. And even more important, it would be cheap. In Crutzen's estimation, we could engineer the earth's climate for less than 1 percent of the annual global military budget. This all sounded interesting and provocative. It took me a while, however, to grasp just how mind-bending Crutzen's proposal really was. Here was one of the world's top atmospheric scientists suggesting that the climate crisis was so urgent and potentially catastrophic that the only way to save ourselves might be by filling the stratosphere with man-made pollution from artificial volcanoes. Had it really come to this?

In the media world -- at least the part of the media world that takes science seriously — Crutzen's essay raised a ruckus. For one thing, the whole idea of changing the reflectivity of the planet as a way to offset global warming sounded downright wacky, even coming from a serious guy like Crutzen. As for injecting particles into the stratosphere -- wasn't the goal to clear the air, not further pollute it? Geoengineering seemed like an idea ripped out of the pages of a sci-fi novel, conjuring up associations with Dr. Evil and crazy Cold War physicists and the hubris of the techno-elite. Perhaps worst of all, Crutzen's argument implied that the whole strategy of relying on an international agreement to cut greenhouse gas emissions was misguided -- or at least grossly insufficient.

This was not a message the world was ready to hear. An Inconvenient Truth, Al Gore's documentary about global warming, had been released the same summer, waking millions of people up to the compelling scientific evidence behind the climate crisis. Progressive politicians around the world were beginning a major push to reduce emissions, trying, at least in public, to give the appearance that they were eager to fulfill their commitment to the Kyoto Protocol, the international agreement to cut greenhouse gas emissions signed in 1997. In Europe, the first market for greenhouse gas emissions trading was just taking off. Financial analysts predicted that the market would someday become the largest in the world, with hundreds of billions of dollars' worth of emissions credits being swapped every year, creating a powerful incentive for power companies to cut pollution and reap the rewards. In this context, Crutzen was a turncoat, a man who dared to betray the growing movement to fight global warming just at the moment when it was gaining momentum. "This sounds to me like a miracle fix cooked up by Big Oil to keep the masses fat, dumb and happy," one blogger commented. "You keep driving and we'll get some smart scientists to air-condition the planet!"

But Crutzen's logic was not easy to dismiss. If there was one thing I had learned from the four years I'd spent researching and writing about coal, the dirtiest of fossil fuels, it was that the world was not going to stop burning black rocks anytime soon. Coal-fired power plants generate half the electricity in America. In the developing world, the percentage is even higher -- India and China both get about 70 percent of their electricity from coal. The Chinese consume almost three times as much coal as we do in the United States -- nearly three billion tons a year (although per capita, they consume far less).

Coal is the engine that is lifting people in the developing world out of poverty, not only giving them the power to light their homes and cook their food but also transforming them, for better or worse, into Western-style consumers. Unfortunately, coal is also the most carbon-intensive of fossil fuels, generating more than a third of the world's CO2 pollution. Everyone wants to be hopeful about the possibilities of the renewable energy revolution, but the truth is, getting off coal in the near future -- or, equally unlikely, figuring out a cheap and efficient way to burn coal without releasing CO2 into the atmosphere -- is a monumentally difficult challenge. And if we can't get off coal, it doesn't matter if every SUV driver rides a skateboard to work and Al Gore takes over as chairman of ExxonMobil -- we won't have a hope in hell of staving off dangerous climate change.

From How to Cool the Planet by Jeff Goodell. Copyright 2010 by Jeff Goodell. Reprinted by permission of Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company. All rights reserved.


https://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=125789622
 
Carbon credit corruption?

A politician linked to wide-scale deforestation in the 1990s and his Panama Papers-named associate, a Singaporean shell company, and the owner of an agricultural consultancy in Australia are among the figures behind a controversial carbon trading deal worth an estimated $80bn in Borneo.

The Nature Conservation Agreement (NCA) ostensibly protects 2 million hectares (4.9 million acres) of jungle in the Malaysian state of Sabah from logging for the next 100 years.

But the deal, signed in October between Sabah state officials and a Singaporean shell company, was hammered out in absolute secrecy and without credible due diligence, a tender process or public consultation, according to Indigenous leaders, activists and NGOs that spoke to Al Jazeera as part of a months-long investigation.

From the outset, the NCA gives 30 percent of Sabah’s revenue from carbon credit sales – estimated to be $24bn over the life of the contract – to a company in Singapore, Hoch Standard, with no obvious history in carbon trading.

“The way I see it, they are giving a foreign corporation a 30-percent cut for measuring and packaging the carbon stores in their trees into something that can be traded and exchanged and turned into a commodity,” Buck said. “That’s all they are doing.”

“It makes me sick to my stomach,” a whistleblower with firsthand knowledge of the deal told Al Jazeera, speaking on condition of anonymity due to fears of retaliation.

“I got involved in this deal because I knew that if we did it right, Sabah could become the world leader in the monetisation of natural capital and carbon credits. But instead, we created a template other countries can use to pilfer and abuse the system.”

An estimated 25,000 Indigenous people live in forest reserves in Sabah, with an undocumented number living on the fringes of reserves, according to a 2005 report commissioned by the the Food and Agriculture Organization, making up 39 different ethnic groups. Yet Indigenous leaders in the state, where about 60 percent of the population belong to native ethnic groups, say they were kept in the dark about the deal.

The NCA was only made public on November 9, 10 days after it was signed, after US-based environmental news site Mongabay published an expose on it.

Golokin and Kitingan’s relationship dates back to the 1980s when Kitingan was director of the Sabah Foundation, a 1.1-million-hectare (2.7-million-acre) logging concession created in the 1960s with the stated goal of promoting educational and economic opportunities for people in Sabah.

An audit by Pricewaterhouse in 1994 discovered about $1bn missing from the Sabah Foundation’s coffers between 1986 and 1993 – a period that coincides with most of Kitigan’s tenure, according to a claim by former Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamed cited in Why Governments Waste Natural Resources, a book by American economics professor William Ascher.

Kitingan was also charged with sedition but all the charges were dropped in 1994 after he changed political parties and professed loyalty to Prime Minister Mahathir– a strategy Kitinganhas used repeatedly during his career, earning him the nickname “katak”, or frog.

“It’s an open secret that these two figures are responsible for the majority of the deforestation in Sabah,” said Lasimbang, the former senator, referring to Kitingan and Golokin.

“There were a million hectares of trees in the [Sabah Foundation logging] concession, they were supposed to log it sustainably but it is mostly gone or very much degraded. No one knows how much money was made. The money was supposed to be used as an endowment for Sabahans but the net economic benefits were almost zero.”
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I have always regarded the whole concept of carbon credits as very dubious.

Far better to prohibit, ration and/or tax activities that generate carbon dioxide
and then have the governments directly invest in CO2 extraction schemes.
 
I have always regarded the whole concept of carbon credits as very dubious.

Far better to prohibit, ration and/or tax activities that generate carbon dioxide
and then have the governments directly invest in CO2 extraction schemes.
Carbon extraction is one thing, questionable but at least logical. I am not aware of the details of this, but it sounds like "if you pay us loads of money we will not cut down these trees" which seems more like an extortion scheme than environmentally friendly commerce.

I do think the whole world should share the responsibility for protecting the remaining wild areas of the world, especially the rich bits that are rich in part because they got rid of their wild bits of the world, but to tie that to jetting around the world seems pretty illogical.
 
My use of the term Carbon Extraction is very general including but not limited to:

(a) planting trees and other photo-synthetic plants
(b) adding iron to iron deficient ocean waters to increase plankton growth
(c) grinding up basalt to absorb CO2
(d) pumping CO2 down exhausted natural gas and oil wells etc,
(e) various other artificial technical solutions
 
‘Big Oil’ board members face hot seat over climate ‘deception’

Board members at BP, Chevron, ExxonMobil, and Shell will be questioned under oath by a House panel on Tuesday. The aim is to illuminate the industry’s contribution to humanity’s worst existential threat – and how, at the same time, it spread disinformation to cast doubt over the catastrophic impact of burning its products.
From the report AMERICA MISLED How the fossil fuel industry deliberately misled Americans about climate change this is an anotated graphic from an Exxon 1977 internal memo:

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On the other side of the "debate" is American Legislative Exchange Council (Alec). They have a draft law they are hawking to various states. I think it is trying to cancel people who cancel big oil, but I do not get it. Their main target seems to be big finance (black rock is apparently "top of their list"). But no one actually accuses big finance of caring about the environment, right? They just think they are not good investments that may put off potential clients. This is apparently modelled on legislation to punish divestment from Israel.

Jason Isaac, a former Texas state legislator who now heads TPPF’s initiative to defend the oil industry, sent a memo to participants in the Alec meeting in San Diego in which he criticised “woke” banks and other financial institutions he accused of “colluding to deny lending and investment in fossil fuel companies”.

“The following model policy is based on anti-BDS legislation supported by ALEC regarding Israel and was recently passed in Texas to include discrimination against fossil fuels. Voting for this model policy, and encouraging more state legislatures to adopt it, will send a strong message that the states will fight back against woke capitalism,” the memo said, which was obtained by Alex Kotch of the Center for Media and Democracy.

In January, Texas Lieutenant Governor Dan Patrick asked the state comptroller to put BlackRock, which manages an estimated $10tn worth of assets, at the top of its list of blacklisted companies because he said its pledge to work toward decarbonising the energy sector “will destroy the oil and gas industry and destabilize the economy worldwide”.

Patrick accused BlackRock chairman and CEO Larry Fink and his executives of making reassuring statements in private by saying the company “was committed to Texas and Texas’s vast energy footprint” but taking a different position in public by pledging to pressure energy firms to work toward net zero.

“Therefore, BlackRock is boycotting energy companies by basing investment decisions on whether a company pledges to meet BlackRock’s ‘net zero’ goals,” Patrick wrote.
It is just mad that people whos jobs depend on people voting for them can say things like this and expect to keep their jobs. Most people see the big energy companies as part of the problem, right?
 
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It is just mad that people whos jobs depend on people voting for them can say things like this and expect to keep their jobs. Most people see the big energy companies as part of the problem, right?

In a state like Texas oil & gas are a big employer, very important economic sector. I'm not at all sure it's the case that a majority of people in Texas (and this goes for many other US states) believe oil & gas are any kind of problem.
 
In a state like Texas oil & gas are a big employer, very important economic sector. I'm not at all sure it's the case that a majority of people in Texas (and this goes for many other US states) believe oil & gas are any kind of problem.
You know much better than me, but top for my google search was from yale:

Two-thirds (67%) of Texas voters say developing more renewable energy sources should be the most important priority for addressing Texas’s energy needs, significantly more than those who say building more natural gas (12%) or nuclear (7%) power plants should be the top priority. Additionally, seven in 10 (70%) Texas voters support transitioning to 100% renewable energy portfolio standard (RPS) in Texas, including nearly four in 10 (38%) who strongly support such a policy. Majorities of Texas voters believe a 100% RPS in Texas will benefit the state’s environment (76%), bring down electricity costs (64%), improve the economy (62%), and have a positive impact on rural and farming communities (60%).​
 
You know much better than me, but top for my google search was from yale:

Two-thirds (67%) of Texas voters say developing more renewable energy sources should be the most important priority for addressing Texas’s energy needs, significantly more than those who say building more natural gas (12%) or nuclear (7%) power plants should be the top priority. Additionally, seven in 10 (70%) Texas voters support transitioning to 100% renewable energy portfolio standard (RPS) in Texas, including nearly four in 10 (38%) who strongly support such a policy. Majorities of Texas voters believe a 100% RPS in Texas will benefit the state’s environment (76%), bring down electricity costs (64%), improve the economy (62%), and have a positive impact on rural and farming communities (60%).​
Meanwhile the GOP is like
Spoiler :

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You know much better than me, but top for my google search was from yale:

Two-thirds (67%) of Texas voters say developing more renewable energy sources should be the most important priority for addressing Texas’s energy needs, significantly more than those who say building more natural gas (12%) or nuclear (7%) power plants should be the top priority. Additionally, seven in 10 (70%) Texas voters support transitioning to 100% renewable energy portfolio standard (RPS) in Texas, including nearly four in 10 (38%) who strongly support such a policy. Majorities of Texas voters believe a 100% RPS in Texas will benefit the state’s environment (76%), bring down electricity costs (64%), improve the economy (62%), and have a positive impact on rural and farming communities (60%).​

That is interesting - yet they elect a lotta Republicans...
 
US drought worst for at least 1200 years (paywalled, and I only have the abstract which is below in its entirety)

A previous reconstruction back to 800 ce indicated that the 2000–2018 soil moisture deficit in southwestern North America was exceeded during one megadrought in the late-1500s. Here, we show that after exceptional drought severity in 2021, ~19% of which is attributable to anthropogenic climate trends, 2000–2021 was the driest 22-yr period since at least 800. This drought will very likely persist through 2022, matching the duration of the late-1500s megadrought.
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Another report, another warning to go unheeded

This report combines two messages, one of urgency and one of hope: urgency to act, not only to drastically reduce emissions in the near term … but to increase our actions to adapt to the impacts already observed and to come. And there is hope from knowing that we are still in time to take these actions.
Climate change is hitting the planet faster than scientists originally thought

The negative impacts of climate change are mounting much faster than scientists predicted less than a decade ago, according to the latest report from a United Nations climate panel. Many impacts are unavoidable and will hit the world’s most vulnerable populations hardest, it warns — but collective action from governments to both curb greenhouse-gas emissions and prepare communities to live with global warming could yet avert the worst outcomes.
But we have the tools to fix it, we do not need to wait for a high tech magic bullet

One estimate suggests that steps such as increasing use of home insulation, public transport, appliance repair and animal-free protein could reduce emissions by 40–80% in the building, transport, industry and food sectors (F. Creutzig et al. Nature Clim. Change 12, 36–46; 2022). Measures to cut energy use can make citizens healthier and happier, and can ease the burden of the rising cost of energy. But they are neglected.

This dynamic [of hoping tech will save us from giving up what we like] was evident on Transport Day at the COP26 climate-change conference in Glasgow, UK, last year. The official agenda featured technologies such as electric vehicles and new jet fuels. Cycling, walking and public transport were mentioned only when a bottom-up effort by 350 organizations squeezed one line into the official declaration. By then, it was too late to steer the conversation.

It’s no secret that energy industries are powerful political actors, or that governments overwhelmingly measure national progress by economic growth. Less well-known is that this encourages politicians to produce climate strategies that prioritize high economic returns over absolute carbon reductions. There are examples from around the world of industry lobbying to weaken carbon targets, to block the phasing out of coal and even to label fossil-fuel-guzzling natural-gas plants as green investments.​
 
Build back better? G20’s $14-trillion economic stimulus reneges on emissions pledges

Governments are spending unprecedented amounts to escape the recession caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. In 2020 and 2021, the G20 group of the 20 largest economies spent at least US$14 trillion — close to China’s annual gross domestic product. Much of that total, rightly, went to shoring up health-care systems, wages and welfare. But climate action was widely promised, too — including ‘green new deals’ and ‘building back better’.

Our analysis suggests that, so far, those promises have not been met. We created an inventory of fiscal stimulus spending during the COVID-19 pandemic in G20 economies, and classified measures according to their likely impacts on greenhouse-gas emissions.

Overall, we found that only 6% of total stimulus spending (or about $860 billion) has been allocated to areas that will also cut emissions, including electrifying vehicles, making buildings more energy efficient and installing renewables. Worse, almost 3% of stimulus funding has targeted activities that are likely to increase global emissions, such as subsidizing the coal industry. And there’s been little change in strategies as nations have shifted from economic rescue mode during lockdowns to recovery, as shops and other businesses have reopened.

Today’s green investments are proportionately less than those that followed previous recessions. After the global financial crisis in 2007–09, for example, 16% of global stimulus spending was directed at emissions cuts (or about $520 billion of $3.25 trillion in total)1. If a similar share had been committed today, the total would be $2.2 trillion — more than double what has been pledged towards reducing emissions.

Global emissions must peak within four years to avoid catastrophic climate change (see go.nature.com/3h9dqsd). Current rates of green investment are not enough to reach ‘net zero’ emissions by 2050 and limit warming to 1.5 °C — that would require around $7 trillion during 2020–242. As of early this year, governments have spent much more than that in responding to COVID-19, but only one-ninth of what is needed on climate mitigation.
Companies are doing no better

In the run-up to the United Nations climate summit in Glasgow, UK, last year, many of the world’s most powerful businesses joined governments in pledging to reduce their carbon emissions to zero in the coming decades. But an analysis of publicly available corporate documents, such as annual sustainability reports, shows that 25 of those companies — which together are responsible for about 5% of global emissions — are actually making much less of a commitment.

Just 3 of the 25 companies — the Danish shipping giant Maersk, the UK communications firm Vodafone and the German telecommunications company Deutsche Telekom — have clearly committed to deep decarbonization, according to the NewClimate Institute. The science think tank, which has its headquarters in Cologne, Germany, published the analysis in collaboration with the non-profit organization Carbon Market Watch, based in Brussels. Thirteen of the 25 provide detailed plans that would, on average, curb emissions by just 40%, rather than 100%, over the next few decades; the other 12 companies have provided no clear details about their commitments.
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Australian court: No, you do not need to think of the children

Court finds in favour of environment minister in appeal against earlier decision that she had a ‘duty of care’ to children when considering fossil fuel projects.

An Australian court has overturned a groundbreaking ruling that required the country’s environment minister to consider the potential harm to children from climate change when approving new fossil fuel projects.

A judge in July 2020 found that the environment minister must “avoid causing personal injury or death” to under 18s due to “emissions of carbon dioxide into the Earth’s atmosphere” when considering such projects, following a case brought to court by a group of secondary school students.

But the environment minister Sussan Ley appealed the decision, and on Tuesday the full Federal Court decided in her favour.

Chief Justice James Allsop said the duty of care should not be imposed because of the “indeterminacy of liability and the lack of proportionality between the tiny increase in risk and lack of control and liability for all damage by heatwaves, bushfires and rising sea levels to all Australians under the age of 18, ongoing into the future.”

Anjali Sharma, 17, [one of those who brought the original case] said the decision had left them “devastated”.

“Two years ago, Australia was on fire; today, it’s underwater. Burning coal makes bushfires and floods more catastrophic and more deadly. Something needs to change,” she said in a statement.​
 
Build back better? G20’s $14-trillion economic stimulus reneges on emissions pledges

Governments are spending unprecedented amounts to escape the recession caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. In 2020 and 2021, the G20 group of the 20 largest economies spent at least US$14 trillion — close to China’s annual gross domestic product. Much of that total, rightly, went to shoring up health-care systems, wages and welfare. But climate action was widely promised, too — including ‘green new deals’ and ‘building back better’.

Our analysis suggests that, so far, those promises have not been met. We created an inventory of fiscal stimulus spending during the COVID-19 pandemic in G20 economies, and classified measures according to their likely impacts on greenhouse-gas emissions.

Overall, we found that only 6% of total stimulus spending (or about $860 billion) has been allocated to areas that will also cut emissions, including electrifying vehicles, making buildings more energy efficient and installing renewables. Worse, almost 3% of stimulus funding has targeted activities that are likely to increase global emissions, such as subsidizing the coal industry. And there’s been little change in strategies as nations have shifted from economic rescue mode during lockdowns to recovery, as shops and other businesses have reopened.

Today’s green investments are proportionately less than those that followed previous recessions. After the global financial crisis in 2007–09, for example, 16% of global stimulus spending was directed at emissions cuts (or about $520 billion of $3.25 trillion in total)1. If a similar share had been committed today, the total would be $2.2 trillion — more than double what has been pledged towards reducing emissions.

Global emissions must peak within four years to avoid catastrophic climate change (see go.nature.com/3h9dqsd). Current rates of green investment are not enough to reach ‘net zero’ emissions by 2050 and limit warming to 1.5 °C — that would require around $7 trillion during 2020–242. As of early this year, governments have spent much more than that in responding to COVID-19, but only one-ninth of what is needed on climate mitigation.
Companies are doing no better

In the run-up to the United Nations climate summit in Glasgow, UK, last year, many of the world’s most powerful businesses joined governments in pledging to reduce their carbon emissions to zero in the coming decades. But an analysis of publicly available corporate documents, such as annual sustainability reports, shows that 25 of those companies — which together are responsible for about 5% of global emissions — are actually making much less of a commitment.

Just 3 of the 25 companies — the Danish shipping giant Maersk, the UK communications firm Vodafone and the German telecommunications company Deutsche Telekom — have clearly committed to deep decarbonization, according to the NewClimate Institute. The science think tank, which has its headquarters in Cologne, Germany, published the analysis in collaboration with the non-profit organization Carbon Market Watch, based in Brussels. Thirteen of the 25 provide detailed plans that would, on average, curb emissions by just 40%, rather than 100%, over the next few decades; the other 12 companies have provided no clear details about their commitments.
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It's because we don't have the technology yet. Green is too expensive and inefficient to transition to right now.

And the globalists are dumb to say we only have 30 years. It would at least take 50, so to be reasonable the climate accord due date should be extended. Not enough time you say? Too bad! Better luck next time!
 
If green is too inefficient right now, the only treading water move is to cut back on the actual emissions through reducing non-essential production of fossil carbon emissions. Everything else just loses us time and increases the level of damage at the bottom
 
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IGreen is too expensive and inefficient to transition to right now.

That's relative when goverments have the power of taxation. It's less expensive to do over time with proper planning, obviously, but it's more of a impracticality issue. People are very unwilling to give up anything they have or have achieved. Especially if going solo or even in a small group. The problem is global while the solutions will be local for foreseeable future.
 
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