so , what do people think about Inventing the Schliffen Plan ?
You're not going to believe this, but I have thoughts. They are slightly different than the ones I had a few years ago.
It's undoubtedly one of the most historiographically important books in the field of the last forty years (although the original journal article in
War in History was the real kick-starter). A recent (published spring 2018) and outstandingly well-researched book on the army of Imperial Germany spent
multiple chapters discussing the implications of Zuber's thesis - even though Zuber originally published his article in 1999 and his first book in 2001.
In many particulars, Zuber is clearly correct. The 1905 (although it was finally finished in 1906)
Denkschrift, or position paper, on which most studies of the so-called Schlieffen plan were based, is not an accurate representation of the German war plan in either 1905 or 1914. The German right wing was never so absurdly strong as it was in the paper; the German military lacked the force structure to execute the plan even after the army expansion of 1912-13 (and certainly not in 1905) therefore it could not have been an actual war plan (which needs to make use of the actual forces an army possesses); and most of the actual deployment plans and exercises that we have of the German military strongly indicate that the war alluded to in the 1905 paper was never even
tested. Many of the other bits of received wisdom about the plan are also demonstrably false, such as the claim that the Germans believed they would defeat France completely within six weeks, or the claim that the Germans did not believe the Russian military would mobilize as rapidly as it did.
Zuber is right to point out that the entire notion of a "Schlieffen Plan" is faintly absurd and does little for the study of the war save create a mythical counterfactual in which the German military "would not" have lost the war. The 1905 memorandum is not a good source for the actual German war plan of 1914. Explaining away the differences in terms of what the German General Staff "ought to have done" in 1914 is pointless. The real area of interrogation ought to be
what the differences between them are and
why, and Zuber's explanation - that the
Denkschrift was a Schlieffen political argument for a more thorough mobilization and use of Germany's available manpower, and that it showed, as did many of Schlieffen's exercises, that attacking to the west of Paris was military nonsense, and that it was emphatically
not an actual plan for any military situation that existed for Germany at any point from 1905 to 1914 - is as good as any, and better than most.
Unfortunately, received wisdom is hard to eradicate. A recent German-language history of the war,
Die Büchse der Pandora, repeats many of the hoary old myths of the so-called Schlieffen Plan (although it is not fully up to date on other aspects of the war, either). Many other texts published in the last twenty years either ignore Zuber's claims outright, even when they are well sourced, or dismiss them out of hand.
Zuber has not exactly made things easy on himself. In his book, and in subsequent other works on the First World War, he specifically calls out other historians for being wrong about things to a degree that is probably too combative and violates a lot of academic assumptions about the collegial academic spirit. He's made a lot of enemies, even when he is right about things. And he is also not right about everything. For example, in his books he alleges conspiracy as the reason behind the German officer corps' efforts to claim the Schlieffen Plan existed. But other historians have shown that at least some generals seemed to genuinely believe it was a thing. The generals may have been wrong (this is the conclusion that, for example, Hughes and DiNardo seem to reach in the aforementioned
Imperial Germany and War), and many of the relevant officers made efforts to make it
seem like they were right, but Zuber's jump to alleging bad faith is a matter of some contention.
Another problem in his books is his discussion of Great Power politics as they relate to the French, German, British, and Russian war plans. In
Inventing the Schlieffen Plan he discusses the issue of war guilt in the July Crisis off the back of his Schlieffen thesis. Combined with his praise of Erich Ludendorff and Erich von Manstein as generals - the first one being a far-right ideologue and the second being one of Hitler's thugs - it can make the book read...very awkwardly. (At the very least, it exemplifies the US Army of the 1980s and its officer corps' transformation into Wehraboos.) At one point in
Inventing he says of the working history of Wilhelm Dieckmann that it probably would have been better off without Dieckmann inserting his political opinions; this is undoubtedly true of Zuber's own book as well.
Zuber's book also includes some military counterfactuals; he argues that some German generals did not do the most optimal thing, or the thing that was provided for in the real plan, in 1914, and that this was the reason they created their conspiracy to sell their alternate version of history. This is writing military history as an after-action report, which...well, it rubs a lot of academics the wrong way. Even in the area of military history, many historians are not soldiers and dislike treating the subject as an opportunity for soldiers to get better at their jobs. When Zuber further criticizes certain historians for being bad at their jobs for not understanding military terminology in the primary sources they're analyzing, you can see how that would lead to a lot of tension.
Many historians are willing to give Zuber's thesis a fair shake regardless of the more awkward aspects of it. Dennis Showalter, who is still a titan of the field, certainly does, as do Hew Strachan and Rob Citino; Hughes and DiNardo treat the whole issue as carefully and respectfully as humanly possible. Historians who have been personally attacked by Zuber are probably less willing to do so; the circumstances around one particular German-language conference on war planning were so acrimonious that apparently Zuber refused to give permission for the paper he delivered there to be published in the conference collection.
Inventing the Schlieffen Plan is the kind of book that usually causes a radical realignment of the field. These sorts of things don't happen quickly or cleanly, and the way in which Zuber chose to do it undoubtedly made the whole process messier than it should have been. But as long ago as 2001, in the first part of his history of the First World War, Hew Strachan was quite clear that Zuber had effectively destroyed the old narrative of war planning. Despite efforts by Zuber, Terence Holmes, Robert Foley, Gerhard Gross, and others, it's clear that the academy hasn't come close to deciding on a new one, but whatever it is, it will not be the same as it was before 1999.