Mexico Forever: A DOC Game

1971-1979: The Nuclear Era
With the invasion of Kongo a major success, ending any risk of attack from the region, the Great War began a temporary slowdown as the Mexican Army collected itself for a final push. The cities taken from the Kongo were placed under jurisdiction of the Mali government, and the navy soon prepared for a journey around the Cape of Good Hope and towards Baghdad to hit Turkey unawares.
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Soon, the invasion force had set sail, carrying aboard the ships many armoured units and several thousand marines.
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Back in Mexico, President Restrepo, Abascal and Borrega did whatever they could to keep the population happy, which proved to be a largely easy task now that the period of rioting had ended. The still plentiful surplus the government had maintained (aided by the occasional seizure of property) allowed the funding of many infrastructure projects, as well as general public works to satisfy the people of Mexico.
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As the Turks and Mexicans both quietly sized each other up before the final stage of war, the home front of both nations remained largely undisturbed. Each economy bustled as productivity hit wartime highs, yet outside of the airstrikes in the Balkans and on Istanbul by Mexican aircraft, little had changed. In fact, for the average Mexican, one would be hard-pressed to find evidence of dictatorship outside of the heavy restrictions on learning and speech, as the darkest aspects of the regime were more of an open secret that was politely concealed from the public eye.
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Mexico City, 1973.

By the end of 1973, the Mexican Union even arranged several new trade deals with the Republic of China to supplement the rising costs of war, continuing major culture exchange between the long-allied nations. Additionally, since China had maintained more traditional democracy, these trade negotiations helped show that the conflicts between democracy and fascism were, for the time being, motivated as much by pragmatism as actual ideology.
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In March of 1974, the Synarchist Party was seized by its first major scandal after an anonymous twenty-one year old girl reported to one of the few surviving communist organizations that she had been one of "Restrepo's girls". According to her account, which was deemed falsified by the federal government in order to sow dissent, the Presidential Palace was home to a lavish lifestyle. Restrepo allegedly kept a harem of women who sought wealth and power, and had taken to having all of his political speeches for radio written for him by Salvador Abascal and Salvador Borrego (nicknamed the Salvadores), who had taken to doing most of the political work over the last few years. Though there was minor outcry in urban centers where the news quickly spread, a swift backlash by the secret police and government action prevented a complete credibility shattering scandal.
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Mexican Youth arrested following the Palace Scandal, 1974.

As the Mexican Army headed towards Turkish territory, the airstrikes continued to harass the enemy state's core territories. Ideally, however, Restrepo (advised by Abascal) hoped to end the war without further loss of life on Mexico's side.
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The "Period of Fear" ended any rioting attempts once and for all, which began when thirty-six noted communist leaders, their families, and their friends, all vanished without a trace over a ten-week period in the fall of 1974. From that point, any major resistance was considered a death-wish when it came to challenging the Synarchist government, and the standard of living became so high that many "moral" Mexicans soon became complicit in supporting Restrepo's regime in order to maintain their lifestyles.
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The home of Yolanda Somar, noted Communist writer during the 1960s and 70s. On September 23, 1974, her house was found empty of all furniture and other memoribilia sans a lone couch. Somar and her family were nowhere to be found.

As winter hit the northern hemisphere, Mexican troops had arrived on the sandy shores of Iraq, and set up encampments on Western shore of the Euphrates, ready to strike when ordered.
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1975 would prove to a be a definitive year, not only in Mexican history, but for the entire global community. It began with President Restrepo reasserting his dominance of the Synarchist Party by enacting another one of his major plans; conversion. Jewish, Muslim, Buddhist and other non-Christian members of Mexican society were forced into restrictive Christian schooling and were soon subject to extensive scrutiny, with failures to comply leading to fines and eventual imprisonment unless "believable conversion" was achieved. The remaining native cultures in Mexican territory were subject to even worse treatment. Adults were relocated to internment camps not dissimilar to those political prisoners had been placed in, while their children were placed in Catholic boarding schools filled with abuse. Taking the "success" of their prison system, native american adults were released if they achieved conversion, or if they went through a surgical "procedure" to remove sin, that was little more than a crude lobotomy. Public knowledge of these camps was mixed, with many ignorant or at least pretending to be. These camps were the greatest horror the Synarchist Union enacted on its citizens.
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A Catholic School for native citizens, 1976.

On the positive end of Mexico's domestic development, the Mexican Broadcasting Network finally completed work on its central hub tower in Santa Fe, giving the organization notoriety and reach that soon reached international levels.
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Finally, 1975 also saw the official completion of Mexico's first Intercontinental Ballistic Missile; a globe travelling nuclear warhead. After completing another successful Pacific test, the Turkish Republic was ordered by Mexican officials to surrender and pay reparations for their aggression, or drastic action would be necessary.

The Turkish government refused.

On October 15, 1975, a nuclear warhead nicknamed "God's Wrath" was launched, and soon after hit the Turkish capital city of Istanbul. The blast destroyed over three quarters of the city entirely, and death estimates numbered anywhere from three to six million. Ensuing deaths caused by the radiation and fallout were difficult to track, but significant. Nearly the entire Turkish cabinet was killed in the devastation, leaving its survivors to beg for mercy, which President Restrepo gladly accepted, happy to avoid the likely similar loss of life a massive campaign would have required. The Mexican Army soon set sail to the Eat, to coerce a Siamese surrender before returning home. With God's Wrath, the world now lived in fear of Mexican might and the power of the atom.
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Mexican marines seized control of Singapore with little difficulty in January 1976: the last battle of the Great War, leading to Siam's surrender. Mexican troops maintained control of the island city, using it as an outpost and direct gateway to East Asia.
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With the Great War over, relative tranquility returned to Mexico over the next few years, even as an oppressive way of life under Synarchist values escalated. Many political rivals of Restrepo would be arrested after evidence emerged showing them to be "false catholics" and dissidents continued to vanish at an alarming rate, all a part of life in the Mexican Union under President Restrepo.
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President Miguel Restrepo, 1978.

Hoping to expand Mexican trade, Restrepo soon pressured the United Nations once more, this time to end tariffs in order to encourage trade. The vote was a failure once again.
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After 22 years in power, Miguel Restrepo's rule of Mexico would come to an abrupt, unexpected end on April 16, 1979. Flying back to Mexico City from a trip to Estrechos Fuca in the Northwest, the President's private plane experienced a malfunction and crashed into the Rocky Mountains, killing everyone aboard. Minister of Justice Salvador Abascal, who was supposed to be aboard but decided to drive due to illness, declared himself "saved by a sign from God". As the highest ranking member of the Mexican government, Abascal assumed the office of President, scheduling an election for a distant 1982, when democratic system "could be restored". With a single accident (or deliberate killing, as some believe), the shape of the Mexican regime had completely transformed.
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Restrepo's crash site.

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President Abascal, 1979.
 
Abascal must uphold the rule of God! Mexico shall bring the peace and stability of Jesus Christ to all the world!
 
1979-1982: A Long Time Coming
With the death of President Miguel Restrepo, Salvador Abascal, after forty-six years of campaigning for office, had finally become the leader of Mexico. Immediately, Abascal, a more moderate type of Synarchist than his predecessor, known for his pacifism, had Salvador Borrego forcibly fired and the Minister of Information position abolished. The registration camps for Native Americans, and strict catholic schools for Non-Christians were also promptly closed, though religious schooling was still required, as were certain other restrictions.
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Borrego in 1969, at the peak of his influence and ten years before his removal from office.

In place of Borrego's cabinet position, Abascal created a new position: the Minister of the Interior, intended to handle matters of culture, education, and non-judicial administration. To fill this position, President Abascal privately invited a Doctor Roger Bartra, a sociologist teaching at the last secular university in Mexico, the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA). Bartra was a noted sociologist, progressive, and "acceptable" critic of Restrepo's regime that had studied under the influential Octavio Paz, and now served in the federal government.
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Doctor Roger Bartra, 1984.

With plans to restore what Abascal called "a Mexican tradition of democracy", the government entered a minor shutdown as a changeover occured, comfortable without the extremely harsh nature of Restrepo, and a military bureaucracy that had once more begun to erode. President Abascal started the relatively peaceful "anarchic" period by stating Presidents of the Mexican Republic would no longer associate themselves with party lines, and that the senate and congress would hold their own elections in 1980 before head of state in 1982.
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Another major change between Abascal and Restrepo is their approach to traditional business. While the latter had been in many ways truly theocratic, Salvador Abascal had always been well-known for his pragmatism. Corporations were soon given more freedom and encouragement to grow, accompanied by further tax breaks for the wealthy.
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Skyscrapers in Mexico City's downtown, 1981.

President Abascal was also a noted opponent of aggressive expansion, and promptly entered a period of military de-escalation, leaving enough active troops for defensive purposes. Along with this, the secret police and intelligence agencies of Mexico saw significant cuts in funding, particularly for domestic operations, though international espionage remained largely undisturbed as the Bureau expanded its influence.
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After several years of change, following the 1980 elections, Mexico saw itself in an economic boom. Military spending was down, and economic activity was up, soon helping build a massive national surplus.
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Along with this came more changes to Mexican policy; this time in regards to foreign powers. The internal matters of the nation had been largely hidden, and borders almost closed, under President Restrepo's Synarchism. This too changed with Abascal. The restrictions on immigration were lightened slightly, though an emphasis was still placed on working-class Latin catholics above all others. Additionally, the MBN soon began broadcasting major football games worldwide, a highly-desired commodity that was followed by an increase in international trade; another bonus to the rapidly expanding economy.
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Mexican border, 1982.

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By 1982, this expansion of international trade and cooperation led to the rise of supermarkets in every community, providing cheap, fresh goods to every family. This was also aided by Mexican breakthroughs in refrigeration technology, which was now so cheap that fresh produce could travel the globe and stay in homes for months without spoiling.
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This led to a major improvement in health for the average Mexican citizen, almost all of whom now had access to the highly government funded hospitals. Life expectancy and GDP in Mexico had reached an all-time high as the nation entered its first presidential election cycle in twenty long years.
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1982 Election
Despite President Salvador Abascal's promise for Mexico's first proper election in twenty years, he has deemed himself the only candidate prepared to run. Many Mexicans, hoping that Abascal had finally brought change to a dark regime, are outraged, and protests have erupted. The President has promised that anyone will be able to run in 1988, however, once the restored system is fully functional.

Salvador Abascal (age 72)
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Incumbent president. Former advisor to President Restrepo. Former cleric, major leader of the early Synarchis movement. Domestic pacifist, strongly despises violent wings of synarchism. Wants to revitalize Mexican culture with an emphasis on tradition, celebration, and the Catholic church. Stimulate the economy with infrastructure projects and social projects. Attempt to encourage class cooperation by pressing upper classes to be generous like good Catholics. Hold a fair presidential election in 1988, free of party politics. Eventually liberate Italy from Russian rule. Continue to revitalize health, and promote good care of the Mexican environment, as it is "God's domain". Maintain dominion over satellites.
 
Protest

I demand to be able to vote for the full theocracy of Miguel! We must bring the glory of God to the heathens, by sword if necessary!
 
Protest

Anyone who would infringe the rights of the people to vote for whomever they want is not a suitable candidate. Down with the Synarchists! Down with Abascal! Death to tyranny!!
 
1982 Election: Results
Salvador Abascal: 1 (100%)

Riots erupt amidst frustration with Salvador Abascal's uncontested re-election!
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Following the 1982 re-election of Salvador Abascal to the Presidential office, an election where Abascal has served as the sole candidate, Mexican urban centers have been torn in two by two branches of protesters. The first group, made up of devout Synarchist Catholics have become furious with Abascal's clear intent to end Christian jurisdiction over Mexico, and have made their frustration known. The other major group of protesters, a much younger denomination, instead protest what they believe to be the President's "manipulative" actions; seeing his mild restoration of freedom as a ploy to allow people to support an endless Abascal regime. These two parties have been causing mass chaos in Mexican cities, made worse by their regular clashes with each other that police forces and the army have attempted to curb.

President Abascal himself has expressed mass dismay with these riots, and has noted he did not intend to seem desperate to hold onto power in the following statement;

"I hope for peace for the Mexican people, for the light of God to touch them. There is no need for this violence. It is unnecessary. The world always changes with time. All people within Mexico deserve a chance for freedom and happiness, and they will see the folly of rejecting God when the time comes and not before. It is not my place to force it on them. As for those who believe I have a thirst for power? I am an old man. I have lived a long and largely happy life. I have no children. I gain nothing from building my own personal empire. I will not seek re-election in 1988, that I promise; I am no Porfirio Diaz. God speed, and long live Mexico."
 
1982-1988: Mexico Reborn
Not long after President Salvador Abascal's victory in the 1982 election, during which he had run unopposed, major rioting across all sides of the political spectrum erupted throughout the Mexican Union. Extreme synarchists, demanding a return to theocratic law, clashed openly with pro-democracy movements, both enraged with Abascal's regime. Though the movements largely kept each other occupied enough for the military to easily quell mass chaos, several major cities such as Los Angeles and New Orleans entered a period of high-alert while tensions remained high.
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By the next year, tensions slowly began to ease with the official legislation that Abascal's current term would be his last one. Synarchist voices, which had never been truly dominant, were soon quelled almost completely as pro-democracy movements celebrated their major win at a federal-sponsored Democratic Conference in Mexico City.
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The average wealth in Mexico for all citizens continued to sky-rocket as new trade opportunities expanded their market. Abascal's regime continued to build a surplus, and rapidly prioritized polishing off the somewhat neglected universal health care system. This was bolstered by a nationalized supermarket chain (Mexico Markets) that hoped to bring fresh, cheap, healthy food to the masses, which co-existed peacefully with independent market franchises.
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Across the globe, in the Holy City of Rome, Pope Nicolas VIII passed away. Russia's tight grip over the church had been fading as the years went by, and now a Mexican bishop, Guillermo San Moreno became the front-runner in the apostolic elections. He would shortly win, being declared Pope Constantine II in October 1983, and giving Mexico another slight boost to their global influence.
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The booming economy continued to benefit the people of Mexico, who were now experiencing the fastest economic growth since Horatio Kobayashi's presidency. Salvador Abascal soon turned more spending towards his pet project of ecology; Mexican efforts towards natural preservation were soon far above their peers, something which many environmentalists look upon Abascal kindly for.
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Mexico's shift away from extreme nationalism and imperialism following Restrepo's death seemed matched by the rest of the globe: the end of empires seemed near. In January of 1984, this became clear when the British Commonwealth were forced to surrender nearly a third of their Indian territory to outraged Muslim rebels, who shortly declared a Pakistani state under a "fairly-elected" military dictator. Abascal once again worked with the changing tides, ordering the Saudis to give Pakistan control over Debal as well.
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Slowly, new regional structure was put in place to grant more autonomy to regions outside of Mexico's core that were nonetheless under direct jurisdiction. Soon, a system reminiscent of the territories of early Mexican history was in place, and elections for governors were being held across Latin America and the former United States.
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Noted democratic-socialist and Argentine-nationalist Johannes Luviwitz, elected Governor of Argentina in 1985, on the 1984 campaign trail.

Under pressure from a suddenly "democracy-friendly" Mexican regime, the United Nations soon placed economic and even moderate military pressure on dictatorial states across the globe, leading to mass democratization. Abascal's regime took an even more direct role in ensuring these states were fairly led by funding or otherwise supporting non-corrupt organizations or candidates, typically of Catholic or Western-friendly backgrounds.
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The turnaround for President Abascal's publicity from dire to fantastic continued as ecology took center stage for his last three years in office. By the start of 1985, a national recycling program had entered its nascent stage, reducing both the waste of industry and the cost of manufacturing, with protesting profiteers forced to accept the terms or face the wrath of Mexico's still strong federal branch.
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Within a few months, even more good news arrived; Mexico's first human-operated space shuttle, piloted by Rodolfo Neri Vela, completed its successful flight. A few years later, Vela hoped to land on the moon.
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A subsequent volcanic eruption later that year in the Colorado Mountain range soon gave some Synarchists the temporary boost in support they needed. The blast terrified the people of Sante Fe, and the ensuing ash devastated nearby farmland and ranching grounds for over a decade, despite minimal casualties. Catholic devotees of Restrepo blamed it on God's fury, though government published scientific studies alongside generous continued support to the Church discredited most zealots.
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On February 28, 1987, Colonel Rodolfo Neri Vela would achieve his dreams. After several more fantastic test flights, the shuttle Helios VI landed on the moon; Vela would be the first person to walk upon its surface.
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Feeling as the nation's status was secure, President Abascal soon hoped to isolate Mexico once more, though not in the economic fashion his predecessors had. Hoping to avoid future involvement in another global conflict, he instead ended Mexico's defensive pact with the United Kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland, leading to some complaints in both nations.
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Technology in Mexico, cultivated by research both private and public, had begun to race ahead at an unprecedented pace. Computers, once only used by the Mexican space program, were soon entering regular household use, and had become an official tool under Abascal's government.
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On August 1, 1988, President Salvador Abascal, aged 78, officially announced his retirement from politics, and refused to name a preferred successor for the coming election. Despite having been a founder of the synarchist fascist movement, and a key advisor in the central years of its regime, Abascal had restored democracy and denounced Father Miguel Restrepo. Salvador Abascal, indeed, had done good work: he had now turned Mexico firmly down the path he desired, and had made himself a hero to freedom in the process of doing so. He would pass away peacefully fifteen years later on June 16, 2003, at the age of 93.
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President Salvador Abascal, 1988.
 
1988 Election
As promised, the 1988 election appears to be Mexico's first free election since 1956, over thirty years ago. Thanks to President Abascal, presidential candidates are to no longer run along clear party lines. There is obvious division, however, over what is to be done with Mexico's vast formerly-synarchist Empire. The Pro-Secessionists all support the return of America's East Coast and independence for South America, while mild secessionists approve only of South American independence. Anti-Secessionists, however, wish for the nation to remain intact.

NOTE: Since there's only a handful of voters, choose three options, ordered 1-3. Option 1 is worth 3 votes, option 2 is worth 2 votes, and option 3 is worth 1 vote. Thanks!

Pro-Secession
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Rosario Ybarra (Age 61)
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Democratic socialist. Noted critic of Restrepo, arrested in 1978 before being released in 1980. Had a seat in congress as a member of the Socialist Party during the 1950s. Wishes to restore a Mexican society more like the one pre-Synarchism, with extensive social welfare and a policy for tolerance. Believes global co-operation and co-development is essential. Pay reparations to groups hurt by the Synarchist regime. Retain control of satellite states. Ramp up anti-Russian espionage. Fund revolts in Italy. Encourage a restoration of gender equality. Try certain Synarchist leaders for their crimes against humanity.

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Leamado Negril (age 43)
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Half-Apache who spent much of his young adult life on a reservation, from 1965-1981. Recently moved to Estrechos Fuca. Considered a "Northern" centrist, wishing to balance a growing economy with a need for more freedom. Major supporter of reparations. End satellite relationship with every state except Mali and the Philippines, who are too dependant. Maintain high research spending. Attempt to increase protectionism and close off global relationships. Develop new Minority Protection Laws. Supports businessman, politician and American nationalist Mark Crawford as President of the United States.

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Alberto Fujimori (age 50)
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Governor of Peru. Conservative. Continue to spread international influence, and thusly increase espionage spending. Maintain and seek to increase the size of Mexico's satellite network. Relocate the political capital to Los Angeles, as a much more accessible central hub. Cut research spending heavily. Continue to expand the Mexican military. Pursue the breakdown of rival satellite networks. Eradicate potential Synarchist and Anarchist insurgencies.

Mild Secession
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Doctor Roger Barta Meria (age 46)
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Former Minister of the Interior. Doctor of Sociology. Student of Octavio Paz. Believes Mexican society has been profoundly affected by its ruling regimes, to the near point of instinct, and must thusly be corrected. Control population growth by requiring prospective parents to pass a licensing test. Provide free birth control to men and women. Legalize abortions. Develop synergy between urban development and ecology. Keep research spending high, and increase if possible. Place cautious limits on international trade. Fund potential space colonization programs.

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Cuauhtemoc Cardenas (age 52)
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Career politician. Of Zapotec descent. Son of Lazaro Cardenas, who was executed during the Mexican Revolution. Populist. End satellites based on power instead of cooperative development. Maintain control of Colombia, but grant America territory. Lower taxes on corporations, and de-nationalize all industries except rail and heath care. Stimulate overseas trade to best of his ability. Attempt to negotiate Italian independence with Russia.

Anti-Secession
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Manuel Clouthier (age 54)
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Businessman. Billionaire. Restore free capitalism to Mexico, as it is clearly responsible for the rise in wealth. Wants to "run Mexico like one of his companies". Strongly opposed to Synarchism: ban the party. Has received an education in the military and engineering, turn Mexican agriculture into a national "superpower". Pressure other nations for even better trade deals. Highly charitable. Lower corporate and rich tax. Use corporations as the "new tools of Empire". Consider secession depending on profitability and popular demand in the 1994 election.

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Nicolas Yusuf de Carillo (age 26)
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Priest. Son of Ethiopian refugees. Orthodox Christian, a synarchist in all but name. Young and wild; likely to calm his beliefs with age. Believes the wonderful conditions in Mexico have been caused by God's approval of Abascal, who Yusuf believes was more "Christian than Catholic". Heavily increase welfare for proven Christians. Maintain a strong social hierarchy to keep the economy in check and God pleased. Avoid future space research, turn funds towards earthly goals. Only sees a divide between Christians and non-believers, sees all races and genders as equal.


Spoiler Political Chart, 1988 :

Should say N. Yusuf, not Gomez. Ignore M. Crawford, the potential American President.
 
1: Rosario Ybarra
2: Doctor Roger Barta Meria
3: Leamado Negril
 
1. Nicolas Yusuf de Carillo
2. Alberto Fujimori
3. null

Two questions:

First, why is Fujimori considered Pro-Secession when his platform has nothing secessionist in it, and in fact calls for a maintenance of the status quo?

Second, do I have to put a third vote? I don't really have any third I support.
 
1. Nicolas Yusuf de Carillo
2. Alberto Fujimori
3. null

Two questions:

First, why is Fujimori considered Pro-Secession when his platform has nothing secessionist in it, and in fact calls for a maintenance of the status quo?

Second, do I have to put a third vote? I don't really have any third I support.
Fujirmori is Peruvian, and part of his platform involves initial secession of Latin regions besides Peru, which he thinks is a strong bond. Sorry I forgot to include that, rushed to get this out since I took so long. And the null vote is fine, though it leaves me having to break the tie (and I'm choosing stability for now, sorry man) :)
 
Fujirmori is Peruvian, and part of his platform involves initial secession of Latin regions besides Peru, which he thinks is a strong bond. Sorry I forgot to include that, rushed to get this out since I took so long. And the null vote is fine, though it leaves me having to break the tie (and I'm choosing stability for now, sorry man) :)
Thank you for explaining

As for the stability thing, don't worry about it. Anti-stability wasn't the point of my votes this time around. I was voting for continued authoritarianism and the status quo, hence my vote for the conservative militarist Fujimori and for the (socially) conservative synarchist Yusuf. I just always see most of the democracy options end up being too utopian, and I want authoritarianism in these IAARs to stop working on the tightest rubber band ever; that being that whenever people are willing to vote for great civil strife or authoritarians, they instantly snap back to utopian mode the next turn.

I am fine with seeing progressives. I just don't like them charging forward too quickly, nor do I enjoy them going unchallenged. History has never had it where the progressives keep moving forward with little-to-no resistance, nor has "progress" ever been as linear as progressives in IAARs are generally portrayed. It has always been back-and-forth because you can't convince everybody, and society has to evolve before the politics can, hence why one generation's progressive would be another's conservative.

There is also the fact that I want strife to have actual lasting consequences.
 
Amazing story, newbie here to both the game and forum. Just spent the last 4 days procrastinating at work and reading your story, made me get the mod just to try loosing with Argentina as well.
Glad to finally catch up and see it's not over.

1. Nicolas Yusuf
2. Doctor Roger Barta
3. Rosario Ybarra
 
1988 Election: Results
Rosario Ybarra: 7 (30%)
Nicolas Yusuf: 6 (26%)
Doctor Roger Barta: 5 (22%)
Leamado Negril: 4 (17%)
Alberto Fujimori: 2 (5%)

Divisive election result shatters Salvador Abascal's unsteady peace!
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Synarchist insurrectionists pose for a photo for new, risk-prone "free journal" Explosivo.

With the end of the strict synarchist regime established by Miguel Restrepo over thirty years ago, the nation of Mexico has recently finished their first free election in years, with the population immediately clashing over the results. Noted progressive Rosario Ybarra has won with just over 30% of the vote, followed closely by her completely opposite, the neo-Synarchist Nicolas Yusuf.

Though Yusuf has happily conceded his defeat, the most militant of his followers have ignored his calls for peace. Led by a Colonel Jorge Favila Costello, an active militarized synarchist resistance has sprung up in response to the end of their power of the nation, to the decry of most politicians. Though the movement is too small to ever achieve victory, there are still enough troops to cause significant damage, especially with their attacks on major government offices.

President Ybarra has responded by attempting to keep the organs of government moving. Her political opponents Roger Barta and Leamado Negril have been named Minister of the Interior and Minister of Justice respectively, and rapid mobilization is taking place. Though the conflict has put a hold on full-on secession as planned, elections are still being held in soon free territories, including Alberto Fujimori being named the President-in-Waiting of the Republic of Peru after an intense campaign that ultimately left him essentially unopposed.
 
1988-1990: To Destroy...
With the election of fairly radical Rosario Ybarra to office, the Republic of Mexico has once again entered a period of dramatic change. With a much more modernist, globalist platform (if not more progressive) than most other leaders before her, the nation has entered an utter transformation just as Salvador Abascal had hoped to jumpstart.
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Change, however, never comes without resistance. The complete overthrow of Synarchist leadership, though years in the making, upset the balance of power some conservative catholics coveted. Many major cities erupted into complete riots as the government tore itself apart, with military uprisings in the south prevented largely by the return of loyalist Mexican troops from Latin America. Colonel Costello and a large contingent of troops formerly stationed in Dakota and the East Coast soon began carving out a fortress in the nation's north, preparing to take Dakota. Nicolas Yusuf, hoping to clear his name of association with these violent rebels, placed himself in voluntary house arrest, a move applauded by all non-rebellious individuals across the political spectrum.
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The military resistance did not dissuade President Ybarra's plans to make up for the acts of Restrepo's regime; not when the largely unified Mexican Army supported her. Before long, forty million in reparations were paid out to various ethnic or religious victims of Catholic oppression, a number so immense that many politicians publicly expressed their outrage despite the discriminatory picture that created. Additionally, a handful of Synarchist agents, many being members of the church, were detained for crimes against humanity. Their trials were rapid, quickly leading to life sentences, and many churches were either abandoned or even destroyed in the wake. The Catholic Church, controlled by Russia, soon decried Ybarra's actions as "Un-Christian".
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Catholic Priest Henrico Nazul on trial, 1989.

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An abandoned church.

As Mexico entered the last year of the 1980s, President Ybarra soon followed up with an unexpected adjustment to government spending. As research spending received extensive cuts, the new regime began pouring more money back into the Mexican Intelligence Bureau, which had been completed reconfigured as tool of pro-democratic espionage. The money paid not only for increase activity by Mexican agents against the Russian autocracy, but also in domestic matters related to tracking down and eliminating the Synarchist threat, which had largely been biding its time beyond car bombings and other terror attacks in the North and West of Mexico.
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Meanwhile, environmental scientists near Lima had begun to report alarming news. According to the International Report on the State of the Amazon Rainforest, the extensive use of fossil fuels in most energy development had created a drastic warming effect on the globe. Among its earliest consequences was the shrinking of the sensitive rainforest in the Amazonian basin, spreading alarm about nature's survival, amid some dismissals of "communist propaganda".
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Though conflict still raged on, consuming the actual powers of change for the Mexican government, President Ybarra soon began to make good on her promises of secession. On April 23, 1989, the Republic of Peru was granted its independence under Alberto Fujimori. Only a few months later, on July 4, the United States were returned control of the East Coast, though they remained a Mexican satellite. Freedom for other states was still to come.
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As national police battled city terror and Mexican troops began the march towards deep Colorado synarchist strongholds, President Ybarra still made sure her international presence was felt. Several of Mexico's satellites still held aspects of their legislation that Restrepo's regime had demanded, and Ybarra set about ending such action.
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By the end of 1989, the first true battles with Synarchist forces were truly underway. The guerrilla nature of the fighting was fearsome, but the advantage of Mexico's airforce made a massive difference. Carefully planned strikes forced enemy forces out of their hiding places, where they were swiftly cut down by armoured units and marines. By the end of the year, most of the Synarchist forces in Colorado had been destroyed, but Colonel Costello's forces in the north continued to swell.
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On Febraury 3, 1990, the world was dealt a massive shock. A nuclear missile was launched at Mongolia by Spanish forces, hitting the city of Ulaan-Ude and killing nearly 400,000 people. Only Mexico had used the power of the atom before, and most feared to do it again. It seemed other nations had no such qualms.
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During those early winter months of 1990, Colonel Costello's synarchists began the assault that would decide which way the war would go. With over thirty-five thousand troops having taken his side, a plan to take Minneapolis was soon underway, as the bulk of the Mexican Army rushed to stop it. Several week sof fighting commenced, made worse by poor communication and heavy desertion as Mexicans were forced to fight one another. Though the synarchist forces lacked the numbers of their opposition, they had the advantage of defensive ground and matched them in skill and equipment. Eventually, loyalist numbers overwhelmed the enemy, but not before nearly 30,000 soldiers were killed between the two sides.
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With the land north of Minneapolis left a devastated wasteland, Costello ultimately surrendered, and soon sentenced to life imprisonment on Alcatraz. Though his defeat signalled the end of full armed rebellion, it inspired outrage in Synarchist heavy population centers, leading to another wave of horrible rioting. Outside of a handful of "peaceful" Synarchist parties and remaining terror cells, however, the war was over.
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1990-1994: To Rebuild
With the major war between President Ybarra and the synarchists resolved, the bureaucratic machine could begin working as before. By the end of 1990, Argentina and Colombia had finally gained their full independence from the Mexican republic, and the full Mexican army returned to domestic territory. Though terror attacks didn't cease, the high levels of danger had been slightly lowered.
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Chaos in Mexico was nowhere near over however. On March 26, 1991 a class-5 earthquake struck Mexico city, leading to massive destruction and several deaths in the city's downtown. Though terror across the nation temporarily lessened, President Ybarra took advantage of the situation to declare a full state of emergency, starting with a temporary increase in federal provinces over the states, and curfew in Mexico City to help shut down Synarchist gangs.
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Some boons came to Mexico in the early nineties, despite the constant anarchy the nation seemed to struggle with. In Peru, President Fujimori had already been removed from power after a major scandal revealed voter fraud, which he attempted to quell with military action. The people of Peru overthrew their president and established new leadership, which quickly turned to ask fro satellite support from Mexico, putting them once more in their sphere.
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Across the Atlantic, after four years of extensive networking, financing and plotting by the Mexican Intelligence Bureau, Italy broke out in its first stretch of intensive nationalistic revolt. Though the Russian military machine was quick to crack down on dissidents, with Mexican support they were still destined to continue.
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Mexico's geopolitical sphere continued to grow. Korea's war for independence from China had left both countries fragile, leading China to beg their age-old ally for aid and support. President Ybarra agreed to allow China back into satellite status, but only if Korea was granted their unconditional independence. The Chinese President agreed, leading to the rise of the first unified Korean state in 300 years.
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A research breakthrough at the UCLA in 1992 led to the launch of Mexico's first government satellites: a tool for both culture and technology, but also unstoppable trends of espionage.
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In the United Nations, another Mexican was selected as Secretary-General by the voting caucus, likely influenced by the nation's return to democracy. This victory, alongside other diplomatic pressures likely led to the United Kingdom granting India their independence that July, a major step forward for global decolonization.
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Though it seemed the political landscape in the Republic of Mexico had begun to calm down, it was in some ways a facade enforced by Ybarra's regime. This illusion was shattered for the general public, however, following an assassination attempt on the President during a visit to Santa Fe by synarchist Fede Olvarez. Though unsuccessful and rapidly thwarted, the failed shooting gave Ybarra the support and drive to rapidly press the Anti-Terror Bill, or Bill D40 into law. The new legislation gave government agents permission to begin wire-tapping, and tp force citizens to register their political affiliations. Following the law New Orleans erupted into months of extended rioting, as a major home to remaining fascist sympathisers. Some citizens in the capital were happy the new laws at least ended the curfew.
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Chaos following the assassination attempt on Rosario Ybarra, recorded on live TV, August 5, 1993.

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Later that year, the internet, which had started as a communications tool for the Mexican military under Abascal, evolved into a world wide web. With the right infrastructure in place, people could now communicate anywhere almost instantly if they had access to a computer. Online trade became possible, gamers would recount the events of their strategy games as if it were true history, and the globe seemed a little smaller. Others distrusted the web as a tool of espionage, perhaps rightly so; the M.I.B. was able to use online contacts to steal plans for advanced Russian aircraft, and soon jet fighters were being manufactured for the national airforce.
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Online communication also made the organization Italian rebels even easier; curated by the M.I.B. By the end of 1994 the city of Rome had nearly become an open battle-ground between Russian soldiers and local secessionists.
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This was followed by another major development: the Islamic Republic of Pakistan volunteered to join the democratic sphere of Mexico's satellites, proving that the republic had dominance over global politics, regardless of direct governance.
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As President Ybarra's time in office concluded, Mexico had definitely changed. Equality and tolerance now reigned over terror and theocracy; but by all accounts a return to pre-Synarchist Mexico had failed, with the nation still policed far more than it had been in its golden age.
 
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